LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

GIFT  OF 

C 


THE 


LIYES  OF  THE  SIGNERS 


OF  THE 


Her  tetum  of  Stiftepettiwe, 


BY 


N.    DWIGHT,    ESQ. 


or  THE 
UNIVERSITY   Ik 

* 


OF 


PUBLISHED    BY    A.    S.    BARNES    &     CO 

No.    51    JOHN    STREET. 
CINCINNATI:    H.    W.    DERBY   &    CO 

1852. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1851,  by 
A.   S.   BARNES    &    CO., 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  Southern  District  of 
New- York. 


TO  THE  READER. 


The  following  work  has  been  compiled  principally 
with  a  view  to  its  introduction  into  schools,  throughout 
our  country.  It  was  believed  by  the  author,  that  a  gene 
ral  knowledge  of  the  distinguished  men,  whose  names 
are  set  to  the  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE,  would  at 
all  times  be  considered  as  desirable  by  the  young  and  rising 
generations  of  the  union.  That  the  names  and  charac 
ters  of  those  persons  who  risked  their  lives  in  defence  of 
their  country's  rights,  liberties,  and  privileges,  and  under 
whose  counsels  its  independence  was  achieved,  and  es 
tablished,  should  be  had  in  remembrance  to  the  latest 
period  of  time,  will  be  acknowledged  by  all.  The  his 
tory  of  them  wnich  has  been  published,  is  too  voluminous, 
and  too  expensive,  for  a  very  large  proportion  of  the 
community ;  and  altogether  inconvenient  to  be  used  as 
a  reading  book  for  schools.  This  publication  is  fixed  at 
so  moderate  a  price,  as  to  be  within  the  reach  of  all  who 
may  wish  to  put  it  into  the  hands  of  their  children,  or  to 
introduce  it  into  their  families.  As  such  it  is  submitted 
to  the  public. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES 

OP  THE 

SIGNERS 

OP   THE 

DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 
NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 


JOSIAH  BARTLETT. 

DOCTOR  JOSIAH  BARTLETT  was  of  French  extract.  His 
ancestors  went  from  Normandy,  in  France,  and  settled  in  the 
south  of  England,  at  a  very  early  date  of  English  history. 
One  branch  of  the  family,  in  the  seventeenth  century,  came 
to  America,  and  settled  at  Beverly,  in  Massachusetts.  From 
thence,  succeeding  generations  scattered  into  various  towns 
in  Massachusetts.  Stephen,  the  father  of  Josiah,  married  a 
Miss  Webster,  and  settled  in  Amesbury,  in  that  province. 
In  that  town  Josiah  was  born,  in  the  month  of  November, 
1729.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  received  a  regular  classi 
cal  education  at  any  college ;  but  having,  by  other  means, 
acquired  some  knowledge  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  languages, 
he,  at  the  age  of  sixteen  years,  commenced  the  study  of  me 
dicine  in  his  native  town,  under  the  tuition  of  Doctor  Ordway, 
who  was  a  distant  relative  of  the  family.  As  private  libra 
ries  at  that  age  of  the  country,  were  neither  numerous  nor 
extensive,  Mr.  Bartlett,  having  a  taste  for  literary  improve 
ment,  sought  and  obtained  access  to  those  of  gentlemen  in 
neighboring  towns,  having  early  gone  through  with  that  of 
his  instructor.  He  faithfully  improved  his  opportunities,  and 

1 


2  JOSIAH  BARTLETT, 

privileges,  insomuch,  that  at  the  close  of  his  medical  educa- 
tion,  he  was  deemed  well  qualified  to  commence  the  practical 
duties  of  his  profession. 

With  a  view  to  an  establishment  in  the  medical  practice, 
he  settled  himself  at  Kingston,  in  New  Hampshire.  There 
he  soon  became  distinguished,  as  a  skillful  and  successful 
practitioner,  and  acquired  an  extensive  and  lucrative  employ 
ment.  His  success  in  treating  a  disease  of  a  malignant  charac 
ter,  (denominated,  in  common  language,  at  that  time,  "  Black 
Canker,")  which  was  suddenly,  and  almost  universally  mor 
tal,  and  which  resisted  the  treatment  of  the  faculty,  gave  to 
Doctor  Bartlett  the  reputation  of  possessing  pre-eminent  skill. 
And  to  this  he  was  justly  entitled  ;  for  his  success  was  the 
result  of  deep  investigation,  and  decision  of  character  ;  a  de 
cision  that  refused  to  be  bound  down  by  arbitrary  theories, 
and  resolved  to  act  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own  judg 
ment,  in  cases  in  which  the  judgment  of  others  had  proved 
almost  universally  erroneous.  In  that  respect,  he  seems  to 
have  resembled  the  immortal  Sydenham. 

Perhaps  nothing  will  more  endear  a  man  to  his  fellow  citi 
zens  than  a  successful  practice  of  physic,  in  cases  where 
others  have  failed,  and  where  many  lives  have  been  saved 
from  immediate  death,  apparently  by  the  instrumentality  of 
superior  skill.  If  his  moral  character  is  irreproachable,  such 
a  physician  is  an  object  of  much  more  than  common  esteem 
and  respect  in  a  community.  Such  was  the  general  and 
professional  character  of  Doctor  Bartlett.  And  this,  com 
bined  with  an  amiable  temper,  affability  of  manners,  instruc 
tive  conversation,  uprightness  of  conduct,  inflexible  integrity, 
and  promptness  in  deciding  and  acting,  all  concurred  in  ren 
dering  him  extensively  popular.  He  was  also  a  stern  un 
bending  republican  in  his  principles ;  and  no  special  proffers 
of  royal  favor  would  allure  him  to  desert  the  path  which 
duty  pointed  out  as  his  course. 

He  early  received  the  commission  of  a  civil  magistrate, 
and  about  the  same  time,  the  command  of  a  regiment  of  mi 
litia  ;  both  of  which  offices  were  conferred  during  the  admi 
nistration  of  Governor  Benning  Wentworth.  In  1765,  during 
that  administration,  he  entered  on  his  political  career,  as  a 
representative  to  the  provincial  legislature  from  Kingston. 
He  there  had  opportunity  to  learn  the  mercenary  conduct  of 
the  royal  governor,  and  the  subserviency  of  a  majority  of 
the  representatives  to  the  will  and  views  of  the  royal  governor. 
Here,  though  in  a  minority,  an  upright  performance  of  his 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  3 

auty  required  him  to  oppose  measures  which  he  deemed 
corrupt,  and  to  record  his  vote  against  what  he  deemed  fla 
grant  violations  of  moral  rectitude,  on  the  part  of  the  adminis 
tration,  and  unwarrantable  usurpations,  by  which  the  rights 
of  the  people  were  wantonly  trampled  on. 

In  granting  charters  for  new  towns,  Governor  Went 
worth  would  reserve  some  of  the  most  valuable  rights  for 
himself,  and  others  for  the  benefit  of  the  episcopal  church, 
as  glebe  lands.  His  successor,  (who  was  his  nephew,)  and 
came  into  the  office  in  1768,  adopted  the  plan  of  his  uncle, 
re-granted  some  towns  that  had  been  granted  by  his  prede 
cessor,  and  chartered  new  towns,  so  that  they  interfered,  and 
clashed  with  former  grants.  But  he  was  never,  in  these 
acts,  unmindful  of  his  own  emolument.  He  always  took  es 
pecial  care  to  appropriate  some  of  the  best  tracts  to  himself. 
There  were  numerous  individuals  whose  interest  was  sacri 
ficed  by  this  conduct.  They  felt  aggrieved.  The  people 
generally  were  puritans,  and  felt  no  partiality  for  episcopacy. 
They  disapproved  of  the  grants  of  glebe  lands  for  the  benefit 
of  the  episcopal  church,  apprehending  that  it  was  leading  to 
an  establishment  of  a  privileged  order  of  religion,  like  that 
in  England.  Both  looked  around  them  for  a  leader,  who 
would  espouse  and  vindicate  their  interests ;  and  in  Doctor 
Bartlett  they  found  their  champion.  He  was  from  principle 
with  them ;  and  he  fearlessly  placed  himself  in  bold  opposi 
tion  to  regal  power,  in  support  of  the  rights  of  the  people 
which  were  already,  in  some  instances,  shamelessly  sacri 
ficed  to  feed  official  cupidity,  or  to  strengthen  the  arm  of  the 
ministry  at  home 

These  were  some  of  the  causes  which  operated  on  the 
feelings  of  the  inhabitants  of  New  Hampshire,  and  predispo 
sed  them  to  unite  with  those  of  other  colonies  in  open  resist 
ance,  so  soon  as  the  ministerial  usurpations  became  mani 
fest,  and  oppressive  to  the  people.  That  time  was  now  at 
hand. 

At  the  termination  of  the  French  war,  the  heavy  expenses 
incurred  in  its  prosecution  furnished  the  ostensible  ground. 
It  was  said,  that  it  was  waged  and  carried  on  especially  for 
the  defence  of  the  American  colonies,  and  that  was  made  the 
pretext  for  taxing  the  colonists,  that  they  might  be  compelled 
to  bear  the  burden  incurred  for  their  benefit.  The  colonists 
did  not  deny  that  they  ought  to  bear  their  portion  of  the  ex- 
pense ;  but  they  did  deny  the  right  of  parliament  to  tax  them 
without  their  consent,  and  without  their  being  represented  in 


4  JOSIAH  BARTLETT, 

parliament;  and  they  maintained  that  they  had  furnished 
their  quota  of  men,  and  their  proportion  of  the  expenses  of 
the  war.  In  1767,  Governor  John  Wentworth,  perceiving 
that  Doctor  Bartlett  was  a  leading  and  influential  member 
of  the  legislative  assembly,  resorted  to  the  same  measure 
that  Governor  Hutchinson  did  in  Massachusetts.  He  tried 
to  sway  him  by  the  gift  of  office.  He  appointed  him  a  jus- 
tice  of  the  peace  ;  evidently,  as  appeared  afterwards,  to  in 
duce  him  to  use  his  influence  in  favor  of  the  royal  interests. 
But,  in  this  he  failed  entirely.  For,  in  the  session  of  the 
assembly  that  next  followed  that  appointment,  Doctor  Bart 
lett,  true  to  his  principles,  strenuously  opposed  the  grant 
which  the  governor  called  for. 

By  the  year  1774,  the  opposition  to  the  British  interest, 
which  had  hitherto  been  a  minority,  received  so  many  acces 
sions,  that  it  was  foreseen  it  would  soon  become  a  majority. 
The  governor  resorted  to  a  measure  for  preventing  that  re 
sult,  which  evidently,  and  contrary  to  his  calculations,  acce 
lerated  it.  He  arbitrarily  caused  three  new  members  to  be 
added  to  that  body,  from  towns  much  less  populous  than  se 
veral  others  which  were  left  unrepresented  ;  and  because 
they  were  known  partizans  to  the  royal  cause.  The  impru 
dent  and  overbearing  conduct  of  one  of  them  alarmed  some, 
who  had  before  been  supine,  and  decided  others  who  were 
wavering,  on  the  side  of  opposition. 

The  conduct  of  the  governor  and  his  adherents,  keeping 
steadily  in  view  the  plans  of  the  British  ministry,  and  the 
successive  and  increasing  evidence  of  their  ultimate  purpose, 
which  their  measures  and  conduct  furnished — alarmed  the 
citizens  for  the  safety  of  their  rights  and  privileges,  as  Brit 
ish  subjects,  and  stimulated  them  to  devise  measures  for 
their  defence  against  ministerial  intrigues  and  despotism. 
Hence,  in  1774,  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  opposition  began 
to  hold  private  meetings.  Doctor  Bartlett  was  always  an 
active  and  influential  leader  in  those  meetings.  The  time 
had  now  arrived  for  the  assembly  to  display  the  banner  of 
resistance  to  British  power.  In  1774,  the  house,  conforming 
to  the  example  of  other  assemblies,  appointed  a  committee  of 
correspondence.  The  governor  took  the  alarm,  and  in  the 
exercise  of  his  executive  authority,  dissolved  the  assembly. 
They  dispersed,  but  on  a  call  from  the  committee,  they  as 
sembled  again,  and  acted  without  the  governor's  aid  or  au 
thority.  They,  by  their  circular,  requested  the  towns  to 
choose  delegates  to  a  convention,  to  meet  in  Exeter,  with  tht» 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  5 

express  object  in  view,  of  choosing  delegates  to  attend  the 
congress  in  September,  in  Philadelphia.  This  convention, 
among  other  important  transactions,  chose  Doctor  Bartlett, 
and  John  Pickering,  Esq.  as  their  delegates  to  the  general 
congress.  Mr.  Pickering  did  not  accept  the  appointment ; 
and  Doctor  Bartlett,  having  recently  had  his  house  consumed 
by  fire,  was  unable  to  leave  his  family ;  and,  consequently, 
did  not  attend.  Early  in  the  year  1775,  by  Governor  Went- 
worth's  orders,  his  name  was  struck  from  the  commission  of 
the  peace,  and  he  was  dismissed  from  his  military  com 
mand.  Several  of  his  patriotic  associates  received  the  like 
treatment  at  the  same  time. 

In  1775,  the  former  minority  having  become  a  strong  ma 
jority  in  the  house  of  assembly,  in  opposition  to  Governor 
Wentworth,  he  summoned  a  new  assembly.  But  the  incon 
sistent  conduct  of  General  Gage,  and  the  blood  of  Americans, 
which  had  been  previously  shed  in  Lexington,  Massachu 
setts,  had  so  far  roused  the  spirit  of  the  people  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  that  he  succeeded  no  better  with  this,  than  with  the 
assembly  he  had  recently  dissolved.  They  signified  that 
they  would  repose  no  confidence  in  the  propositions  of  the 
British  parliament  that  had  been  submitted  to  them,  nor  dis 
cover  any  spirit  of  conciliation  in  them,  while  they  were  ac 
companied  with  acts  of  open  hostility. 

On  receiving  the  communications  of  the  governor,  at  the 
opening  of  their  session,  they  requested  a  short  adjournment, 
to  allow  them  time  to  examine  the  important  measures  re 
commended  for  their  decision.  This  was  granted.  And, 
on  their  coming  together,  after  their  term  of  adjournment  had 
elapsed,  they  clearly  indicated  their  feelings,  by  expelling 
the  three  new  members  from  the  house.  This  was  done  in 
compliance  with  a  recommendation  of  the  convention.  One 
of  these  members,  having  given  offence  to  the  people  by  his 
language  out  of  the  house,  was  assaulted  by  the  inhabitants 
of  Portsmouth.  He  took  refuge  in  the  governor's  house. 
But  he  was  demanded  in  such  a  threatening  and  peremptory 
manner,  that  he  found  it  necessary,  for  his  own  safety,  to  de 
liver  him  up  to  the  people.  Thus  it  became  manifest  tha* 
the  governor's  authority  had  become  prostrated,  and  he  found 
it  necessary  for  his  own  safety,  to  retire  on  board  an  English 
man  of  war,  then  lying  in  the  harbour.  In  all  the  steps  taken 
by  the  patriots  of  New  Hampshire,  in  opposition  to  the  Bri- 
tvsh  projects  and  regal  authority,  Doctor  Bartlett  was  always 
a  consistent  and  uniform  partizan  ;  and  one  of  the  most  con- 

]* 


6  JOSIAH  BARTLETT, 

spicuous  leaders.  On  the  expulsion  of  those  obnoxious 
members,  the  governor  immediately  adjourned  the  assembly. 
They  came  together,  according  to  adjournment,  in  June. 
In  that  assembly,  Doctor  Bartlett  found  himself  encumbered 
with  arduous  duties.  He  was  not  only  a  member  of  that 
body,  but  of  the  committee  of  safety,  and  of  the  provincial 
convention.  The  governor,  however,  sent  a  messenger  to 
the  house,  and  adjourned  them  to  a  future  day.  He  had  re 
tired  from  what  he  deemed  an  unsafe  situation,  in  New 
Hampshire,  to  Boston ;  in  September  he  went  to  the  Isle  of 
Shoals,  within  the  limits  of  his  government ;  and  from  thence, 
issued  his  proclamation,  in  which  he  adjourned  the  legislative 
assembly  to  April  of  the  following  year.  This  was  his  last 
official  act  as  governor  of  New  Hampshire,  and  the  close 
of  the  British  government  in  that  province — a  government 
that  had  existed  for  the  term  of  ninety-five  years. 

The  absconding  of  the  governor  left  the  province  destitute 
of  any  legitimate  government ;  but  the  provincial  congress 
assumed  the  government,  with  the  approbation  of  the  people. 
That  congress  continued  the  existence  of  the  committee  of 
safety,  and  authorized  it  to  exercise,  during  their  recess,  all 
the  powers  of  civil  government,  executive  and  legislative. 
That  congress  re-appointed  Doctor  Bartlett  to  the  command 
of  a  regiment. 

In  August,  1775,  he  was  again  chosen  a  delegate  to  the 
continental  congress,  and  took  his  seat  in  that  venerable  as 
sembly  in  September  following.  There,  like  the  other  de 
voted  patriots,  who  had  given  their  whole  powers  to  promote 
the  cause  of  their  country,  he  attended  ably,  and  with  exem 
plary  fidelity  to  the  discharge  of  those  duties  which  were 
devolved  on  him.  He  once,  and  for  but  a  short  time,  visited 
his  family  ;  and  then  hastened  back  to  the  scene  of  his  pub 
lic  services,  and  devoted  himself  to  them  until  the  close  of 
his  term.  In  1776,  he  was  again  elected.  He  now  had, 
for  his  colleagues,  William  Whipple  and  John  Langdon, 
Esquires.  In  June,  of  that  year,  he  was  appointed  one  of 
the  committee  for  devising  a  plan  of  confederation,  for  unit 
ing  the  colonies  in  a  general  government,  to  enable  congress 
the  better  to  bring  forth  the  energies  of  the  country,  and  to 
maintain  the  arduous  conflict  in  which  the  country  was  in 
volved. 

After  the  Declaration  of  Independence  had  been  discussed 
in  congress  for  a  considerable  time  ;  it  having  been  ascer 
tained  that  there  was  a  decided  majority  in  congress,  ready 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  7 

.o  ™te  in  its  favor.  On  the  fourth  day  of  July,  when  the 
decision  was  to  be  irrevocably  made,  congress,  beginning 
with  the  most  northern  state,  called  on  Josiah  Bartlett  of 
New  Hampshire,  who  gave  his  answer  in  the  affirmative. 
The  other  colonies  being  called  in  regular  order,  the  question 
was  decided.  John  Hancock,  being  then  president  of  con 
gress,  first  signed  the  instrument,  and  the  next  signature  was 
that  of  Josiah  Bartlett.  He  was  the  first  who  voted  for,  and 
the  second  who  signed  the  Declaration  of  the  Independence 
of  the  United  States  of  North  America. 

He  was  again  elected  to  the  same  station  in  1777,  but  did 
not  attend  congress,  by  reason  of  ill  health.  But  in  the  year 
following,  he  returned  to  his  duties  in  that  body,  which  had 
then  retired  to  Yorktown,  in  consequence  of  the  British  hav 
ing  occupied  Philadelphia. 

After  Philadelphia  was  evacuated  by  the  enemy,  congress 
re-assembled  there  ;  and  in  their  return  from  Yorktown,  some 
of  the  members,  and  he  among  them,  were  exposed  to  consi 
derable  danger,  on  their  way,  from  those  freebooters  who 
were  stiled  "  Cow-boys." 

In  October,  1778,  he  obtained  leave  of  absence  from  con 
gress,  and  returned  to  his  family ;  where  his  private  affairs 
needed  his  superintendence.  These  had  suffered  derange 
ment,  and  sustained  loss,  by  reason  of  his  long  absence , 
and  he  found  it  inexpedient  for  him  to  return  to  congress 
again.  Consequently,  he  did  not  again  take  his  seat. 

After  his  return  to  New  Hampshire,  he  was,  in  1779,  ap 
pointed  chief  justice  of  the  court  of  common  pleas,  for  the 
county  in  which  he  resided ;  and  the  next  year,  muster- 
master  of  the  troops  then  raising  in  that  state,  for  the  conti 
nental  service,  for  a  term  of  three  years,  and  "  during  the 
war."  In  1782,  he  was  appointed  a  side  judge  of  their  first 
court;  and  in  1788,  he  was  promoted  to  the  office  of  chief 
justice. 

He  was  an  influential  advocate,  in  the  convention  of  New 
Hampshire,  for  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution  of  the 
United  States ;  and,  when  it  went  into  operation,  he  was 
elected  a  senator  to  the  first  congress  that  assembled  under 
that  constitution,  in  the  city  of  New  York.  But  he  declined 
that  office,  and  did  not  attend. 

In  1790,  he  was  chosen  president  of  New  Hampshire. 
He  continued  to  perform  the  responsible  duties  of  that  office 
till  1793,  at  which  time  he  was  elected  the  first  governor 
that  New  Hampshire  ever  had,  as  an  independent  state. 


8  WILLIAM  WHIFFLE, 

After  continuing  in  that  office  about  one  year,  he  closed  his 
long,  honorable,  and  useful  public  life,  by  resigning  the  chief 
magistracy  of  the  state,  and  retired  to  the  repose  of  private 
life,  enjoying  the  grateful  esteem  of  a  community,  in  whose 
service  he  had  spent  many  years,  and  for  whose  benefit  he  had 
devoted  his  best  talents  and  efforts.  Here  he  might  reflect,  with 
a  good  conscience,  on  a  well-spent  life  ;  and,  had  it  been  per 
mitted  to  him,  he  might  have  contemplated  with  pleasing  an 
ticipations,  the  rising  prosperity,  and  future  greatness  of  the 
nation,  whose  independent  existence  he  magnanimously  de 
clared,  at  a  time  which  was  appalling,  and  when  many  men's 
hearts  were  failing  them  with  fear.  But  he  was  allowed 
this  indulgence  only  for  a  short  season.  For  in  May,  1795, 
he  closed  his  earthly  existence,  in  the  sixty-sixth  year  of 
his  age. 

His  wife,  whose  family  name  also  was  Bartlett,  died  six 
years  previous  to  her  husband,  leaving  an  estimable  charac 
ter  among  her  surviving  acquaintance.  His  sons  are  justly 
distinguished  among  the  most  respectable  and  eminent  citi 
zens  of  New  Hampshire. 


WILLIAM  WHIPPLE. 

IN  1759,  when  he  was  but  twenty-nine  years  of  age,  Mr. 
Whipple  quitted  the  sea-faring  life,  and  entered  into  mer 
cantile  business  in  Portsmouth,  in  New  Hampshire,  in  con 
nection  with  his  brother  Joseph  Whipple  ;  and  the  connection 
was  continued,  until  one  or  two  years  before  the  revolution 
ary  war  began. 

He  early  espoused  me  cause  of  the  colonies,  in  opposition 
to  the  claims  of  the  British  government,  and  manifested  such 
an  ardent  patriotic  zeal  in  favor  of  his  native  country,  that 
he  soon  became  distinguished  by  his  fellow  citizens ;  and 
was,  by  their  united  suffrages,  appointed  to  several  offices  of 
trust  and  importance,  at  that  period.  In  him,  firmness  and 
moderation  were  happily  blended  ;  and  in  their  exercise,  he 
never  disappointed  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  his 
constituents.  When  the  citizens  of  New  Hampshire  deemed 
it  expedient  to  call  a  provincial  congress,  to  elect  delegates 
to  the  continental  congress,  Mr.  Whipple  was  chosen,  by  the 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  9 

citizens  of  Portsmouth,  one  of  their  representatives  to  that 
body.  He  attended  its  meeting,  which  was  held  in  Exeter, 
in  May  1775,  and  was  then  chosen  one  of  the  provincial 
committee  of  safety ;  an  executive  body,  whose  business  it 
was  to  regulate  the  general  concerns  of  the  government  du 
ring  the  continuance  of  the  war.  Soon  after  this  he  was 
placed  on  the  committee  of  safety  for  the  town  of  Portsmouth. 
The  reader  of  these  memoirs  will  doubtless  recollect  the 
great  importance  of  such  committees,  in  sustaining  the  cause 
of  America,  during  that  period  when  the  utmost  vigilance 
and  precaution  were  required,  to  guard  against  the  intrigues 
of  internal  enemies  and  spies,  and  secret  emissaries  sent  into 
the  colonies  by  the  enemy.  The  office  was  one  of  vast  'rn- 
portance,  and  required  constant  activity,  and  great  prudence 
and  firmness,  in  those  to  whom  was  entrusted  the  discharge 
of  its  duties. 

In  1775,  the  people  of  New  Hampshire  formed  a  tempo 
rary  government,  comprised  of  a  house  of  representatives, 
and  a  council  of  twelve  members  ;  Mr.  Whipple  was  chosen 
a  member  of  the  council.  Within  one  month  from  that  elec 
tion,  viz.  on  the  twenty-third  of  January  1776,  he  was  ap 
pointed  a  delegate  to  the  general  congress  in  Philadelphia. 
He  took  his  seat  in  the  month  following  for  the  first  time, 
and  in  the  course  of  the  year,  set  his  name  to  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence.  He  was  re-elected  to  the  same  office 
for  each  of  the  three  years,  immediately  following.  Within 
that  period  he  was  occasionally  absent  from  his  seat  in  con 
gress,  serving  the  public  in  the  military  department.  The 
remainder  of  the  term  he  was  president,  and  attended  to  the 
discharge  of  his  duties  with  diligence  and  fidelity,  until  the 
middle  of  September,  1779,  when  he  finally  retired  from  con 
gress.  Daring  his  continuance  a  member  of  the  great  coun 
cil  of  the  nation,  his  previous  acquaintance  with  maritime 
and  commercial  pursuits,  rendered  him  an  important  member 
of  committees  to  which  these  two  great  interests  of  the  pub 
lic  were  submitted.  He  was  appointed  one  of  the  superin 
tendents  of  commissary  and  quarter-master's  departments, 
in  which,  it  was  alledged,  much  irregularity  and  improper 
management  had  existed,  by  which  the  public  had  been 
abused  and  defrauded.  It  required  much  labor  and  patient 
investigation,  to  ascertain  and  correct  the  evils  ;  and  to  place 
those  departments  on  such  a  foundation,  as  would,  in  the  best 
manner  practicable,  secure  the  public  from  similar  abuses, 
and  promote  the  service  of  the  country  in  future.  To  these 


10  WILLIAM  WHIPPLE, 

duties,  Mr.  Whipple  applied  himself  with  great  assiduity,  and 
much  benefit  to  the  cause  of  his  country.  He  was  one  ol 
/hose  members  of  congress  who  assumed  a  firm  stand  in  op 
position  to  the  proposal,  warmly  advocated  by  some,  for  issu 
ing  farther  emissions  of  a  paper  currency,  after  the  continental 
money  of  previous  emissions  had  become  greatly  depreciated. 
He,  with  some  others,  contended,  that  the  system  had  already 
been  pursued  to  a  very  dangerous  extent ;  and  the  proposal  for 
carrying  it  still  farther,  was  fraught  with  extreme  danger ; 
and  if  actually  pursued  to  a  greater  extent,  the  apprehended 
danger  would  inevitably  be  realized,  in  a  total  destruction  of 
the  public  credit. 

In  the  beginning  of  1780,  the  office  of  a  commissioner  of 
the  board  of  admiralty  was  offered  to  Mr.  Whipple  ;  but,  for 
reasons  growing  out  of  his  private  affairs,  he  declined  the 
offer. 

In  the  year  1777,  while  Mr.  Whipple  was  a  member  of 
congress ;  at  the  time  when  General  Burgoyne  was  advanc 
ing  from  Canada  upon  the  northern  frontier,  at  the  head  of 
a  powerful  combined  army  of  disciplined  troops  and  savages ; 
by  whose  approach  the  border  settlers  were  threatened  with 
destruction,  and  the  whole  northern  and  eastern  states  were 
justly  alarmed  at  the  danger  with  which  the  country  was 
menaced  in  that  quarter,  Mr.  Whipple  was  called,  by  the 
government  of  New  Hampshire,  to  gird  on  the  military  ar 
mour,  and  go  forth  to  meet  the  enemy.  The  militia  of  that 
state  were  divided  into  two  brigades  ;  one  was  placed  under 
the  command  of  General  Stark,  and  the  other  under  that  of 
General  Whipple.  General  Stark,  in  obedience  to  his  or 
ders,  marched  with  a  part  of  the  force  to  encounter  the  enemy, 
and  check  his  progress  by  every  means  in  his  power.  He 
met  Lieutenant  Colonel  Baum  at  Bennington  in  Vermont 
with  his  undisciplined  militia,  and  gained  the  well  known  vic 
tory,  that  decked  him  and  his  patriotic  band  with  laurels, 
which  will  remain  flourishing  so  long  as  history  endures. 
While  General  Stark,  and  his  detachment,  were  gathering  a 
harvest  of  imperishable  glory  for  themselves,  and  achieving 
great  benefits  to  the  American  cause,  General  Whipple 
marched  at  the  head  of  a  combined  force,  consisting  of  a 
large  part  of  his  brigade,  and  volunteers  from  all  parts  of 
New  Hampshire,  to  join  the  army  under  command  of  Gene- 
ral  Gates  at  Saratoga,  and  Stillvvater  in  New  York.  When 
General  Burgoyne  was  compelled  to  surrender  his  army  to 
the  victorious  troops  under  Gates,  the  latter  appointed  Gene- 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  11 

ral  Whipple  and  Colonel  Wilkinson  as  his  representatives, 
to  meet  two  officers  of  the  British  army  to  settle  the  articles 
which  grew  out  of  the  conditions  proposed  by  the  commander 
in  chie"  of  the  British  army.  After  all  the  terms  of  capitula 
tion  were  settled,  and  preparatory  measures  for  the  purpose 
adjusted,  General  Whipple  was  selected  as  one  of  the  officers 
appointed  to  command  the  marching  of  the  British  troops  to 
the  encampment  appointed  for  them  by  congress  at  Winter- 
hill  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston. 

There  is  an  anecdote  connected  with  this  expedition  of 
General  Whipple,  which  is  deemed  too  valuable  to  be  omit 
ted  in  the  history  of  his  life. 

When  General  Whipple  set  out  to  join  the  army,  he  took 
with  him  for  his  waiting  servant,  a  colored  man  named  Prince, 
one  whom  he  had  imported  from  Africa  many  years  before. 
He  was  a  slave  whom  his  master  highly  valued.  As  he  ad 
vanced  on  his  journey,  he  said  to  Prince,  "  If  we  should  be 
called  into  an  engagement  with  the  enemy,  I  expect  you  will 
behave  like  a  man  of  courage,  and  fight  like  a  brave  soldier 
for  your  country."  Prince  feelingly  replied,  "  Sir,  I  have 
no  inducement  to  fight,  I  have  no  country  while  I  am  a  slave. 
If  I  had  my  freedom,  I  would  endeavor  to  defend  it  to  the 
last  drop  of  my  blood."  This  reply  of  Prince  produced  the 
effect  on  his  master's  heart  which  Prince  desired.  The 
general  declared  him  free  on  the  spot.  The  act  was  cer- 
tainly  highly  to  the  general's  honor ;  had  he  not  done  so,  the 
character  of  Prince  would  have  stood  forth  the  fairest  of  the 
two. 

In  1778,  when  a  British  force  was  in  possession  of  Rhode 
Island,  and  a  concerted  plan  of  attacking  them  had  been 
agreed  upon  by  a  combined  force  of  the  French  and  Ameri 
cans — the  French  by  water  with  their  fleet  under  command 
of  the  Count  d'Estaing ;  and  the  Americans  by  land  under 
General  Sullivan — General  Whipple  joined  Sullivan  with  a 
detachment  of  the  New  Hampshire  militia.  By  the  surpris 
ing  conduct  of  Count  d'Estaing,  one  of  the  fairest  opportuni 
ties  for  weakening  the  British,  and  of  obtaining  a  splendid 
victory  in  favor  of  the  United  States,  which  was  presented 
during  the  revolutionary  war,  was  entirely  frustrated.  The 
consequence  of  his  strange  and  most  unaccountable  conduct 
was  extreme  disappointment,  mortification,  and  disgust,  on 
the  part  of  the  Americans ;  and  impelled  by  those  feelings, 
many  of  the  militia  who  had  collected  for  the  occasion,  be 
lieving  that  nothing  valuable  would  be  achieved,  left  the  sei- 


12  WILLIAM  WHIPPLE, 

vice.  In  a  few  days,  the  army  under  General  Sulhrtn  was 
reduced  by  desertion,  to  nearly  one  half  its  numbers,  [which 
had  been  collected  for  besieging  the  British  in  Newport.] 
In  consequence  of  this,  which  was  the  result  of  Count  d'Es- 
taing's  perverse  conduct,  the  situation  of  Sullivan's  forces 
became  extremely  critical.  He  consequently  raised  the  siege 
of  Newport,  and  withdrew  his  troops  to  the  north  part  of  the 
island ;  and  soon  after,  crossed  the  river  and  retreated  to 
Tiverton. 

The  design  for  calling  out  the  militia  having  thus  failed, 
many  of  them  were  discharged ;  and  General  Whipple  with 
those  under  his  command,  returned  to  New  Hampshire.  He 
was  engaged  in  that  mortifying  and  abortive  expedition:  about 
six  weeks. 

The  people  manifested  their  confidence  in  him,  and  their 
approbation  of  his  services  as  their  representative  in  the  ge 
neral  congress,  immediately  on  his  retiring  from  it,  by  re 
peatedly  returning  him  a  member  of  their  state  legislature. 

After  congress  had  constituted  Robert  Morris  superinten 
dent  of  finance  for  the  government,  he  appointed  a  receiver 
in  each  of  the  several  states.  For  those  agencies,  not  gene 
rally  popular,  and  very  arduous  in  the  duties  which  they  in 
volved,  the  superintendent  invariably  selected  those  men 
whose  characters  were  established  for  strict  integrity 
and  patriotism.  With  General  Whipple  he  had  been  ac 
quainted  in  congress,  and  his  estimation  of  his  character 
may  be  determined  by  the  fact,  that  he  selected  him  for  that 
office  in  New  Hampshire.  This  took  place  in  1782.  He 
had  not  retained  the  office  more  than  one  year,  before  he  be 
came  desirous  of  relinquishing  it.  The  backwardness  of  the 
legislature  in  aiding  him  to  collect  the  sums  appointed  to  be 
paid  by  New  Hampshire,  as  her  quota  of  the  national  expen 
ses,  their  almost  total  disregard  of  his  communication  on  the 
subject,  and  the  sluggishness  of  the  state  in  paying  the  re 
venue  for  which  they  were  assessed,  so  disgusted  General 
Whipple,  that  he  urged  Mr.  Morris  to  suffer  him  to  with 
draw  from  the  office,  arid  that  another  man  might  be  appointed 
to  supply  his  place.  The  spirit  of  the  citizens,  and  the  dif 
ficulties  to  be  encountered  in  performing  the  duties  of  that 
office,  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact,  that  although  he  received 
his  commission  in  May,  1782,  and  he  had  labored  continually 
to  forward  the  collection  of  money,  that  he  might  be  able 
to  remit  something  for  the  public  service,  then  in  a  most  suf 
fering  condition ;  it  was  not  till  January,  1784,  after  peace 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  13 

took  place,  that  he  was  enabled  to  make  his  first  remittance 
to  the  treasury,  and  the  amount  of  that  remittance  was  but 
three  thousand  dollars.  Having  suffered  mortification  from 
the  constant  disregard  to  his  remonstrances,  and  repeated 
disappointments  of  his  expectations,  he  determined  to  indure 
them  no  longer,  and  resigned  his  commission  to  Mr.  Morris 
in  July,  1784. 

General  Whipple  was  appointed,  in  conformity  to  a  resolve 
of  congress,  one  of  the  commissioners  to  hear  and  settle  the 
dispute  long  subsisting  between  Pennsylvania  and  Connecti 
cut,  relative  to  the  Wyoming  lands.  They  met  in  Trenton, 
New  Jersey,  in  November,  1782.  He  was  appointed  presi 
dent  of  the  court,  and  during  its  long  and  arduous  session, 
from  the  eighteenth  of  November,  to  the  thirteenth  of  De 
cember,  he  conducted  their  proceedings  with  great  dignity, 
decorum,  and  impartiality. 

His  health  had  suffered,  and  had  become  impaired  in  some 
degree  by  the  fatigues  he  had  endured,  and  the  exertions  he 
had  made  previously  for  promoting  the  public  service  of  the 
country  ;  but  about  the  time  when  that  court  of  commission 
ers  met,  he  began  to  be  afflicted  with  painful  strictures 
across  the  chest.  This  infirmity  rendered  his  situation  not 
only  painful,  and  at  times  extremely  distressing,  but  very 
dangerous.  By  reason  of  it,  he  was  almost  precluded  from 
necessary  exercise  ;  as  even  that  which  was  moderate,  pro 
duced  violent  palpitations,  and  riding  on  horseback  sometimes 
caused  him  to  faint  and  fall  to  the  ground. 

It  was  the  custom  at  that  period,  when  General  Whipple 
retired  from  congress,  for  the  courts  in  New  Hampshire  to 
be  constituted  of  four  judges ;  the  chief  justice  only  was  a 
lawyer  by  profession,  and  the  side  judges  were  selected  from 
among  the  civilians  who  were  supposed  to  possess  a  sound 
judgment,  a  discerning  mind,  and  integrity  of  principle  ; 
these,  together  with  a  good  general  education,  were  deemed 
adequate  to  qualify  for  a  seat  on  the  bench.  Mr.  Whip- 
pie  was  appointed  a  side  judge  of  the  superior  court  of  New 
Hampshire,  in  1782.  In  an  effort  which  devolved  on  him, 
and  which  he  undertook,  of  summing  up  the  arguments  of 
the  counsel,  stating  the  evidence  and  submitting  the  case  to 
the  jury,  he  brought  on  a  violent  palpitation,  which  so  affect 
ed  him,  that  he  never  after  attempted  a  similar  exercise  while 
he  remained  a  member  of  the  court.  He  continued  to  ride 
the  circuits  two  or  three  years. 

In  the  autumn  of  1785,  the  affection  in  his  chest  became 
2 


14  MATTHEW  THORNTON, 

so  distressing,  that  he  left  the  circuit  before  he  had  complex 
ed  it  and  returned  to  his  home.  He  immediately  retired  to 
his  chamber,  which  was  the  place  of  his  confinement  to  the 
close  of  his  life.  The  nature  of  his  complaint  prevented  him 
from  taking  a  recumbent  posture.  All  the  refreshment  by 
sleep  during  his  confinement,  he  received  while  sitting  in  an 
easy  chair. 

He  gave  direction  some  time  before  his  decease,  that  after 
his  death,  an  examination  should  be  made,  to  ascertain  the 
nature  of  his  malady.  He  continued  to  endure  an  increas 
ing  distress,  until  the  twenty-eighth  day  of  November,  1785, 
when  he  expired  in  the  fifty -fifth  year  of  his  age. 

On  an  examination,  it  appeared  that  a  part  of  his  heart 
had  become  ossified.  Thus  terminated  the  life  of  a  man, 
the  commencement  and  early  education  of  whom,  presented 
no  greater  probability  for  rising  to  distinction  and  eminence, 
than  thousands  of  others  who  are  born  and  reared  in  this 
country.  To  him  in  the  morning  of  life,  no  stronger  motives 
for  exertion,  nor  animating  inducements  to  perseverance  were 
furnished,  than  are  placed  in  view  of  a  large  proportion  of 
American  youth.  Yet,  we  have  seen  him  rise  from  the  sta 
tion  of  a  cabin-boy,  to  the  command  of  a  ship.  Disembark 
ing  from  thence,  we  have  seen  him  with  the  feelings  of  ardent 
patriotism,  acting  at  the  same  time  in  the  character  of  a  mer 
chant  and  a  politician ;  possessing  the  confidence  of  his  fel 
low  citizens,  we  have  seen  him  promoted  to  high  military 
office,  and  through  successive  gradations  rising  rapidly  to  a 
seat  in  the  first  legislative  council  in  the  nation,  and  then  on 
the  bench  in  the  highest  court  of  law  in  the  state  where  he  re 
sided.  All  this  was  achieved  by  him,  aided  by  a  prepara 
tory  education  more  limited  than  is  acquired  by  hundreds  of 
youth  in  New  England,  from  year  to  year.  And  all  this  was 
affected  before  he  had  reached  fifty-five  years  of  age. 


MATTHEW  THORNTON. 

MATTHEW  THORNTON,  was  a  native  of  Ireland.  He  was 
born  in  that  island  about  the  year  1744.  His  father,  when 
he  was  about  three  years  old,  came  with  his  family  to  America, 
and  took  up  his  first  residence  at  Wiscasset  in  Maine.  Bat 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  15 

after  a  few  years'  residence  there,  he  removed  to  Worcester, 
in  Massachusetts  ;  where  he  availed  himself  of  an  opportunity 
of  giving  his  son  an  academical  education.  This  he  did 
preparatory  to  fitting  him  for  one  of  the  learned  professions, 
which  he  designed  he  should  pursue. 

Having  gone  through  his  preparatory  course,  he  selected 
the  medical  profession  for  the  object  of  his  pursuit,  and  com- 
inenced  his  professional  studies  under  the  instruction  of  Doc- 
tor  Grout  of  Leicester,  but  a  few  miles  from  Worcester. 
Having  passed  through  the  usual  course  of  preparation,  ac 
cording  to  the  usage  at  that  period,  he  began  his  professional 
career  in  Londonderry  in  New  Hampshire.  That  town  was 
originally  settled  by  Irish  emigrants  :  there,  among  his  native 
countrymen,  he  was  cordially  welcomed  with  that  warmth  of 
national  attachment,  for  which  the  Irish  are  distinguished, 
wherever  they  are  assembled.  His  success  in  his  practice 
was  answerable  to  his  wishes ;  for  he  soon  established  a  repu 
tation  which  gave  him  extensive  employment,  and  after  seve 
ral  years,  comparative  affluence. 

Previous  to  the  convulsions,  a  few  years  antecedent  to  the 
beginning  of  the  revolutionary  conflict,  Doctor  Thornton, 
with  but  one  exception,  spent  his  time  in  the  regular  pursuit 
of  his  professional  business  in  Londonderry.  He  joined  the 
expedition  against  Cape  Breton,  as  surgeon  to  the  troops  em 
ployed  in  that  successful  enterprise.  With  this  exception, 
no  occurrence  of  his  life  is  recorded,  demanding  a  particular 
notice,  during  the  intervening  period,  between  1745  and  1775. 
In  the  latter  year,  when  the  royal  government  was  subvert 
ed,  and  dissolved  in  New  Hampshire,  and  a  provincial  con 
vention  was  formed,  Matthew  Thornton  was  appointed  the 
first  president.  At  that  time  he  was  in  commission  of  the 
peace,  having  been  appointed  by  Governor  Benning  Went- 
worth ;  and  he  held  also  the  commission  of  a  colonel,  in  the 
militia  of  New  Hampshire.  He  was,  however,  an  attentive 
observer  of  the  political  measures  adopted  by  the  British 
parliament,  and  their  oppressive  bearings  upon  the  liberty, 
rights,  and  prosperity  of  the  colonists.  He  was  determined 
respecting  the  proper  course  to  be  pursued — that  the  oppres 
sive  system,  begun  and  adhered  to  by  parliament,  notwith 
standing  petitions  and  remonstrances,  must  be  met  by  the 
provincial  inhabitants  with  an  uniform,  firm,  and  united  oppo 
sition.  In  his  intercourse  with  the  people  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  he  was  actively  useful  in  exciting  and  directing  their 
spirits,  and  thus  preparing  them  to  assume  that  position  of 


16  MATTHEW  THORNTON, 

determined  resistance;  which  would  be  indispensable  for  the 
maintenance  of  their  civil  rights  and  privileges,  as  subjects 
of  the  British  empire,  or  as  members  of  an  independent  go 
vernment  adopted  by  themselves.  So  popular  had  he  be 
come  among  the  people  of  New  Hampshire,  that  he  was  ap 
pointed  president  of  the  government  formed  in  that  province, 
on  the  abdication  of  Governor  Went  worth,  when  he  fled  from 
apprehended  danger  to  preserve  his  life,  and  thus  he  was 
placed  in  the  station  of  chief  magistrate  of  the  colony.  The 
convention  was  comprised  of  men  not  educated  for  political 
life,  and  for  a  term  of  six  months  only.  Sensible  that  they 
were  not  well  versed  in  the  theory  of  government,  and  real 
izing  their  unorganized  condition,  they  applied  to  the  conti 
nental  congress  for  counsel  and  advice  how  to  proceed  in  that 
emergency.  They  adopted  other  wise  and  prudent  mea 
sures,  more  immediate!}'  affecting  the  conduct  of  the  inhabi 
tants,  during  the  interregnum,  which  were  productive  of  hap 
py  results.  Licentious  meetings,  and  acts  of  insubordina 
tion  and  lawless  violence,  but  too  common  when  men  are 
without  an  acknowledged  legitimate  government,  were  wholly 
avoided ;  and  the  public  peace  and  tranquillity  preserved, 
until  a  system  of  government  was  adopted,  and  put  into  oper 
ation,  according  to  the  recommendation  of  congress.  In  all 
these  proceedings  Doctor  Thornton  had  a  leading  influence. 

Soon  after,  their  system  of  government  was  adopted,  and 
a  general  assembly  convened  for  legislative  business.  Doc 
tor  Thornton  was  chosen  speaker  of  the  house.  This  was 
in  January,  1776.  In  September  of  the  same  year,  he  was 
appointed  a  delegate  to  the  continental  congress,  for  the  term 
of  one  year.  He  took  his  seat  in  the  ensuing  November 
and  was  then  admitted  to  sign  his  name  to  the  Declaration  o 
Independence;  although  the  vote  sanctioning  the  measure 
had  been  taken  on  the  fourth  day  of  July  preceding.  In  this 
indulgence,  however,  he  was  not  singular.  Several  other 
delegates  were  similarly  situated  by  their  not  being  present 
at  the  time  when  the  question  was  settled  in  congress  hall. 

Previous  to  his  first  election  to  a  seat  in  congress,  so  early 
as  January,  1776,  he  was  appointed  a  judge  of  the  superior 
court  of  New  Hampshire;  and  before  that  date,  he  had  been 
elected  a  member  of  the  court  of  common  pleas.    In  Decem 
ber,  1776,  he  was  again  elected  to  congress  for  the  term  o 
one  year,  from  the  23d  of  January,  1777.     Having  repre 
sented  the  state  of  New  Hampshire  during  that  term,  he  closed 
his  labors  in  congress,  and  withdrew  to  his  domestic  resi- 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  17 

dence.  His  office  of  judge  in  the  superior  court  he  retained 
until  1782. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1779,  he  left  his  residence  in  London 
derry,  and  removed  to  Exeter.  He  there  purchased  a  farm, 
and  divided  his  time  between  agriculture  and  his  official  pub 
lic  employments.  His  farm  was  very  pleasantly  situated  on 
the  margin  of  the  Merrimack  River  ;  where,  in  an  attendance 
on  his  diversified  employments,  some  of  which,  as  pastimes, 
served  the  twofold  purposes  of  recreation  and  amusement,  he 
spent  the  latter  years  of  his  life  in  tranquillity.  Being  ad 
vanced  in  years,  he  principally  relinquished  the  business  of 
his  medical  profession,  attending  to  its  calls  only  when  re 
quested  in  cases  of  special  urgency.  He  was  once  or  twice 
elected  a  member  of  the  general  court,  and  served  in  that 
capacity;  and  was  once  chosen  a  senator  in  the  state  legisla 
ture. 

His  society  was  not  only  acceptable  to,  but  courted  by  peo 
ple  of  all  ages  and  distinctions  in  society  ;  and  his  own  affec 
tions  and  friendships  were  warm,  ardent,  and  sincere.  Few 
men,  in  their  intercourse  with  mankind,  had  more  numerous 
friends,  and  still  fewer  greeted  them  with  an  attachment  more 
pure  or  fervent. 

He  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  divine  revelation,  and  a  con 
stant,  and  reverential  attendant  on  the  public  institutions  of 
the  Christian  religion,  whenever  he  was  not  prevented  by  the 
necessary  calls  of  his  professional  duties,  or  others  which 
were  indispensable. 

After  he  had  passed  his  eightieth  year,  he  was  attacked 
with  the  whooping-cough,  and  survived  it  several  years,  al 
though  it  frequently  affected  his  lungs  with  extreme  violence. 

In  1803,  being  then  on  a  visit  to  his  daughters,  who  were 
settled  in  Newburyport  in  Massachusetts,  he  was  removed 
from  the  world  by  death,  on  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  June, 
in  the  89th  year  of  his  age. 

His  children  who  survived  him  were  two  sons  and  two 
daughters. 


19  JOHN  HANCOCK, 

MASSACHUSETTS. 


JOHN  HANCOCK. 

THIS  gentleman,  who  made  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the 
period  which  preceded  the  revolutionary  struggle,  by  which 
the  American  colonies  were  severed  from  the  mother  coun 
try,  and  whose  name  stands  first  on  the  list  of  signers  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence — was  born  in  the  year  1737, 
near  the  village  of  Quincy,  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay.  The  spot  on  which  his  paternal  residence  stood,  con 
stitutes  a  part  of  the  estate  of  the  first  President  Adams. 

Both  his  grandfather  and  his  father  were  ministers  of  the 
gospel.  The  first  settled  and  continued  for  near  half  a  cen 
tury  in  Lexington,  the  town  celebrated  for  the  scene  of  the 
first  enterprise  of  the  British  troops,  and  the  commencement 
of  open  hostilities  with  this  country.  His  father,  John  Han 
cock,  seems  to  have  been  a  laborious,  faithful,  pious  minis 
ter  ;  a  friend  of  learning,  and  a  patron  of  the  literary  institu 
tions  of  the  province  which  gave  him  birth.  His  early 
decease,  which  occurred  during  the  infancy  of  the  subject  of 
this  memoir,  left  his  son  under  the  care  of  an  uncle,  who 
was  an  enterprising  and  successful  merchant,  and  had  risen 
to  wealth  and  eminence  among  the  merchants  of  New  Eng 
land.  This  affectionate  relative  took  the  charge  of  his 
nephew's  education,  and  sent  him  to  Harvard  College,  where 
he  graduated  in  1754,  at  the  age  of  seventeen  years.  It  is 
not  known  that  he  was  distinguished  among  his  contempora 
ries  at  college  for  any  thing  remarkable  in  his  application  to 
study,  or  in  the  brilliance  of  his  genius. 

Soon  after  he  closed  his  collegiate  life,  his  uncle  entered 
him  as  a  clerk  in  his  own  counting  house,  and  during  the 
period  of  three  years,  his  attainments  in  the  knowledge  of 
his  business  were  such,  that  in  the  year  17GO,  he  sent  him 
to  England.  During  his  residence  there,  the  death  of  George 
II.  and  the  accession  of  George  III.  occurred.  He  was  pre 
sent  at  the  funeral  of  the  former,  and  the  coronation  of  the 
latter.  Soon  after  his  return  from  England,  he  was  called 
to  mourn  the  death  of  his  kind  and  benevolent  patron.  This 


MASSACHUSETTS.  19 

event  left  him,  at  the  age  of  twenty -seven  years,  in  possession 
of  one  of  the  largest  estates  within  the  province  of  Massa 
chusetts. 

Having  an  ample  provision  for  all  his  temporal  wants  thus 
secured  to  him,  he  seems  to  have  relinquished  all  commer 
cial  enterprises,  and  to  have  early  entered  on  a  political  career. 

The  first  public  office  he  sustained,  was  that  of  selectman 
or  the  town  of  Boston.  This  is  a  municipal  office  in  every 
town  in  Massachusetts,  and  in  several  other  states  in  New 
England.  Mr.  Hancock  continued  to  perform  its  duties  for 
a  number  of  years. 

In  1766,  at  the  age  of  twenty-nine  years,  he  was  chosen  a 
representative  of  Boston  in  the  general  assembly  of  the  pro 
vince,  having  for  his  colleagues,  James  Otis,  Samuel  Adams, 
and  Thomas  Cushing ;  all  of  them  able  men  and  ardent  pat 
riots,  who  exerted  an  extensive  and  salutary  influence,  directed 
by  wisdom  and  sound  discretion  during  the  subsequent  period 
of  their  political  lives. 

Seasons  of  much  excitement,  in  which  the  feelings  of  a 
whole  community  are  strongly  interested,  connected  with  or 
resulting  from  measures  that  bear  upon  the  whole  people  of 
a  state  or  nation,  are  known  to  afford  opportunities  for  the 
display  of  talents  in  individuals,  which,  but  for  such  seasons 
had  never  been  made  known  to  the  public,  perhaps  even  to 
the  individuals  themselves.  Such  was  the  era  in  which  the 
subject  of  this  memoir  and  his  compatriots  in  Massachusetts 
were  ushered  upon  the  theatre  of  political  life,  in  his  native 
province.  Perhaps  he  was  more  indebted  for  the  rank  he 
sustained  among  his  fellows,  to  the  times,  than  to  any  pre-emi 
nent  greatness  of  talents  which  he  possessed.  His  talents 
were  beyond  all  doubt  respectable  ;  and  the  emergencies  of 
the  time  in  which  he  was  called  to  act,  furnished  the  most 
powerful  incentives  and  the  most  favorable  opportunity  for  a 
brilliant  display  of  them.  His  conduct  through  all  his  sub 
sequent  life,  evinced  that  they  were  adequate  to  the  occasions 
which  called  for  their  various  exercise. 

For  some  time  antecedent,  to  Mr.  Hancock's  entrance  into 
public  life,  the  measures  of  the  British  cabinet,  relative  to 
the  American  provinces,  were  of  such  a  kind  as  justly  to  ex 
cite  jealous  apprehensions  of  their  ultimate  designs  upon  the 
chartered  rights  and  liberties  of  the  provinces.  Such  a  jea 
lousy,  once  excited,  stimulated  those  who  had  the  best  oppor 
tunity  to  witness  the  course  of  events,  to  an  untiring  watch 
fulness  of  all  their  purposes,  and  to  provide  effectually  against 

2 


20  JOHN  HANCOCK, 

every  'insidious  encroachment  upon  their  privileges.  Mr. 
Hancock  from  his  infancy,  had  imbibed  an  attachment  to  civil 
liberty.  This  attachment  influenced  and  regulated  his  con- 
duct  to  the  termination  of  his  life.  He  was  placed  in  a 
situation  where  he  had  the  best  opportunities  for  detecting 
the  machinations  of  the  government  of  Great  Britain  relative 
to  the  provinces ;  and  he,  in  connection  with  others,  began 
early  to  concert  measures,  effectually  to  avert  and  frustrate 
their  designs. 

An  occasion  for  making  this  manifest,  was  not  long  want 
ing.  The  British  government  undertook  to  impose  duties  on 
foreign  merchandise  imported  into  the  colonies  ;  and  to  in- 
flict  other  injuries  on  their  commerce,  which  impaired  the 
colonial  prosperity.  These  measures  were  very  obnoxious 
to  the  people,  being  generally  considered  by  them  as  an 
unjust  encroachment  upon  their  rights,  and  an  unconsti 
tutional  infringement  of  their  chartered  privileges.  They 
early  determined  not  to  submit  to  them,  without  resorting  to 
all  lawful  measures  of  resistance. 

Mr.  Hancock  was  a  member  of  the  provincial  assembly 
for  the  town  of  Boston,  at  the  period  when  parliament  adoptee, 
those  obnoxious  measures.  To  procure  a  revocation  of  them, 
he  with  a  few  others,  formed  associations  to  prevent  the  im 
portation  of  British  merchandise.  They  commenced  a  sys 
tem  of  opposition  to  British  oppression  in  Massachusetts,  that 
was  afterwards  adopted  in  other  colonies ;  and  which  led  to 
the  pursuit  of  measures,  that  contributed  largely  to  the  se 
curity  of  their  liberty  and  independence,  against  all  foreign 
encroachments  in  future.  The  feelings  of  the  people  being 
greatly  excited,  a  predisposition  to  resist  every  aggression 
attempted  by  the  English  government  and  its  agents,  was 
every  where  excited,  and  was  ready,  at  a  moment's  warning, 
to  be  brought  into  action  when  an  occasion  should  be  pre 
sented.  Such  an  one  soon  appeared.  It  was  said  Mr.  Han 
cock  had  a  vessel  loaded  contrary  to  the  revenue  laws. 
This  vessel  was  seized  by  the  custom  house  officers,  and 
placed  for  security,  under  the  guns  of  an  armed  ship  of  the 
government.  By  this  act,  the  people  were  so  exasperated, 
that  they  assembled,  and  pursued  arid  beat  the  officers  with 
clubs  ;  and  drove  them  on  board  their  vessel,  or  to  a  neigh 
boring  castle  for  security.  They  also  burnt  the  collector's 
boat,  and  a  mob  rased  to  the  ground  the  houses  of  some  of 
the  most  obnoxious  and  active  partizans  of  the  collector. 

The  name  of  Hancock  was  only  incidentally  connected  with 


MASSACHUSETTS.  21 

this  transaction.  He  was  already  popular  with  the  commu 
nity ;  and  from  this  incident  that  popularity  was  increased. 
He  was  young,  of  an  ardent  temperament,  active  in  vindica 
ting  the  rights  of  the  people  against  attempts  at  usurpation ; 
and  above  all,  he  was  affluent  and  hospitable.  It  is  not 
strange  therefore,  that  he  should,  as  he  in  fact  did,  become  a 
favorite  leader  with  the  great  body  of  the  people. 

This  occurrence  furnished  a  pretence,  which  the  go- 
vernor  probably  was  glad  to  embrace,  to  justify  himself  for 
introducing  several  regiments  of  British  troops  into  Bos. 
ton.  His  ostensible  plea  was,  that  the  measure  was  required 
for  maintaining  tranquillity  in  the  town,  for  protecting  the  of. 
fleers  of  the  customs  against  similar  violence  in  future,  and 
to  guard  against  civil  commotions  among  the  inhabitants. 
There  was  already,  a  hostile  feeling  existing  between  the 
people  and  soldiery.  This  measure  of  the  governor  served 
to  increase  and  inflame  it ;  and  to  nourish  the  seeds  of  in 
surrection  which  were  even  then  germinating  among  the  in 
habitants.  They  regarded  the  armed  soldiers  as  the  instru 
ments  of  a  tyranny,  to  which  they  were  determined  never  to 
submit.  The  soldiers  despised  the  people,  and  the  people 
abhorred  the  soldiers  thus  quartered  among  them.  With 
these  feelings  and  sentiments  mutually  indulged,  it  required 
only  a  slight  cause  to  produce  violent  outrage.  An  occasion 
of  this  kind  was  not  long  delayed.  On  the  5th  of  March, 
1770,  as  a  small  party  of  British  soldiers  were  parading  in 
King-street,  an  assemblage  of  the  people  collected  near  by, 
doubtless  not  influenced  by  the  kindest  feelings,  but  on  the 
contrary,  provoked  by  repeated  insults  which  the  soldiers 
had  given  them,  assailed  them  with  snow  balls  and  such 
other  missiles  as  were  at  hand.  To  repel  this  assault,  the 
soldiers,  by  order  of  their  officers,  fired  on  their  assailants ; 
killed  several  and  wounded  more  of  the  citizens.  This  event 
is  stiled  the  Massacre  of  Boston.  This  occurrence,  in  which 
the  first  blood  was  shed  since  the  commencement  of  their 
contentions,  caused  great  excitement  in  the  town ;  and  al 
though  the  mob  gave  the  provocation,  the  inhabitants  viewed 
it  as  an  outrage  which  demanded  the  most  signal  revenge 
The  troops,  anticipating  the  consequences  of  this  rash  action 
to  themselves,  withdrew  to  their  rendezvous ;  and,  by  this 
measure,  were  saved  from  falling  a  sacrifice  to  the  enraged 
populace  :  who  flocked  in  from  every  part  of  the  town,  pre 
pared  to  avenge,  in  a  summary  manner,  the  deaths  of  their 
fellow  citizens. 


22  JOHN  HANCOCK, 

The  citizens  who  had  for  some  time  felt  aggrieved  by  the 
introduction  of  the  troops  among  them,  seized  on  this,  as  a 
favorable  occasion,  to  urge  on  the  governor  the  necessity  of 
having  the  soldiers  immediately  withdrawn  from  the  town. 
The  citizens  were  convened  on  the  following  day ;  and  they 
appointed  Mr.  Hancock,  and  some  others,  to  call  on  the  go 
vernor,  and  request  that  he  would  direct  their  removal  with- 
out  delay.  This  was  ultimately  accomplished,  though  not 
without  reluctance  on  the  governor's  part ;  nor  until  after  a 
second  deputation  of  the  people.  Mr.  Hancock  exerted  a 
leading  influence  on  this  occasion.  At  a  period  of  life  com 
paratively  early,  he  had  acquired  such  a  degree  of  confidence 
among  the  people,  that  he  seems  to  have  been  constantly 
selected  as  a  leader,  to  direct  all  measures  which  concerned 
the  public  welfare.  The  governors  of  the  province  succes 
sively,  and  the  partizans  of  the  administration,  watched  him 
with  the  closest  attention.  They  discovered  that  his  princi 
ples  of  government  were  opposed  to  their  measures,  that  he 
was  an  able  and  vigilant  sentinel,  watching  all  their  motion? 
with  a  fixed  determination  to  obstruct,  and  when  practicable, 
to  frustrate  their  obnoxious  designs  ;  and  stedfastly  to  vin 
dicate  and  uphold  the  just  rights  of  his  fellow  subjects.  The 
panders  of  power,  and  the  royal  sycophants,  would  gladly 
have  induced  him  by  intimidation  or  by  flattery,  to  desist  from 
the  course  he  had  adopted.  Both  of  these  methods  were  in 
succession  tried  upon  him,  but  they  were  tried  equally  in 
vain.  His  integrity,  though  assailed  by  addresses  to  hi? 
fears,  and  to  his  ambition  and  vanity,  was  found  by  those  who 
wished  to  detach  him  from  the  popular  interest,  too  stern 
and  inflexible.  He  was  equally  unmoved  by  a  proffer  of 
royal  favors  on  the  one  hand,  if  he  complied  ;  and  on  the 
other,  with  the  threatened  vengeance  of  his  sovereign,  if  he 
persisted.  These  facts  being  evinced,  he  became  highly 
exalted  in  the  public  esteem  ;  and  proportionately  obnoxious 
to  the  officers  of  government. 

On  one  of  the  annual  returns  of  the  5th  of  March  the  day 
of  the  Boston  Massacre,  he  was  selected  by  the  citizens,  to 
deliver  an  oration  commemorative  of  that  event.  This  he 
did  in  such  a  manner,  as  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the 
people  ;  but  caused  strong  feelings  of  umbrage  in  the  parti 
zans  of  the  government.  It  is  a  favorable  specimen  of  po 
pular  eloquence,  and  exhibited  him,  as  a  man  well  fitted  for  a 
popular  leader ;  better  adapted  however,  to  raise  and  keep 
alive  a  feeling  of  excitement  in  the  populace,  than  wisely  tc 


MASSACHUSETTS.  23 

regulate  and  guide  its  efforts  to  beneficial  results.  Happily 
for  the  country,  in  the  most  important  interests  of  which  he 
was  destined  to  become  a  conspicuous  actor,  he  was  asso 
ciated  with  others  whose  patriotism  was  as  pure,  whose  wis, 
dom  was  more  matured,  whose  discretion,  as  sound,  and 
whose  zeal,  though  less  ardent  than  his,  was  nevertheless  as 
persevering  ;  and  whose  integrity  was  equally  secure  against 
the  corrupting  influence  of  honorary  or  pecuniary  tempta 
tions. 

Having  been  early  elected  by  his  fellow  citizens,  a  mem- 
ber  of  the  provincial  assembly,  he  was  soon  chosen  -their 
speaker.  This  choice  did  not  receive  the  approbation  of  the 
governor.  In  1767,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  executive 
council.  This  also  was  displeasing  to  the  governor  ;  and  he 
was  consequently  rejected  by  his  authority,  in  the  same 
honorable  manner.  This  was  not  done  in,  a  solitary  instance 
merely.  It  had  been  repeated  several  years  successively 
which  had  the  effect  to  increase  his  popularity  with  the  citi 
zens,  and  seemed  to  have  become  necessary  to  his  fame.  It 
was,  however,  suspended  by  the  governor,  without  any  os 
tensible  reason  assigned  for  the  change  of  conduct  on  his 
part ;  and  he  gave  his  sanction  to  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
Hancock  to  the  council. 

Previous  to  this,  some  persons,  influenced  perhaps  by  envy, 
had  entertained  a  suspicion  of  his  integrity.  This  had 
been  put  into  circulation  with  a  cautious  industry ;  and  had 
the  effect  of  lowering  the  public  confidence  in  his  sincerity. 
This  change  of  conduct  in  the  governor,  from  open  opposi 
tion,  to  favor  equally  open,  was  considered  as  evidence  which 
justified  their  jealousy,  and  strengthened,  if  it  did  not  con 
firm  their  belief  of  a  depravation  of  principle  on  his  part. 
To  counteract  and  eradicate  their  jealousy,  and  the  effect 
in  their  minds,  of  art,  and  of  unsought  civilities  of  the  gover 
nor,  he  refused  to  take  his  seat  at  the  council  board ;  and  at 
no  very  distant  period,  pronounced  his  oration,  in  commemo 
ration  of  "the  massacre"  above  mentioned.  By  these  mea 
sures,  he  successfully  refuted  the  insidious  suggestions  of 
his  rivals ;  triumphed  over  his  enemies,  retrieved  his  waning 
popularity,  and  resumed  with  increased  favor  his  standing 
in  the  public  estimation.  Nor  was  this  the  only  immediate 
effect  which  this  line  of  his  conduct  produced.  It  reconciled 
those  whose  former  attachment  had  become  cooled  for  a  sea 
son.  He  was  restored  to  their  confidence  ;  and  in  the  same 
proportion,  his  magnanimous  display  of  firmness  and  integrity 


24  JOHN  HANCOCK, 

incurred  the  vengeance  of  the  British  government.  A 
man  so  influential  as  Mr.  Hancock,  the  ministry  would  gladly, 
by  the  use  of  any  means  in  their  power,  have  secured  in 
their  favor.  Intimidation  and  corruption  they  had  tried; 
and  tried  in  vain. 

Their  only  remaining  resource  for  destroying  his  influence, 
which  was  likely  to  oppose  them  in  all  their  measures  for 
oppressing  the  colonists,  was  to  put  him  out  of  the  way :  the 
attempt  to  accomplish  this  was  made  at  a  subsequent  period ; 
when  he,  with  his  untiring  friend  and  colleague, 'Samuel 
Adams,  was  excepted,  from  the  clemency  of  his  majesty,  in 
the  proclamation  issued  by  the  governor,  after  the  battle  at 
Lexington  ;  in  which  he  offered  pardon  to  all  whose  penitence 
evinced  their  submission — except  the  notorious  offenders, 
Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hancock.  These  had  been  too 
guilty  to  escape  punishment;  and  were  consequently  except, 
ed,  and  held  in  reserve,  when  secured,  to  sate  the  vengeance 
of  the  government. 

He  had,  for  some  time,  commanded,  with  the  rank  of  a 
captain,  the  cadet  company,  which  was  the  governor's  guard. 
Governor  Gage  removed  him  from  that  office.  The  company, 
in  resentment,  returned  the  standard  which  they  received 
on  the  governor's  accession  to  this  office,  and  disbanded 
themselves.  What  gave  a  signal  importance  to  this  mea 
sure  of  the  governor,  was  the  fact  that  the  company  consist 
ed  of  some  of  the  most  respectable  inhabitants  of  Boston. 

Governor  Barnard  was  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  Mr.  Han 
cock.  In  1767,  he  complimented  him  with  a  lieutenant's 
commission.  This  commission  Mr.  Hancock  tore  in  pieces, 
in  presence  of  many  citizens.  By  this  act,  he  gave  offence 
to  royal  dignity,  and  received  the  reprehension  and  threats 
of  the  governor.  He  was,  subsequently,  chosen  captain, 
with  the  rank  of  a  colonel.  This  took  place  a  short  time 
after  Governor  Barnard  had  taken  his  departure.  Dur 
ing  a  period  of  several  years,  immediately  preceding  the  bat 
tle  of  Lexington,  which  was  the  commencement  of  open  hos 
tilities  in  the  revolutionary  war,  the  conduct  of  Messrs.  Sam 
uel  Adams,  and  John  Hancock,  had  been  attentively  watche  d 
by  the  existing  government.  Their  influence  on  the  peo 
ple  was  strongly  deprecated  by  the  governor  and  his  parti, 
zans.  Various  attempts  were  made,  but  without  success,  to 
detach  them  from  the  cause  of  the  people,  which  they  had 
espoused,  and  boldly  manifested  on  various  occasions.  As 
these  several  attempts  proved  unsuccessful — as  they  would 


MASS  AC  HUSETTS.  25 

neither  be  frightened,  nor  allured,  into  a  compliance  with  the 
governor's  wishes,  it  was  deemed  an  object  of  no  small  im 
portance  to  get  possession  of  their  persons,  that  they  might 
be  held  in  safe  custody,  to  prevent  further  injury,  and  that 
they  might  be  brought  forth  to  answer  for  their  treasonable 
practices.  Their  consciousness  of  this  fact  brought  them 
much  together. 

The  night  preceding  the  Lexington  battle,  these  two  gen 
tlemen  lodged  together  in  that  village.  To  secure  their  per 
sons,  is  supposed  to  have  been  one  motive  for  the  expedition, 
which  resulted  in  that  sanguinary  conflict. 

They  narrowly  escaped  being  captured.  For  as  the  party 
detached  for  securing  them,  entered  the  house  in  which  they 
lodged,  by  one  avenue,  they  retired  through  another,  and 
thus  eluded  their  pursuers,  at  the  moment  when  they  believed 
they  had  secured  their  victims.  The  governor,  mortified 
and  incensed  by  his  failure,  issued  his  proclamation,  by  the 
terms  of  which,  they  were  cut  off  from  all  hope  of  clemency, 
even  should  they  voluntarily  surrender  themselves.  This  ex 
clusion  was  viewed  by  their  fellow  citizens,  as  an  honorable 
distinction  in  their  favor ;  since  it  clearly  indicated  the  de 
gree  of  importance,  which  the  enemies  of  their  liberty  attach 
ed  to  their  characters  and  influence.  In  proportion  as  they 
were  feared  and  proscribed  by  the  governor  and  his  adher 
ents,  they  were  exalted  and  confirmed  in  the  esteem  and  af 
fections  of  the  people. 

The  provincial  congress  of  Massachusetts,  in  October 
1774,  unanimously  elected  Hancock  their  president.  In 
the  following  year  he  was  chosen  president  of  the  continen 
tal  congress.  The  office  was  the  most  honorable  distinction 
his  country  could  confer  on  him.  He  was  peculiarly  qualified 
to  discharge  its  arduous  duties,  with  benefit  to  the  country, 
and  honor  to  himself,  by  his  previous  experience  as  a  pre 
siding  officer,  in  various  deliberative  assemblies,  in  his  na 
tive  state  ;  and  by  reason  of  a  dignity  of  manners,  always  de 
sirable  in  such  an  office,  and  which  he  possessed  in  a  pre-emi 
nent  degree.  This  distinguished  office  he  held  on  the  ever 
memorable  fourth  of  July,  1776;  and  hence  his  signature 
stands  foremost  on  the  Declaration  of  Independence  of  the 
United  States  of  North  America.  It  may  be  added  in  this 
place,  that  the  most  important  document,  in  which  every  Ameri 
can  citizen  feels  the  most  lively  interest,  when  first  publish 
ed,  went  abroad  to  the  world,  with  the  name  of  John  Han- 

3 


26  JOHN  HANCOCK, 

cock  only  subscribed  to  it.  This  fact,  though  the  result  of 
his  official  station,  gave  signal  importance  to  the  man,  in  the 
public  estimation  for  a  season  ;  and  served,  in  no  inconsidera 
ble  degree,  to  enhance  his  fame. 

He  entered  on  the  discharge  of  the  arduous,  and  somewhat 
embarrassing  duties  of  his  office,  with  a  becoming  modesty, 
highly  proper  in  itself,  and  becoming  in  him,  in  the  presence 
of  a  number  of  distinguished  men,  his  seniors  in  age  and  ex- 
perience.  Those  duties  he  performed  with  such  an  appro 
priate  wisdom,  and  such  a  display  of  personal  dignity,  as  de 
manded  and  received  the  approbation  even  of  his  enemies. 

In  1777,  he  resigned  the  office  of  president  of  congress, 
and  retired  to  his  native  residence.  He  was  induced  to  take 
this  measure,  by  long  continued  application  to  the  arduous 
duties  which  had  devolved  on  him,  and  by  the  increasing 
ravages  of  the  gout,  by  which  his  health  was  considerably 
impaired.  In  this  retirement  to  domestic  life,  the  esteem  and 
applause  of  his  countrymen  followed  him ;  which  they  espe 
cially  evinced  by  public  and  splendid  demonstrations. 

But  he  was  not  suffered  long  to  enjoy  the  tranquil  plea 
sures  of  domestic  retirement,  for  he  was  elected  a  member 
of  the  convention  which  was  appointed  about  this  time,  to 
form  a  constitution  of  government  for  the  commonwealth  of 
Massachusetts.  Inaction  has  few  attractions  for  a  man  who 
has  been  used  to  an  active  life.  Such  a  man  was  Hancock. 
As  might  have  been  anticipated  from  a  knowledge  of  his  es 
tablished  character,  he  was  very  assiduous  and  faithful  in  the 
discharge  of  those  public  duties  which  that  important  station 
devolved  on  him, 

After  the  constitution  was  adopted  by  the  people  of  that 
state,  Hancock  had  the  honor  conferred  on  him,  of  being 
chosen  the  first  governor  of  that  commonwealth,  and  was  the 
first  man  ever  preferred  to  that  station,  who  derived  his  au 
thority  from  the  voluntary  suffrages  of  a  free  people.  To 
that  office  he  was  annually  chosen,  five  years  successively. 
And  after  two  years,  during  which,  the  office  was  conferred 
iipon  the  honorable  James  Bowdoin,  he  was  again  elected, 
and  by  annual  reappointment,  held  the  office  to  the  close  of 
his  life. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  period  intervening  between  the 
termination  of  the  revolutionary  war,  and  the  adoption  of  the 
federal  constitution  of  government,  was  a  season  of  great 
agitation  and  solicitude,  throughout  the  country.  During  the 
struggle  for  securing  the  national  independence,  a  feeling  ot 


MASSACHUSETTS.  27 

common  interest,  and  a  sense  of  common  danger,  influenced 
the  states,  under  the  old  confederation,  to  act  in  concert. 
And  this,  in  the  existing  state  of  the  country,  was  found  ade 
quate  to  the  great  purposes  for  which  it  was  formed.  But 
after  the  war  was  terminated,  and  the  people  had  time  to  at 
tend  to  their  own  immediate  concerns,  experience  soon  taught 
them  that  there  was  a  deficiency  in  the  general  government, 
which  rendered  it  unfit  to  answer  the  necessities  of  a  na 
tion,  comprised,  as  this  was,  of  a  number  of  independent  sove 
reignties.  Conflicting  interests  of  different  states  were 
found  to  operate  injuriously  on  those  of  individuals,  in  their 
commercial  transactions.^/ -One  state,  as  a  sovereign  power, 
claimed  a  right  to  exact  an  impost  duty  on  the  citizens  of 
another.  This,  as  was  natural,  excited  a  disposition  to  re-* 
taliate.  The  people  were  impoverished  by  the  expenses  of 
the  war.  Many  were  in  debt.  Creditors  resorted  to  legal 
measures  to  enforce  a  collection  of  their  demands,  which  in 
volved  many  families  in  deep  embarrassment.  Taxes  for  the 
support  of  government,  though  indispensable,  by  many  were 
deemed  exorbitant;  and  their  collection  resisted.  £t)wing  to 
these  and  other  causes,  a  spirit  of  disaffection  to  government 
prevailed  extensively  in  New  England:  and  in  Massachusetts,  it 
at  length  broke  out  in  an  open  insurrection.  \Wise  reflecting 
men  perceived  the  necessity  of  a  remedy*Tor  these  evils. 
This  was  eventually  sought  and  obtained  in  the  formation, 
adoption,  and  successful  operation  of  the  federal  constitution 
of  government,  under  which  we  now  live. 

During  this  period,  almost  a  period  of  anarchy,  Mr.  Han- 
cock  was  called  to  administer  the  government  of  Massachu- 
setts.  The  difficulties  which  he  had  to  encounter  were  many 
and  perplexing.  With  the  aid  of  his  compatriots  he  was 
enabled  to  surmount  them.  Insurrection  was  subdued  ;  and 
gradually  the  agitation  of  the  public  feeling  settled  into  a 
state  of  tranquillity,  worthy  of  a  people,  who,  under  difficulties 
and  burdens  almost  unparalleled,  had  achieved  their  inde 
pendence.  He  was  not  exempted,  however,  from  imputa 
tions  of  being  actuated  by  sinister  motives,  unworthy  at  all 
times  of  distinguished  public  characters.  And,  in  this  res 
pect,  he  was  not  singular.  For  no  purity  of  character — no 
professions  of  disinterested  intentions — no  line  of  conduct, 
corresponding  with  such  professions,  during  a  long  life,  ac 
tively  devoted  to  his  fellow  men,  could  secure  the  great 
Washington  from  similar  aspersions,  generated  by  envy  in 
the  breasts  of  those  who  uttered  them. 


28  JOHN  HANCOCK, 

Mr.  Hancock  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts 
convention,  for  discussing  the  great  question  of  adopting  or 
rejecting  the  federal  constitution.  In  that  body,  the  constitu 
tion  met  with  many  opposers.  It  was  believed  that  these  con . 
stituted  a  majority  of  the  members.  Probably  owing  to  the 
impression  which  prevailed,  that  he  disapproved  of  it,  he  was 
chosen  president  of  the  convention.  But  sickness  prevented 
him  from  taking  his  seat,  till  the  last  week  of  their  session. 
He  then  attended,  and  voted  in  favor  of  its  adoption.  Its 
adoption  by  Massachusetts,  about  which,  many  fears  were 
entertained  in  other  states,  was  probably  effected,  in  a  great 
measure,  by  his  influence,  activity,  and  personal  efforts  to  ob 
viate  the  objections  of  many  opposing  members.  But  for  his 
exertions  in  its  favor,  there  is  a  strong  probability  that  the 
constitution  would  have  been  rejected  by  that  commonwealth. 

After  the  general  government  was  organized,  and  had 
gone  into  operation,  in  a  suit  against  that  state,  before  the 
court  of  the  United  States,  he  was  summoned,  as  governor,  to 
answer  the  prosecution.  He  resisted  the  process,  on  the  ground, 
that  an  independent  sovereign  state  could  not  be  arraigned 
before  a  civil  court  to  be  tried.  In  this  resistance  he  was 
successful.  And  a  recurrence  of  such  an  event  was  prevented 
by  an  amendment  of  the  federal  constitution.  By  this  act, 
which  was  one  of  the  last  of  his  eventful  life,  he  probably  in 
troduced  a  barrier  against  many  controversies,  which  would 
otherwise  have  ensued,  and  have  disturbed  the  public  harmony 
with  acrimonious  contentions. 

About  twenty  years  before  his  death,  he  married  a  Miss 
Quincy,  a  native  of  Boston,  and  a  member  of  one  of  the  most 
ancient,  and  distinguished  families  of  New  England.  His 
only  son  dying  in  his  youth,  he  was  left  without  a  child  tc 
perpetuate  his  name,  or  to  inherit  his  fortune. 

That  Hancock  was  a  popular  leader  in  his  native  common 
wealth,  is  admitted  by  friends  and  foes.  No  rival  competition 
for  office  could  run  successively  against  him.  That  he  was 
fond  of  popular  favor  cannot  be  denied ;  but  he  sustained  the 
imputation  of  having  sought  it  at  times,  by  methods  not  wholly 
commendable.  That  he  was  well  fitted  for  the  times  in  which 
he  lived,  and  for  the  theatre  on  which  he  acted  a  most  con 
spicuous  part,  will  now  be  acknowledged  by  all  who  are  ac 
quainted  with  the  history  of  his  life — and  that  he  was  a  bene 
factor  to  his  country,  will  not  be  called  in  question  by  pos 
terity 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


JOHN  ADAMS.  , 


This  gentleman,  who  was  destined,  in  the  course  of  Provi. 
dence,  to  act  a  conspicuous  part  in  events  which  led  to,  and 
introduced  the  revolutionary  struggle  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  American  colonies,  and  to  become  a  leader  of  dis 
tinguished  eminence  in  the  civil  concerns  connected  with 
that  great  event,  was  born  at  Quincy  in  Massachusetts,  a 
short  distance  from  Boston,  on  the  nineteenth  day  of  October, 
(O.  S.)  1735.  He  was  a  lineal  descenderit,  in  the  fourth 
generation,  from  Henry  Adams,  who  fled  from  persecution  in 
England  ;  and,  maternally,  from  John  Alden,  who  was  one 
of  the  Pilgrims  who  landed  on  the  Plymouth-rock,  and  sought, 
with  that  worthy  band  of  pious  adventurers,  an  ayslum 
for  civil  and  religious  liberty,  which  was  denied  them  in  their 
native  country.  The  first  settlers  of  this  country,  having  been 
long  refused  the  enjoyment  of  their  natural  rights  "  at  home," 
(as  it  was  then  called,)  had,  before  they  embarked,  acquired 
a  clear  and  definite  understanding  of  what  constituted  those 
rights.  This  knowledge,  they  not  only  brought  with  them 
into  this  their  new  country,  but  carefully  instilled  it  into  the 
minds  of  their  posterity.  They  came  well  prepared  to  claim 
and  establish  a  full  emoyment  of.  their  civil  and  religious 
rights  for  themselves,  and  to  ensure  their  transmission,  secure 
and  unimpaired,  to  future  generations.  No  class  of  men  pro 
bably  ever  lived,  who  more  carefully  instilled  their  own  princi 
ples  into  the  minds  of  their  children,  than  the  New  England 
Pilgrims  ;  nor  was  there  ever  a  class  of  men  who  more  faith 
fully  performed  the  duty  of  instructors,  in  this  respect,  than  they. 
They  clearly  foresaw  that  their  immunities,  however  securely 
guarded  by  royal  charters,  might  have  to  encounter  attempts  to 
wrest  them  from  the  possession  of  their  descendants,  by  go 
vernors  and  other  representatives  of  regal  power.  They 
therefore  took  much  pains  to  provide  that  all  children  should 
have  the  means  of  education  within  their  reach,  that  they  might 
grow  up  with  a  correct  understanding  of  their  rights,  from 
childhood,  and  be  prepared  to  defend  them  by  truth  and  sound 
argument,  against  all  the  arts  of  cunning  and  ingenious  sophists. 

In  this  school  John  Adams  was  born.  He  began  to  re 
ceive  its  instructions  at  the  earliest  dawn  of  his  intellectual 

3* 


80  JOHN  ADAMS, 

perception  ;  and  he  was  introduced  to  the  political  stage  as  a 
prominent  actor,  at  that  period  of  his  country's  history, 
when  all  his  powers  were  necessary  to  vindicate  his  own  and 
his  country's  rights,  against  the  unjust  claims  of  the  British 
ministry,  and  to  rescue  them  from  their  grasp,  that  they  might 
be  preserved  inviolate  to  posterity.  To  prepare  him  for  entering 
college,  his  father  placed  him  under  the  tuition  of  a  compe 
tent  instructor  in  Braintree.  After  completing  his  preparatory 
course,  he  was  admitted  a  member  of  Harvard  College,  at 
Cambridge,  in  1751,  where  he  graduated  at  the  end  of  four 
years.  His  collegiate  life,  as  far  as  is  known,  was  not  marked 
by  any  thing  very  distinguishing.  But  for  this  deficiency, 
the  after  years  of  his  life  abundantly  compensated. 

Having  resolved  to  engage  in  the  profession  of  law,  soon 
after  leaving  college  he  repaired  to  Worcester,  and  placed 
himself  under  the  instruction  of  an  eminent  barrister,  of  the 
name  of  Putnam.  At  that  early  period  of  the  history  of 
America,  the  opportunities  for  acquiring  education  in  this 
country  were  very  limited,  compared  with  the  present.  Few 
extensive  libraries  were  possessed  by  individuals,  even  among 
professional  men.  But  in  the  office  of  Mr.  Putnam,  Mr. 
Adams  found  as  good  advantages  as  could  readily  be  ob- 
;ained  at  that  period,  which  he  improved  with  great  industry, 
although  he  was  engaged  in  instructing  a  grammar  school  at 
the  same  time.  It  was  long  customary  for  young  gentlemen 
in  New  England,  to  pursue  such  an  employment,  that  they 
might,  in  a  course  of  useful  labors  fjjf  the  benefit  of  others, 
support  themselves  during  their  professional  studies. 

His  connection  with  Mr.  Putnam  was  the  means  of  intro 
ducing  him  to  acquaintances,  who  were  of  much  value  to  him 
during  his  preparatory  studies.  Among  them  was  the  attor 
ney  general  of  the  province,  Jeremy  Gridley,  Esq.  Their 
first  interview,  which  was  effected  by  the  kind  offices  of  his 
instructor,  was  the  commencement  of  a  mutual  friendship, 
which  proved  highly  beneficial  to  Adams.  In  a  manner  in 
dicative  of  peculiar  affection,  Mr.  Gridley  led  his  friend  into 
a  private  room,  as  if  to  communicate  a  confidential  secret ; 
in  which  apartment  was  a  book-case,  containing  treatises  on 
civil  law — works  rarely  to  be  met  with  in  New  England  at  that 
time.  While  Adams  was  anxiously  expecting  the  disclosure  of 
some  important  communication,  pointing  to  the  book-case,  Mr. 
Gridley  addressed  him  thus  :  "  There  is  the  secret  of  my 
eminence,  of  which  you  may  avail  yourself,  if  you  please." 
Bv  faithfully  and  perseveringly  improving  those  means,  which 


MASSACHUSETTS.  31. 

this  act  of  special  friendship  put  at  his  command,  he  soon  be 
came  distinguished  by  his  familiar  acquaintance  with  a  branch 
of  science  but  little  known,  at  that  time,  by  either  judges 
or  practitioners.  This  enabled  him  to  begin  his  professional 
career  with  peculiar  advantages,  not  possessed  by  his  contem 
poraries.  A  mine  of  rich  treasure  was  thus  thrown  open  to 
him,  from  which  his  competitors  were  wholly  excluded. 

There  are  documents  still  preserved,  which  clearly  demon 
strate  that  Mr.  Adams  very  early  began  to  turn  his  mind  to  a 
contemplation  of  the  general  politics  of  his  country.  A  let 
ter,  written  by  him  in  1755,  when  he  was  but  twenty  years 
of  age,  gives  a  specimen  of  his  views  and  his  manner  of  re 
flecting  on  this  subject,  at  that  early  period.  This  letter  is  a  do 
cument  of  so  remarkable  a  character,  that  it  has  been  deemed 
worthy  of  preservation.  It  discloses  great  strength  of  mind  ; 
and  exhibits  a  comprehensive  range  of  speculation,  and  an 
extensive  forecast,  which  must  be  admitted  to  be  remarkable 
for  such  a  youth,  in  any  country.  Its  length  precludes  its  in 
sertion  in  this  brief  sketch. 

Mr.  Adams  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1758,  and  settled 
with  the  intention  of  practising  law,  in  Braintree. 

During  several  years,  prior  to  the  stamp  act  and  othei 
measures  of  the  British  parliament,  which  were  peculiarly 
obnoxious  to  the  feelings,  and  injurious  to  the  commercial 
prosperity  of  the  colonists,  there  had  existed  a  rooted  bitter 
ness  between  the  people  in  Boston,  engaged  in  foreign  trade, 
and  the  officers  of  the  customs.  .Those  officers,  to  some  de 
gree  odious  in  every  community,  by  the  measures  they  adopt 
ed  to  strengthen  their  powers  and  legalize  their  arbitrary 
acts,  became  very  obnoxious  to  the  inhabitants.  The  former 
were  actuated  by  a  desire  to  render  themselves  popular  with 
the  ministry,  that  they  might  possess  the  means  and  oppor 
tunity  to  amass  property.  The  latter,  by  a  jealous  guardian- 
shjp  of  their  own  liberties,  and  an  unbending  determination 
to  resist  and  combat  every  attempted  encroachment  upon 
them,  destroyed  all  harmony,  and  established  mutually  a 
fixed  aversion,  that  widened  the  breach  continually.  At  this 
early  date,  though  not  openly  active,  Mr.  Adams  espoused 
the  cause  of  the  citizens  in  the  most  decided  manner.  He 
steadily  but  cautiously  watched  the  progress  of  events 
abroad  ;  and,  in  his  private  study,  made  himself  minutely 
acquainted  with  the  law  and  justice  appertaining  to  both  sides1 
of  the  controversy.  As,  therefore,  he  increased  in  years,  ho 
advanced  in  qualifications  to  assume  and  maintain  the  impor 


32  JOHN  ADAMS, 

tant  station  he  held  in  the  revolutionary  struggle  whicn  en- 
sued. 

He  was  admitted  to  the  rank  of  a  barrister  in  1761.  As 
his  professional  business  increased,  favorable  opportunities 
were  successively  given  him  for  exhibiting  his  talents  to  the 
public,  and  for  attracting  their  attention ;  and,  on  these  oc 
casions,  public  approbation  was  liberally  awarded  to  him. 
He  was  neither  an  indifferent,  nor  an  inactive  spectator  of 
the  interesting  events  that  occurred,  affecting  in  an  alarming 
manner,  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  colonists  ;  and  espe 
cially  those  of  his  native  province.  This  enabled  him,  even 
at  the  commencement  of  his  career,  to  exhibit  a  mind  well 
informed  on  every  subject  presented  for  discussion,  upon 
principles  purely  republican  ;  and  with  an  integrity  that  pur 
sued  an  undeviating  course,  uninfluenced  by  bribery,  flattery, 
or  threats,  though  all  these  were  successively  attempted. 

The  first  instance  of  material  importance,  in  which  Mr. 
Adams  appeared  publicly  to  advocate  the  cause  of  his  coun 
try,  and  to  defend  her  against  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of 
the  parliament,  was  in  1765,  on  its -being  made  known  that 
the  celebrated  stamp  act  had  passed  into  a  law,  and  to  be 
enforced  in  the  colonies.  It  was  on  this  occasion,  that  he 
wrote  and  published  his  "  Essay  on  the  Canon  and  Feudal 
Law ;"  an  elaborate  and  bold  appeal  to  the  people.  This 
publication  presented  him  before  the  community,  in  a  manner 
peculiarly  favorable  for  his  future  promotion.  Indeed,  il 
ushered  him  rapidly  into  public  notice ;  insomuch  that 
though  young,  he  was  the  same  year  associated  with  the  dis 
tinguished  James  Otis  and  some  others,  possessed  of  conge 
nial  feelings,  to  demand,  in  presence  of  the  governor  and 
council,  that  the  courts  should  dispense  with  the  use  of 
stamped  paper  in  their  administration  of  justice.  From  this 
moment,  he  was  always  prompt  to  step  forward  and  act  in 
unison  with  the  leading  master  spirits  of  that  town  and  vici 
nity,  in  all  their  efforts  to  obstruct,  and  effectually  counter 
act  the  schemes  of  the  ministry. 

In  1766,  he  removed  from  Braintree  and  settled  in  Boston. 
A  short  time  before  his  removal,  he  was  married  to  Miss 
Abigail  Smith,  daughter  of  a  respectable  clergyman  of  that 
name,  with  whom  he  lived  more  than  half  a  century. 

After  the  military  had  been  stationed  in  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton,  among  the  citizens,  on  the  pretended  ground  that  theit 
aid  was  requisite  to  enable  the  officers  of  the  customs  to 
execute  the  duties  of  their  office ;  considering  it  a  violation 


MASSACHUSETTS.  33 

of  the  citizens'  rights,  and  a  gross  calumny  upon  their  cha 
racter,  he  united  with  Otis,  Hancock,  S.  Adams  and  others, 
in  opposition  to  the  governor  and  his  satellites,  and  with 
them  perseveringly  prosecuted  measures  for  effecting  their 
removal  from  town.  In  these  efforts  he  manifested  such  de 
cided  talents,  that  Governor  Barnard  judged  it  expedient  to 
try  to  detach  him  from  his  associates,  and  secure  his  aid  on 
the  side  of  government.  Accordingly,  he  authorized  Mr. 
Sewall,  the  attorney  general,  and  Adams's  personal  friend,  to 
offer  him  the  lucrative  office  of  advocate  general  in  the  court  of 
admiralty.  But  it  was  promptly  rejected.  He  magnanimously 
chose  rather  to  expose  himself  to  dangers  and  suffer  afflic 
tion  with  his  fellow  citizens  and  republican  brethren,  than  to 
sacrifice  his  integrity  for  the  reward  of  a  lucrative  office.  The 
office,  which  was  one  that  would  have  placed  him  in  the  line  of 
promotion,  yielded  a  handsome  income  ;  and  withal,  required 
no  ostensible  abandonment  of  his  principles  or  friends.  Yet, 
knowing  that  all  of  these  would  be  expected  of  him,  of  which 
his  acceptance  of  the  offer  would  be  considered  as  a  virtual 
pledge,  he  viewed  it  as  an  insidious  attempt  upon  his  prin 
ciples,  and  he  peremptorily  declined  to  accept  the  appoint 
ment. 

It  will  be  recollected,  that  all  the  efforts  of  the  people  of 
Boston  to  effect  .the  removal  of  the  military  from  the  town, 
proved  unsuccessful,  until  after  that  affray,  in  which  the  sol 
diers  fired  on  a  collection  of  the  citizens,  and  killed  several 
in  1770,  called  the  Boston  Massacre. 

After  some  delay,  those  who  were  supposed  the  guilty  ones, 
were  arrested  and  tried  by  a  civil  court.  Mr.  Adams  was 
applied  to,  to  undertake  their  defence  as  their  counsellor  and 
advocate  in  the  court.  This  was  a  trying  situation,  and  es 
pecially  in  such  circumstances.  He  had  been  one  of  the 
foremost  of  the  citizens  in  seeking  to  have  the  soldiers  re 
moved  to  their  barracks  ;  he  had  united  with  the  militia  as  a 
private,  in  mounting  guard  and  patroling  the  streets  by  night 
and  day  for  the  common  Safety  of  the  inhabitants  ;  he  was  a 
man  of  the  people,  he  lived  among  and  for  the  people  ;  and 
depended  on  their  favor  for  his  professional  prosperity;  yet 
he  was  now  called  on  to  defend  the  cause  of  men,  who  were 
not  only  obnoxious  to  the  citizens,  but  who  had  killed,  as  they 
thought  wantonly,  several  of  their  friends  and  townsmen. 
In  this  trying  situation,  he  adopted  a  manly  and  independent 
course.  He  did  what  his  friends  applauded  him  for  doing, 
at  no  small  hazard  of  losing  the  favor  and  esteem  of  his 


34  JOHN  ADAMS, 

neighbors  and  friends  ;  he  appeared  as  their  advocate^  and 
conducted  their  defence  in  such  a  manner  as  merited  and 
received  the  universal  applause  of  the  community.  The 
pledge  which  he  had  given  of  his  integrity,  in  refusing  the 
office  proffered  him  two  years  before,  secured  him  against 
any  suspicion  of  sacrificing  his  principles  on  that  occasion. 
That  he  lost  no  favor  among  his  fellow  citizens,  is  evinced 
by  their  choosing  him  their  representative  that  same  year,  in 
place  of  Mr.  Bowdoin,  who  then  took  a  seat  in  the  council. 
It  required,  however,  no  small  share  of  moral  courage,  under 
such  circumstances,  to  take  the  stand  which  he  did.  And 
his  election  to  the  legislature,  so  soon  after  the  trial,  was  no 
equivocal  evidence  of  their  undiminished  confidence  in  his 
integrity. 

In  all  the  controversies  between  the  royal  governors  on 
the  one  side,  and  the  colonists  on  the  other  (and  these  were 
numerous  and  perplexing  during  the  few  years  immediately 
preceding  the  open  rupture  that  followed,)  Mr.  Adams 
always  stood  forward  in  defence  of  their  chartered  rights  ; 
and  whether  he  was  a  member  of  the  house  of  assembly  or 
not,  his  talents  were  always  put  in  requisition  connected  Math 
the  other  leading  patriots  of  that  age,  and  always  exerted 
with  such  effect,  as  to  baffle,  if  they  did  not  wholly  subvert, 
the  machinations  of  the  advocates  of  ministerial  supremacy. 
Having  refused  to  be  bought  over,  he  became  peculiarly 
odious  to  the  two  governors,  Barnard  and  Hutchinson  ;  inso 
much,  that  when,  by  the  votes  of  his  constituents,  he  was  placed 
on  the  list  of  counsellors,  Governor  Hutchinson  erased  his 
name  ;  and  thus  in  the  exercise  of  a  right  which  he  held, 
but  which  was  never  exercised  except  for  the  indulgence  of 
vindictive  feelings  or  personal  hostility,  he  excluded  him  from 
his  seat.  Such  treatment  was  not  calculated  to  conciliate, 
but  had  a  tendency  to  widen  the  breach  already  existing. 

Governor  Gage  succeeding  Hutchinson,  brought  with  him 
similar  feelings  towards  Mr.  Adams,  which  his  predecessor 
had  indulged.  He  made  this  manifest  not  long  after  his  ar 
rival,  for  the  people  having  again  placed  his  name  on  the 
list  of  consellors,  Governor  Gage  following  Htitchinson's  ex 
ample,  erased  it.  The  first  assembly  under  Governor  Gage's 
administration,  was  convened  in  Salem.  It  was  in  this  as 
sembly,  of  which  Adams  was  a  member,  that  the  proposal 
for  calling  a  continental  congress  to  deliberate  concerning 
the  general  interests  of  the  colonies  was  proposed  and  adopt 
ed,  in  spite  of  the  governor's  opposition.  On  that  occasion, 


MASSACHUSETTS  35 

five  delegates  were  elected.     They  were  J.  and  S.  Adams 
Paine,  Gushing,  and  Bowdoin. 

This  was  a  bold  measure,  and  considered  as  audacious  by 
some  judicious  men,  who  were  particular  friends  of  John 
Adams.  Mr.  Sewall,  in  particular,  tried  to  dissuade  him 
from  engaging  in  an  enterprise  fraught  with  so  much  danger. 
It  was  on  this  occasion,  after  having  listened  to  his  friendly 
admonitions  and  advice,  that  Adams  made  that  memorable 
reply,  which  has  been  considered  as  peculiarly  characteris 
tic — that  sink  or  swim,  live  or  die,  to  survive  or  perish  with 
his  country,  was  his  unalterable  determination.  As  to  his 
fate,  the  die  was  cast ;  he  had  passed  the  Rubicon. 

By  his  election  to  the  first  meeting  of  delegates  of  the  first 
continental  congress,  he  was  called  to  act  in  a  new,  difficult, 
and  highly  responsible  station.  The  views  and  sentiments 
of  the  delegates  from  the  different  colonies  were  very  dissi 
milar,  respecting  the  important  subjects  that  were  to  be  dis 
cussed  in  that  assembly.  But  even  in  this  situation,  he  soon 
showed  that  he  was  adequate  to  a  faithful  discharge  of  the 
momentous  duties  that  had  been  entrusted  to  him  by  his 
country. 

Being  fully  convinced  with  his  friend,  Joseph  Hawley,  of 
Northampton,  even  at  that  early  period,  that  all  conciliatory 
measures  on  the  part  of  the  colonists  would  prove  unavailing, 
and  that  "  they  must  fight  after  all,"  he  felt  it  to  be  neces 
sary  to  rouse  the  feelings  of  the  delegates  from  other  colo 
nies,  to  realize,  more  clearly  and  more  correctly  than  they 
did,  the  true  situation  of  their  country.  This  he  saw  was  in 
dispensable,  that  they  might  be  prepared  for  that  distressing 
crisis  of  their  political  affairs,  which  it  was  obvious  was  ap 
proaching  ;  and  which  he  even  then,  with  a  few  others,  be 
lieved  was  unavoidable.  In  his  views,  he  had  the  satisfaction 
to  find  some  highly  influential  gentlemen  from  the  south 
ward  entirely  concur.  Particularly  the  celebrated  Patrick 
Henry,  of  Virginia,  and  Thomas  M'Kean,  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  measure  adopted  by  congress  in  this  their  first  session 
though  necessary  to  unite  the  public  sentiment,  and  elevate 
the  public  feeling  of  opposition  to  the  persevering  despotism 
of  the  British  cabinet,  proving  ineffectual,  as  he  had  predicted, 
it  was  soon  found  necessary  for  congress  to  hold  another 
session.  To  this  he  was  elected,  in  connection  with  all  of 
his  former  colleagues,  except  Mr.  Bowdoin,  who,  being 
about  to  sail  for  Europe,  was  omitted,  and  John  Hancock 
appointed  in  his  stead. 


36  JOHN  ADAMS, 

The  second  congress  convened  in  Philadelphia  in  May, 
1775.  As  the  British  had  actually  commenced  hostilities 
previous  to  this  meeting  of  congress,  in  their  attack  on  Lex 
ington  and  Concord,  in  Massachusetts,  it  became  necessary  to 
make  preparation  to  raise  a  military  force,  and  to  organ 
ize  an  army  for  the  defence  of  the  country.  As  articles  of 
agreement  had  been  settled,  and  signed  by  congress,  accord, 
ing  to  which  the  first  aggression  of  the  British  on  the  people 
of  Massachusetts,  became  the  common  cause  of  all  the  colo 
nies,  it  became  the  duty. of  congress  to  direct  in  all  things  ap 
pertaining  to  the  defence  of  the  country,  and  the  prosecution 
of  the  war,  already  begun.  He-nce  a  commander  in  chief 
was  to  be  appointed  by  the  congress  now  in  session.  John 
Adams  of  Massachusetts,  nominated  George  Washington  of 
Virginia,  to  the  chief  command  of  the  armies  of  the  United 
States.  This  nomination,  in  which  Adams  was  one  of  the 
prime  movers,  was  preconcerted  by  him  and  his  associates, 
with  such  secrecy  and  promptitude,  that  though  Washington 
was  a  member  of  the  body,  he  was  wholly  unapprized  of  the 
design,  until  he  heard  his  name  announced  for  that  appoint 
ment.  Sitting  in  his  seat,  Adams  nominated  him  ;  advocated 
nis  appointment ;  and  had  the  high  satisfaction  of  seeing  his 
nomination  confirmed  by  the  house.  Had  this  been  the  only 
public  act  of  his  whole  life,  his  country  would  have  abundant 
cause  for  gratitude  to  John  Adams,  as  having  been  their  bene 
factor.  His  talents  had  been  industriously  exerted,  after  he 
first  conceived  the  project,  for  some  days  before  he  announ 
ced  it,  to  secure  a  majority  in  the  house  to  sanction  his  motion. 
This  was  effected,  though  not  without  difficulty.  But  after 
the  nomination  had  been  postponed  one  day,  it  received  the 
unanimous  approbation  of  congress.  This  fact  shows  the 
ascendency  of  his  talents  and  influence,  even  at  that  early 
date,  among  his  fellow  patriots,  who  had  the  best  means  and 
opportunity  for  forming  a  correct  estimate  of  his  character. 

On  the  sixth  of  May,  1776,  he  introduced  a  motion  to  con 
gress,  almost  equivalent  to  a  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and  which  directly  led  to  it — that  the  colonies  should  form 
governments,  independent  of  the  crown. 

Having  long  been  convinced  that  congress  must  soon  issue 
such  a  declaration,  he  laboured  assiduously,  in  conjunction 
with  others,  who  he  knew  agreed  with  him  in  sentiment,  to 
prepare  the  way  for  it,  by  bringing  the  delegates  from  other 
colonies  to  feel  the  indispensable  necessity  of  the  measure, 
in  order  to  unite  the  people  in  vindicating  their  rights  against 


MASSACHUSETTS.  37 

their  invading  enemy.  When  this  preparation  was  effected, 
and  the  motion  was  introduced  by  Mr.  Lee,  of  Virginia,  Mr. 
Adams  became  its  warm  and  decided  advocate,  until  it  was 
adopted  by  a  vote  of  congress. 

He  was  appointed  one  of  the  committee  for  preparing  a  draft 
of  a  Declaration  of  Independence,  associated  with  Jefferson 
and  Franklin,  and  others  ;  and  taking  into  consideration  his 
efforts,  from  the  time  when  he  became  convinced  of  its  neces 
sity,  to  the  period  of  its  consummation,  which  probably  included 
not  less  than  three  years,  it  is  believed  that  we  shall  not  exceed 
the  limits  of  truth  when  we  say,  that  John  Adams,  of  Massachu 
setts,  was  the  most  efficient  agent  in  procuring  a  public  Decla 
ration  of  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  North  America, 
of  all  those  who  were  concerned  in  that  memorable  achieve 
ment.  His  exertions  were  not  restricted  to  the  limits  of  his  own 
state,  nor  confined  within  the  hall  of  congress.  Some  states  were 
tardy  in  expressing  their  approbation  of  such  a  measure  ;  par 
ticularly  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland.  It  was  important  to 
have  a  public  avowal  of  their  approbation,  before  congress 
came  to  a  final  result.  This  was  accomplished  by  his  friends 
Chase  and  Rush,  in  their  respective  states,  aided  by  his  coun 
sel  and  influence,  in  due  season  for  taking  the  final  vote  in 
congress. 

In  addition  to  the  unremitting  labors  of  Mr.  Adams  in 
congress,  during  a  visit  he  made  to  his  family,  soon  after  the 
decision  of  the  great  question  of  independence,  the  legisla 
ture  of  Massachusetts  elected  him  a  member  of  their  council. 
They  also  appointed  him  chief  justice  of  their  highest  courts. 
He  however  declined  this  office  ;  but  took  his  seat  in  the 
council,  and  assisted  in  their  deliberations.  He  chose  to  ad 
here  to  the  national  government,  to  the  establishment  of 
which  he  had  contributed  so  much  ;  although,  by  acting  in 
the  capac.-ty  of  judge  in  his  native  state,  he  might  have  en 
joyed  the  pleasures  of  domestic  life  in  a  much  greater  degree, 
than  his  continuance  in  congress  would  permit. 

When  Lord  Howe  arrived  in  this  country,  and  made 
known  that  he  was  commissioned  to  confer  with  such  persons 
as  congress  would  designate,  on  the  means  of  an  accommo 
dation  with  Great  Britain,  although  Mr.  Adams  disapproved  of 
even  considering  the  proposition,  yet  it  was  assented  to,  and 
he  was  appointed  one  of  the  committee  to  treat  with  his  lord 
ship.  They  met  at  the  British  head  quarters  on  Staten  Is 
land,  and  held  an  interview  ;  but,  according  to  his  predic. 
don,  it  proved  entirely  abortive. 

4 


38  JOHN  ADAMS, 

To  give  some  idea  of  his  immense  labors,  the  following 
summary  may  suffice.  He  was  a  member  of  ninety  differ 
ent  committees,  during  the  remainder  of  1776,  and  1777. 
He  was  chairman  of  twenty-five.  Some  of  these  incurred 
great  responsibility,  and  required  incessant  labors.  The  im 
portant  duties  thus  imposed  on  him,  he  continued  to  discharge 
with  fidelity  and  assiduity  till  December,  1777 — when  he 
was  appointed  a  commissioner  to  France.  This  appointment 
he  accepted  ;  and  embarked  on  his  mission,  in  the  frigate 
Boston,  in  the  month  of  February,  1778.  It  was  on  this  voy 
age  that  he  evinced  his  courage  as  well  as  his,  patriotism,  in 
a  personal  engagement  with  the  enemy  of  his  country.  Captain 
Tucker,  of  the  Boston,  having  discovered  an  English  ship, 
with  the  consent  of  Mr.  Adams  gave  chase  to  her  ;  and,  coming 
up  with,  engaged  her.  He  had  stipulated,  as  a  condition  of 
attacking  the  ship,  that  Mr.  Adams  should  keep  below,  out 
of  danger.  But  he  soon  saw  him  with  his  musket,  among  th 
mariners  on  deck,  personally  engaged  in  the  conflict. 

As  the  immediate  object  of  this  mission  to  France  ha<x 
been  accomplished  by  Doctor  Franklin,  previous  to  his  ar. 
rival  in  that  kingdom ;  Mr.  Adams,  having  but  little  public, 
business  requiring  his  attention,  with  the  consent  of  congress, 
returned  home,  in  the  summer  of  1779. 

He  was  immediately  requested  to  assist  in  forming  a  con 
stitution  of  government  for  his  native  state  ;  and  was  one  of 
the  committee  for  presenting  a  plan  for  the  consideration  of 
the  convention.  While  he  was  engaged  in  this  service  for 
his  native  commonwealth,  he  was  appointed  by  congress  a 
minister  to  Great  Britain,  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace,  and 
a  treaty  of  commerce  with  that  government. 

For  this  voyage  the  French  minister  to  the  United  States 
offered  him  a  passage  in  the  frigate  La  Sensible,  which  was 
accepted.  He,  with  the  secretary  of  legation,  accordingly 
embarked  in  her  at  Boston,  in  October,  1779,  and  arrived  at 
Ferrol,  in  Spain,  after  a  long  passage  ;  and  journeyed  by  land 
from  thence  to  Paris.  In  a  short  time  after  his  arrival,  he 
became  satisfied  that  England  had  no  serious  thoughts  of  con 
cluding  a  peace  with  America — that  she  was  not  yet  pre 
pared  to  adopt  the  first  preliminary,  an  acknowledgment  of 
American  Independence,  the  sine  qua  non  with  the  United 
States  ;  and  having  little  business  of  a  public  nature  to  re 
quire  his  attention,  he  was  desirous  of  returning  home  ;  but 
congress  sent  him  a  mission  to  Holland,  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
of  amity  and  commerce  with  the  states  general.  In  this  mis 


MASSACHUSETTS.  39 

sion  congress  also  entrusted  to  his  agency,  other  interests  oj 
signal  importance  in  relation  to  their  contest  with  England. 

To  show  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  congress,  the 
following  statement  will  be  sufficient ;  and  at  the  same  time^ 
it  will  prove  that  this  confidence  was  almost  unlimited.  While 
he  was  in  Holland,  congress  sent  him  credentials,  in  addition 
to  those  he  took  with  him  from  home,  which  constituted  him, 
at  one  period,  minister  plenipotentiary  for  making  peace  ;  the 
same  for  making  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain , 
the  same  to  their  high  mightinesses,  the  states  general  ;  the 
same  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  Stadtholder ;  the  same  for 
pledging  the  faith  of  the  United  States,  as  a  party  to  the 
armed  neutrality ;  and  a  commissioner  of  the  United  States 
for  negotiating  for1  a  loan  of  ten  million  of  dollars,  for  their 
benefit.  Perhaps  no  public  agent  was  ever  entrusted  by  his 
government  with  so  many  important  national  interests,  at  the 
same  time,  as  Mr.  Adams  was  by  congress. 

The  Count  de  Vergennes,  the  prime  minister  of  France,  an 
able  but  wily  politician,  had  long  been  making  his  calcula 
tions  for  the  preliminaries  of  a  peace  between  England  and 
the  United  States.  His  leading  object  was,  to  form  the  trea 
ty  in  such  a  manner,  that  the  United  States  should,  with  a 
nominal  independence  as  a  nation,  be,  to  a  considerable  de 
gree,  dependent  on  France.  It  was  within  the  plan  of  this 
minister,  to  have  Mr.  Adams  act  according  to  his  counsel, 
and  thus  become  a  subordinate  agent  of  France,  which  calcula 
ted  in  the  negotiation  for  peace,  so  to  direct  the  business,  as 
in  the  result,  to  give  to  France  a  large  share  of  the  commer 
cial  advantages  the  United  States  might  have  it  m  their 
power  to  bestow.  He  wished  also,  that  the  United  States 
might  not  be  admitted  to  the  fisheries — the  right  to  which,  it 
was  his  object  to  secure  to  France.  Against  all  his  art,  and 
influence,  Mr.  Adams  had  to  watch,  and  to  guard  himself 
against  being  improperly  swayed  by  the  general  feeling  of  gra 
titude  to  France  for  aiding  his  country,  in  their  arduous  strug 
gle  ;  which  feeling,  though  well  grounded,  was  unduly  in 
dulged,  even  by  some  members  of  congress.  He  saw  the 
delicacy  of  his  situation,  and  the  danger  to  which  he  was  ex 
posed,  of  being  instrumental  in  sacrificing  important  interests 
6*f  his  country.  But  he  resolved  to  act  according  to  the  true 
import  of  his  commission,  as  a  minister  plenipotentiary,  in 
stead  of  receiving  his  instructions  from  the  French  cabinet. 
And  it  was  owing  to  his  discernment,  and  his  resolution  to  act 
in  that  character,  together  with  the  firmness  and  patriotism  of 


40  JOHN  ADAMS, 

Mr.  Jay,  that  the  privileges  in  the  cod  fishery,  which  /he  Unl. 
ted  States  now  enjoy,  were  secured  to  them  in  the  treaty  ot 
peace  with  Great  Britain.  To  the  same  united  causes  are 
we  also  indebted  for  the  establishment  of  the  Mississippi  as 
the  western  boundary,  and  for  preservation  from  an  obliga 
tion  to  indemnify  the  tories,  for  the  losses  which  they  sus 
tained  by  opposing  the  independence  of  their  country. 

In  his  agency,  when  he  was  attempting  to  negociate  a  loan 
of  several  millions  in  Holland,  for  the  United  States,  in  order 
that  he  might  succeed,  he  had  to  encounter  and  overcome 
numerous  and  powerful  obstacles.  He  was  almost  unknown 
in  Europe.  He  had  to  deal  with  a  prudent  and  cautious  peo 
ple.  They  knew  little  of  the  country  he  represented,  except 
that  it  was  poor  at  that  time,  and  had  but  limited  resour 
ces  ;  that  many  doubted  whether  the  confederation  could  be 
sustained  after  peace,  even  if  they  established  their  in 
dependence  ;  and  that  for  establishing  this,  they  were  still 
contending  with  their  powerful  adversary.  Should  they 
loan  their  money  under  these  circumstances,  they  justly  an 
ticipated  much  danger  that  it  would  not  be  repaid.  Yet  not 
withstanding  all  these  difficulties,  he  finally  succeeded  in  his 
object ;  and  in  a  short  time  after,  he  also  concluded  a  treaty 
of  amity  and  commerce  with  the  Dutch  government,  by  which 
the  commerce  of  the  United  States  was  placed  on  the  footing 
of  that  of  the  most  favored  nations. 

This  he  accomplished,  not  by  the  friendly  aid  of  the  Count 
de  Vergennes — not  with  the  collateral  assistance  of  able  col 
leagues,  but  by  the  force  of  his  own  powerful  and  sagacious 
mind. 

Having  accomplished  these  two  most  important  objects, 
and  signed  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain ;  Mr. 
Adams  remained  during  a  part  of  1784  in  Holland.  But 
having  been  appointed  at  the  head  of  a  commission  by  con 
gress,  consisting  of  himself,  Franklin,  and  Jefferson,  to  nego 
tiate  treaties  of  commerce  with  any  foreign  nations  which 
might  be  disposed  to  form  commercial  relations  with  the 
United  States,  he  returned  to  France,  and  took  up  his  resi 
dence  in  the  vicinity  of  Paris. 

Early  in  the  year  1785,  congress  appointed  him  minister 
plenipotentiary,  to  represent  the  United  States  at  the  court 
of  St.  James.  The  situation  in  which  his  acceptanc%  ot 
that  appointment  placed  him,  was  novel,  and  for  various  rea 
sons,  peculiarly  trying  to  his  feelings,  and  difficult  to  sustain 


MASSACHUSETTS.  m  41 

with  that  propriety  and  dignity  which  the  rjiles  of  established 
etiquette  required.  Yet  he  acquitted  himself  in  a  manner 
acceptable  both  to  the  government  which  he  represented, 
and  that  to  which  he  was  deputed.  A  lively  and  interesting 
account  of  his  presentation  to  his  majesty  of  Great  Britain, 
was  given  by  himself  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jay,  then  secretary 
of  foreign  relations,  written  by  him  in  conformity  to  his  in- 
structions. 

It  was  while  he  resided  in  his  public  character,  that  he 
wrote  his  elaborate  defence  of  the  American  constitutions. 

After  an  absence  of  more  than  eight  years,  he  asked  and 
obtained  permission  to  return  to  the  United  States.  This 
event  took  place  greatly  to  the  satisfaction  of  himself  and 
his  family,  in  1788.  In  the  autumn  of  that  year,  he  was 
elected  vice  president  of  the  United  States,  and  took  his  seat 
as  president  of  the  senate,  in  the  first  congress  under  the  fe 
deral  constitution,  on  the  4th  day  of  March  following,  when 
the  new  constitution  went  into  operation.  He  was  then,  by 
the  voice  of  his  fellow  citizens  placed  in  office  next  to  "  him, 
who  was  first  in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of 
,iis  countrymen."  This  was  a  voluntary  expression  of  their 
esteem  and  gratitude  to  him  for  so  many  years  of  his  life 
devoted  to  their  service. 

In  1792,  he  was  re-elected  to  the  same  office  with  entire 
unanimity.  During  this  period,  until  Washington's  retire 
ment  at  the  close  of  his  second  presidential  term,  Mr.  Adams 
enjoyed  more  tranquillity  than  in  any  other  period  of  his  life, 
of  equal  duration,  until  after  his  retirement  from  office. 
It  is  well  known  that  the  four  years  of  his  presidency  were 
among  the  most  threatening  to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of 
the  United  States,  of  any  during  the  French  revolution. 

When  the  French  revolution  commenced,  the  people  of 
the  United  States  were  universally  predisposed  in  its  favor. 
Having  but  a  very  imperfect  knowledge  of  the  national  cha 
racter,  political,  civil,  or  religious,  of  France,  there  were 
some  facts  existing,  which  caused  a  deep  interest  in  their 
favor  among  the  people  of  this  country.  France  had  aided 
us  in  effecting  the  establishment  of  our  independence.  This 
excited  gratitude.  The  people  of  France  were  ruled  by  a 
monarchy.  With  a  kingly  government  our  countrymen  as 
sociated  the  idea  of  tyranny  or  despotism.  From  such  a 
government  we  had  but  recently  been  liberated  ;  and  for  this 
liberation,  the  people  gratefully  acknowledged  their  obliga 
tion  to  the  French.  We  had  established  a  republican  con- 

4* 


42  m  JOHN  ADAMS, 

stitution  of  government.  The  French  nation,  having  destroyed 
their  monarchy,  established  ostensibly  a  republican  govern 
ment  also.  The  friend  of  our  nation,  General  Lafayette, 
had  taken  an  efficient  part  in  their  revolution,  and  contribu 
ted  much  to  the  favorable  sentiments  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  which  were  indulged,  even  enthusiastically, 
in  behalf  of  their  revolution.  They  were  too  remote  from 
the  theatre,  to  realize  the  enormities  which  were  exhibited  ; 
and  to  a  great  extent,  too  strongly  biassed  in  their  favor,  to 
admit  the  full  force  of  evidence  which  was  derogatory  to 
their  friends  and  benefactors  when  it  was  placed  fully  before 
them. 

Those  who  opposed  the  violence  of  the  French,  or  de 
nounced  their  unprincipled  enormities,  were  stigmatized  as 
monarchists  and  British  agents.  On  the  other  hand,  those 
who  adhered  to  the  French  cause  ;  or,  who  did  not  denounce 
them  openly,  were  stiled  jacobins  and  French  partizans,  who 
were  ready  to  sacrifice  the  liberty  of  their  own  country  tc 
French  rapacity.  General  Washington  was  looked  to  as  the 
head  of  the  former ;  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  head  arid  chie 
counsellor  of  the  latter  party. 

Thus,  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  divided  into 
two  great  parties.  Each  party  had  selected  its  candidate 
to  succeed  Washington,  who  had  announced  his  determina 
tion  to  retire  from  public  life.  An  arduous  struggle  resulted 
in  the  election  of  Adams,  by  a  small  majority  of  votes  over 
Jefferson,  his  popular  competitor,  who  then  succeeded  him 
as  vice  president.  The  influence  of  the  French  rulers, 
which  Jefferson  was  believed  decidedly  to  favor,  had  been 
openly  exerted  by  their  minister  in  the  United  States  to 
favor,  and  if  possible  to  secure  his  election  to  the  pre 
sidency.  The  two  great  political  parties  were  marshalled 
by  their  respective  leaders,  and  arrayed  in  open  hostility 
to  each  other.  The  period  was  full  of  anxiety  and  dan 
ger.  Foreign  politics  were  so  interwoven  with  those  of 
our  own,  that  the  latter  were  considered  interesting  and  im 
portant,  only  in  proportion  as  they  were  favorable  or  opposed 
to  the  cause  of  revolutionary  France.  The  depredations  on 
our  commerce,  and  the  violations  of  our  neutrality,  perpetra 
ted  by  the  French,  excited  the  just  indignation  of  one  party  ; 
while  by  the  other,  they  were  vindicated,  and  even  justified 
on  the  ground  of  expediency,  although  they  were  acknow 
ledged  to  be  illegal  and  unrighteous.  In  such  a  state  of  agi 
tated  public  feeling,  Mr.  Adams  was  called  to  direct  the 


MASSACHUSETTS.  43 

executive  government  of  the  United  States.  At  the  same 
time,  the  national  councils  were  much  divided.  His  success 
ful  progress  depended,  not  on  a  united  people  whose  confi 
dence  he  possessed,  but  on  so  managing,  as  to  ensure  the 
continued  support  of  the  party  by  which  he  had  been  chosen. 
He  was  vigorously  sustained  by  them  for  a  time,  although 
his  policy  did  not  entirely  meet  with  their  approbation. 
Their  confidence  in  him  from  wavering,  became  feeble. 
Distrust  and  disaffection  ensued.  Harmony  between  him 
and  his  cabinet  was  disturbed.  His  party,  by  whom  he  had 
been  supported,  considered  themselves  as  insulted  tjy  his 
treatment,  and  ungratefully  requited,  forsook  him  ;  and  at 
<he  end  of  four  years,  he  was  permitted  to  retire  from  public 
employment,  amid  the  triumphant  rejoicings  of  those  who  pa 
tronized  his  successor ;  and  attended  with  the  censure  and 
disgust  of  those,  by  whom  he  had  been  upheld.  He  seems 
to  have  imbibed  the  idea,  that  his  friends  sought  to  prescribe 
his  course,  and  dictate  his  measures.  A  full  measure  of  self 
sufficiency,  and  a  consciousness  of  official  importance,  which 
have  never  been  denied  him,  instead  of  conciliating  the  es 
teem  and  ensuring  the  cordial  support  of  his  party,  caused 
disaffection  and  terminated  in  his  political  prostration ;  and 
after  the  lapse  of  a  few  years,  he  united  himself  with  the 
party  who  had  persecuted  him  for  more  than  ten  years. 

Some  time  after  he  retired  to  his  home  at  Quincy,  he  was 
offered  a  nomination  as  a  candidate  for  governor  of  Massa 
chusetts.  But  having  escaped  from  the  political  tempest,  to 
the  retreat  of  domestic  tranquillity,  he  had  no  desire  to  appear 
again  on  the  arena  ;  but  determined  to  remain  the  rest  of  his 
life,  a  quiet,  though  not  an  indifferent  spectator  of  passing 
events.  He  declined  the  nomination. 

In  1820,  the  convention  of  the  commonwealth,  appointed 
for  revising  the  state  constitution,  unanimously  requested  him 
to  act  as  their  president.  This  honor  he  declined  on  account 
of  his  age  and  infirmities.  The  highly  respectful  terms  in 
which  the  preamble  to  the  vote,  by  which  his  election  to  that 
honorable  station  were  expressed,  and  the  flattering  manner 
in  which  they  were  communicated  to  him,  were  peculiarly 
grateful  to  his  feelings,  and  worthy  of  the  assembly  from 
which  they  proceeded.  A  committee  of  twelve  members 
deputed  by  the  convention,  waited  on  him  at  his  residence, 
and  there  presented  to  him  the  document  containing  the  re 
solution  of  the  convention.  He  received  them  with  great 
kindness  and  with  deep  felt  gratitude  for  this  gratifying  mark 
B 


44  SAMUEL  ADAMS, 

of  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens ;  but  ex< 
pressed  his  regret  that  his  age  and  infirmities  prevented  his 
taking  any  active  part  in  their  important  deliberations. 

In  the  autumn  of  1818,  he  buried  his  consort,  with  whom 
he  had  passed  more  than  half  a  century  in  conjugal  felicity. 
But  for  himself,  it  was  reserved  to  see  just  half  a  century 
pass  over,  from  the  day  when  he  fixed  his  signature,  with  his 
worthy  compatriots,  to  the  Declaration  of  American  Indepen 
dence  and  Sovereignty,  as  a  nation  among  the  nations  of  the 
eart\j.  On  that  very  day,  while  his  fellow  citizens  were  in 
joyful  festivity,  commemorating  that  event — on  the  day  of 
jubilee,  he,  with  another  member  of  the  committee  which 
congress  selected  to  prepare  that  instrument,  breathed  his 
last,  and  closed  his  mortal  existence  on  the  earth. 

This  event,  which  occurred  near  the  close  of  his  ninety, 
first  year,  so  remarkable  in  many  particulars,  was  extensive 
ly  commemorated  in  the  country,  with  many  significant 
tokens  of  public  mourning,  orations,  and  eulogies  ;  in  which 
the  real  sentiments  and  feelings  of  the  people  were  frankly 
expressed. 


SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

SAMUEL  ADAMS,  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  was  born  in 
Boston,  Massachusetts,  on  the  22d  day  of  September,  1722. 
The  respectable  family  from  which  he  descended,  was  one 
among  those  which  early  emigrated  and  settled  in  New  Eng 
land.  His  father,  during  many  years,  held  the  commission 
of  justice  of  the  peace,  and  was  one  of  the  board  of  select 
men  of  Boston ;  and  was  annually  chosen  a  representative 
of  that  town,  in  the  Massachusetts  house  of  assembly  during 
a  long  period  under  the  colonial  government.  He  was  pos 
sessed  of  considerable  wealth ;  and  having  resolved  to  give 
this  son  a  public  education,  he  placed  him  under  the  tuition 
of  Mr.  Lovell,  at  that  time  a  celebrated  teacher  of  a  gram 
mar  school  in  Boston,  to  prepare  him  for  admission  to  Har 
vard  university.  He  was  received  a  member  of  that  literary 
institution  at  an  early  age,  and  took  his  degree  of  A.  B.  in 
1740;  and  in  two  years  after,  received  his  second  degree 
He  was  an  uncommonly  sedate  youth ;  and  both  in  the  pre- 


MASSACHUSETTS.  45 

paratory  school  and  throughout  his  collegiate  term,  he  was 
remarkable  for  his  assiduity  in  attending  to  his  studies,  and 
for  punctuality  in  performing  his  collegiate  duties. 

The  tendency  of  his  reflections  at  that  early  age,  may  be 
inferred  from  the  question  which  he  proposed  for  discussion 
when  he  took  his  second  degree.  It  was  this,  whether  it  be 
lawful  to  resist  the  supreme  magistrate,  if  the  commonwealth 
cannot  be  otherwise  preserved.  He  adopted  and  defended 
the  affirmative  of  the  proposition ;  and  in  his  manner  of  sus- 
taining  it,  at  that  early  age,  evinced  a  decided  attachment  to 
the  liberties  of  the  people. 

He  also  practised  a  very  commendable  frugality  from  early 
life.  For  being  allowed  a  regular  and  fixed  stipend  by  his 
father,  without  incurring  the  sneers  or  reproaches  of  his 
comrades,  he  saved  from  his  paternal  allowance  a  sum  suf 
ficient  to  defray  the  expense  of  publishing  a  pamphlet,  enti 
tled  "  Englishmen's  Rights." 

His  father  intended  to  have  him  educated  for  the  profes 
sion  of  law.  Whether  at  his  own  instance,  is  not  known ; 
but  it  was  relinquished  by  his  father,  and  he  was  put  an  ap 
prentice  to  Thomas  Gushing,  a  distinguished  merchant  of 
Boston,  to  qualify  him  for  mercantile  pursuits.  He  seems, 
however,  not  to  have  been  partial  to  that  business,  for  which 
his  feelings  were  but  ill  adapted.  Politics  had  engaged  his 
thoughts  even  before  he  left  college  ;  and  to  the  study  of  them 
he  devoted  much  of  his  attention.  For  mutual  benefit,  he 
with  several  associates  possessed  of  kindred  feelings  formed 
a  club,  which  often  met  for  political  discussion,  and  to  fur 
nish,  each  in  his  turn,  an  essay  to  be  published  in  The  In 
dependent  Advertiser.  The  general  character  of  those 
essays  may  be  presumed  from  the  title  of  the  gazette  in 
which  they  were  published  ;  and  by  means  of  them,  the  wri 
ters,  by  way  of  derision,  incurred  the  nick-name  of  the  Whip 
ping  Club. 

His  father  gave  him  a  considerable  capital  to  commence 
business  as  a  merchant.  But  having  devoted  his  attention, 
during  his  apprenticeship,  more  to  politics  than  to  the  object 
of  his  immediate  pursuit,  he  was  but  indifferently  qualified  to 
manage  a  mercantile  establishment.  His  success  was  there 
fore  such  as  might  have  been  anticipated.  By  imprudence 
in  intrusting  others  with  property,  and  remissness  in  attend 
ing  to  a  business  which  never  much  engrossed  his  affections, 
his  affairs  soon  became  embarrassed,  and  at  no  very  distant 


46  SAMUEL  ADAMS, 

period,  so  effectually  deranged,  that  he  became  completely 
reduced. 

When  he  was  but  twenty-five,  his  father  died,  and  he,  being 
the  eldest  son,  was  left  with  the  care  of  the  family.  And  on 
him  also,  devolved  the  management  of  the  estate  left  by 
his  deceased  parent.  His  slight  attention  to  business,  and 
his  predominating  regard  to  politics,  but  poorly  qualified 
him  for  a  careful  discharge  of  the  duties  which  his  situa 
tion  demanded.  His  attention  was  bestowed  continually  on 
the  proceedings  of  the  parental  government,  that  he  might 
detect  every  beginning  encroachment  on  the  rights  of  the 
colonists.  And  he  employed  much  time,  both  in  writing,  and 
in  conversing  with  others,  endeavoring  to  excite  in  them  a 
similar  vigilance.  In  this  he  was  indefatigable.  He  was 
always  on  the  popular  side  ;  hence  in  a  later  period,  when  the 
aspect  of  the  times  became  more  threatening,  and  the  inter- 
ests  of  the  people  more  endangered  by  the  projects  and  mea 
sures  of  the  British  parliament,  he  was  always  put  forward  by 
his  fellow  citizens,  to  oppose  them,  as  their  prime  leader. 

When  intelligence  was  communicated  by  their  agent  in 
England,  of  the  design  to  tax  the  colonies,  and  raise  a  reve 
nue,  which  should  be  at  the  disposal  of  the  parliament,  he 
took  his  firm  stand  in  opposition  to  the  measure. 

It  was  the  custom  at  that  period,  when  the  towns  met  to 
elect  their  representatives  to  the  general  assembly,  to  in 
struct  them  respecting  their  legislative  duties.  By  the  first 
meeting  for  choosing  representatives,  after  that  intelligence 
had  reached  them,  Mr.  Adams  was  on  the  committee  foi 
drawing  up  their  instructions.  As  chairman  he  was  require*? 
to  draft  them.  The  instrument  still  remains  in  his  hard 
writing  ;  and  in  that  manuscript  is  found  the  first  public  de 
nial  of  the  right  of  the  British  parliament,  to  tax  the  colonies 
without  their  own  consent — the  first  denial  of  the  supremacy 
of  parliament — and  the  first  public  suggestion  of  an  union  on 
the  part  of  all  the  colonies,  as  necessary  to  protect  themselves 
against  British  aggression.  This  was  as  early  as  the  year 
1763.  In  1764  there  was  a  political  club  in  Boston,  which 
held  private  meetings.  At  those  meetings,  of  which  he  was  one 
of  the  most  active  members,  decisive  measures  were  project 
ed,  and  so  managed  as  -to  give  a  spring  and  direction  to  the 
public  feelings.  Here  the  determination  was  first  made  to 
oppose  paying  the  duty  on  stamped  paper.  Although  Mr. 
Adams  was  in  favor  of  the  opposition  given  to  the  stamp  act, 


MASSACHUSETTS.  4? 

by  destroying  the  stamped  paper,  and  the  office  whence  it 
was  issued  in  Boston,  he  was  opposed  to  the  riotous  proceed, 
ings  of  the  populace,  in  accomplishing  this  object ;  and  aided 
the  civil  magistrates  in  stopping  them.  He  commenced  his 
public  life  as  a  legislator  in  1765,  having  been  chosen  a 
representative  in  the  general  assembly  by  the  town  of  Boston. 
He  became  early  distinguished  in  that  body,  for  his  intelli 
gence,  sagacity,  and  active  exertions  in  supporting  the  popu 
lar  rights  of  the  colonies  against  the  deep  laid  policy  and 
the  insidious  aggressions  of  the  ministry  and  parliament  of 
Great  Britain,  by  which  they  were  intending  to  subject  the 
colonists  to  their  domination.  His  influence  and  great  ac 
tivity,  in  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  measures  of  the  parlia 
ment,  and  their  agents  in  Massachusetts,  soon  pointed  him 
out  to  the  governor's  notice,  as  one  whom  it  would  be  inexpe 
dient  to  pass  by  with  negle.ct.  He  was  therefore  represented 
by  Governor  Hutchinson,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  who  had  in 
quired  why  Mr.  Adams  had  not  been  silenced  by  office  or 
governmental  patronage ;  that  "  such  is  the  obstinacy  and 
inflexible  disposition  of  the  man,  that  he  can  never  be  con 
ciliated  by  any  office  or  gift  whatever."  This  is  an  honor 
able  attestation  to  his  integrity  and  patriotism  ;  especially 
when  it  is  recollected  that  he  was  a  poor  man,  as  it  respects 
property.  Yielding  to  the  overtures  of  the  administration, 
would  at  once  have  placed  him  free  from  pecuniary  embar 
rassment,  and  secured  to  him  wealth  and  importance.  The 
ofler  was  made  to  him ;  and  it  was  promptly  rejected. 

He  was  chosen  clerk  of  the  house  of  representatives,  soon 
after  he  took  his  seat  the  first  time  in  that  body.  With  him 
originated  the  suggestion  of  assembling  the  first  congress ; 
which  subsequently  met  in  New  York.  This  led,  at  a  later 
period,  to  the  meeting  of  the  continental  congress,  to  the 
confederation,  and  finally  to  that  chain  of  great  events  con 
nected  with  the  war  of  independence. 

During  that  period  of  contention  between  the  military  force 
which  was  quartered  in  Boston,  and  the  citizens,  which  last 
ed  several  years,  and  came  to  its  crisis  in  the  Boston  Massa 
cre,  he  bore  his  full  share,  with  his  associates,  John  Adams, 
Hancock,  Otis,  &c.  in  the  efforts  which  were  resolutely  made 
to  effect  their  removal  from  the  town.  And  it  was  owing  to 
his  decision  of  character,  more  than  the  influence  of  any 
other  cause,  that  their  removal  was  effected.  A  committee 
was  chosen  by  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  assembled  in  town 
mee  ling  the  morning  after  the  outrage  was  committed  by  the 


48  SAMUEL  ADAMS, 

soldiers,  to  call  on  the  acting  governor,  Hutchinson,  and  de 
mand  their  immediate  removal  from  the  town.  At  the  head 
of  that  committee,  was  Samuel  Adams.  Their  first  call  on 
him  proved  unsuccessful — the  governor  pretending  that  he 
did  not  possess  the  power  for  removing  them.  This  was  a 
mere  evasion,  and  was  used  solely  to  avoid  doing  a  duty,  for 
the  performance  of  which  he  was  fully  empowered,  as  com 
mander  in  chief  of  the  military  forces,  but  which  did  not  cor- 
respond  with  his  ideas  or  feelings.  The  town  meeting,  con- 
tinuing  in  session  to  learn  the  result  of  their  mission,  on  being 
informed  that  the  governor  did  not  comply  with  their  request, 
directed  their  committee  to  wait  on  him  again.  The  address 
of  Mr.  Adams  to  Governor  Hutchinson,  on  this  occasion, 
convinced  him,  not  only  that  he  had  the  power  to  remove 
them,  but  that  any  longer  neglect  or  refusal  to  exercise  it,  in 
conformity  to  the  expressed  will  of  the  citizens  of  Boston, 
would  be  at  his  own  peril ;  and  that  whatever  consequences 
resulted  from  it  would  be  chargeable  to  him.  The  gover 
nor,  with  whatever  reluctance,  found  it  necessary  to  submit. 
He  promised  a  compliance  with  their  demands  ;  that  it 
should  be  commenced  the  day  following ;  and  that  it  should 
not  be  remitted  until  the  entire  removal  of  both  regiments 
was  effected. 

Among  the  incidents  which  led  on  to  the  great  American 
revolution,  and  had  a  powerful  influence  in  preparing  the 
people  for  deciding  on  the  measure,  was  the  establishment 
of  committees  of  correspondence  in  the  several  colonies. 
The  first  suggestion  of  this  is  claimed  both  by  Massachusetts 
and  Virginia,  to  have  been  the  suggestion  of  one  of  their  dis 
tinguished  citizens;  Samuel  Adams,  by  the  former;  and 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  by  the  latter.  But  it  appears,  by  their 
private  correspondence,  since  brought  before  the  public,  that, 
without  any  interchange,  they  both  conceived  the  plan  about 
the  same  time.  It  was  proposed  to  a  town  meeting  in  Boston, 
by  Mr.  Adams,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1772,  and 
eagerly  embraced  by  that  body. 

Although  there  exists  no  certain  evidence  to  prove  that 
either  Governor  Barnard,  or  Governor  Hutchinson  ever  made 
any  direct  attempt  by  offers,  or  assurances  of  patronage,  to 
detach  Mr.  Adams  from  his  opposition  to  the  ministerial  pro 
jects  against  the  rights  of  his  country;  yet  it  was  reported, 
and  believed,  that  such  was  the  fact  with  respect  to  the  former. 
The  latter  knew  him  too  well  to  venture  on  such  a  step. 
But,  such  was  the  popularity  and  influence  of  Mr.  Adams, 


MASSACHUSETTS  49 

that  the  ministry  deemed  it  expedient  to  try  the  experiment 
directly.  For  this  they  authorized  Governor  Gage  ;  and  he 
selected  Colonel  Fenton  as  his  agent,  to  negotiate  with  him. 
It  seems  that  these  men  had  been  so  much  accustomed  to 
witness  the  consciences  of  public  men  as  articles  in  market, 
at  the  command  of  him  who  became  the  highest  bidder,  that 
they  did  not  dream  of  any  want  of  success  in  this  case.  They 
had  yet  to  learn  that  the  human  mind  could  be  actuated  by  a 
principle,  which  rendered  it  proof  against  venality  and  cor 
ruption.  In  the  result  of  this  negotiation,  they  were  effec 
tually  impressed  with  that  truth.  The  celebrated  answer  of 
Mr.  Adams,  which  he  returned  to  Governor  Gage  by  Fenton, 
was  such,  as  left  no  room  for  doubts.  After  he  had  atten 
tively  listened  to  the  offers  of  "  such  benefits  as  would  be 
satisfactory,  on  the  condition  of  his  ceasing  to  oppose  the 
measures  of  government,  about  which  he  was  authorized 
to  confer  with  Mr.  Adams  ;"  and,  to  the  menaces  of  the 
evils  that  would  be  incurred  by  his  rejecting  his  proposals — 
evils  formidable  indeed  ;  Mr.  Adams  returned  this  message 
to  Governor  Gage,  "  I  trust  I  have  long  since,  made  my  peace 
with  the  King  of  kings.  No  personal  consideration  shall 
induce  me  to  abandon  the  righteous  cause  of  my  country. 
Tell  Governor  Gage,  it  is  the  advice  of  Samuel  Adams  to 
him,  no  longer  to  insult  the  feelings  of  an  exasperated  peo 
pie." 

When  it  is  recollected  that  his  pecuniary  embarrassments 
were  urgent,  and  that  his  situation  was  peculiarly  perilous, 
being  marked  out  as  an  object  of  ministerial  vengeance, 
this  rejection  of  favor  and  gain — and  a  steady  adherence  to 
the  cause  of  his  country,  whose  prospects  were  far  from 
promising,  evinces  an  integrity  of  principle,  and  a  patriotic 
virtue,  which  would  have  been  celebrated  in  the  brightest  pe 
riods  of  Grecian  or  Roman  history.  The  immediate  conse- 
ouence  of  this  message  to  Governor  Gage  was,  the  issuing  his 
memorable  proclamation  of  his  majesty's  pardon  to  all  of  his 
misguided  subjects,  who  should  forthwith  lay  down  their  arms, 
and  submit  themselves,  from  which  royal  clemency  and  spe 
cial  favor,  Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hancock  only  were 
excluded.  This  honorable  exception  operated  powerfully  to 
t)ind  them  still  more  strongly  in  the  confidence  and  affection 
of  the  people  ;  and  prepared  the  way  for  their  future  promo- 
lion  and  advancement  in  public  life.  No  event  could  have 
t  ccurred  at  that  time,  better  calculated  to  enhance  their  popu- 

rity  in  the  community  at  large,  for  the  support  of  whose 

ft 


•t  SAMUEL    \IUMS, 

rights  and  dearest  interests  they  had  become  such  promi- 
nent  champions,  as  to  render  them  thus  obnoxious  to  royal 
vengeance.  To  the  people,  it  was  a  pledge  of  their  future 
fidelity  in  every  trust.  And,  to  themselves,  it  was  a  perpetual 
stimulant  to  greater  exertions,  in  opposing  the  encroachments 
of  despotic  power. 

Mr.  Adams,  from  his  first  admission  into  the  Massachu 
setts  house  of  assembly,  as  a  representative  of  Boston,  ap 
pears  to  have  taken  the  lead  in  all  the  important  measures 
presented  for  discussion.  He  was  the  first  and  most  efficient 
member  of  that  house,  when  delegates  were  chosen  to  repre 
sent  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  in  the  first  continental  con 
gress  that  met  in  Philadelphia.  He  projected  the  measure  ; 
and  at  a  time  when  men's  minds  were  not  maturely  decided 
on  the  expediency  of  the  project,  he,  by  his  activity  and 
address,  procured  a  meeting  of  some  influential  members, 
whose  opinion  in  its  favor  he  secured  ;  by  perseverance  he 
obtained  a  majority  to  act  with  him  ;  and  then  in  a  secret  ses 
sion,  five  delegates  were  elected,  notwithstanding  the  gover 
nor  issued  his  official  injunction  to  stay  their  proceedings,  and 
to  dissolve  the  assembly.  Mr.  Adams  was  one  of  the  five 
delegates  chosen  on  this  occasion.  In  this  transaction,  the 
authority  of  the  governor  was  put  at  defiance,  and  the  door 
of  their  hall  bolted  against  his  entrance.  His  secretary,  who 
was  sent  with  a  commission  to  dissolve  the  assembly,  was  re 
fused  admission,  and  staid  oh  the  door-steps  outside,  while 
the  key  was  safely  lodged  in  Samuel  Adams's  pocket. 

Having  now  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  concurrence  of 
the  assembly  to  send  delegates  to  the  congress,  and  having 
been  designated  a«  one  of  the  number,  on  the  fifth  day  of  the 
month  of  September ,  1774,  he  took  his  seat  in  congress, 
in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  Of  that  great  national  assembly, 
he  continued  an  active  and  efficient  member  until  1781,  ex 
hibiting  an  example  of  persevering  attention  to  the  numerous 
duties  that  devolved  on  him ;  a  parallel  to  which  can  hardly 
be  found.  His  name  is  to  be  found  among  the  signers  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

During  his  whole  term  of  congressional  life,  he  was  ac 
tively  employed  in  promoting  those  great  national  measures, 
which  were  devised  and  pursued  for  sustaining  the  nation  un 
til  the  happy  termination  of  the  great  struggle  in  which  it  was 
engaged.  The  journals  of  congress,  during  that  period,  from 
time  to  time,  will  show  his  name  on  almost  every  important 
committee  appointed  by  that,  body.  In  the  most  gloomy  sea- 


MASSACHUSETTS.  51 

sons,  and  in  those  times  when  the  prospects  of  the  country 
were  the  most  disheartening  and  adverse,  when  the  hearts 
of  many  and  even  some  of  the  members  of  that  body  were 
failing  them  for  fear,  he  always  ke-pt  up  a  cheerful  spirit, 
and  mildly  reproved  others  for  showing  indications  of  des 
pondency,  well  knowing  that  congress  was  looked  to  for  u.n 
example  by  the  people,  and  that  such  indications  would  pro 
duce  a  most  unhappy  influence  through  the  community. 

He  had  been  accustomed  for  years,  to  confide  in  a  just 
over-ruling  Providence.  He  felt  assured  that  the  cause  of 
his  country  was  just  and  righteous ;  and  during  the  darkest 
times  of  the  war,  which  had  been  waged  by  the  colonists  for 
protecting  their  chartered  rights  against  arbitrary  usurpation, 
he  always  was  persuaded,  that  ultimately  success  would 
crown  their  labors.  "  He  trusted  in  God,  and  he  was  not 
confounded." 

In  1781  Mr.  Adams  retired  from  congress,  and  returned 
to  Boston,  his  place  of  domestic  residence.  After  so  long  a 
term  spent  in  the  service  of  the  public,  and  having  largely 
participated  in  the  most  important  transactions  which  led  to 
a  final  separation  of  the  colonies  from  the  parent  country,  and 
to  their  establishment  as  an  independant  sovereign  nation  ;  on 
the  near  prospect  of  terminating  hostilies  in  peace,  and  hav 
ing  obtained  the  great  objects  for  which  the  country  had 
taken  up  arms,  by  the  acknowledgment  of  their  independence 
by  Great  Britain ;  at  his  time  of  life,  it  might  have  seemed 
desirable  to  him  to  be  allowed  to  pass  his  future  years  in  the 
tranquillity  of  private  life.  But  his  fellow  citizens  still  felt 
that  they  wanted  his  services,  and  by  preferring  him  to  public 
employment,  they  designed  to  manifest  their  continued  con 
fidence  in  him,  and  thus  to  express  a  grateful  sense  of  obli. 
gations  to  him  for  his  former  patriotic  exertions,  and  their 
approbation  of  his  wisdom  and  fidelity.  He  was  a  member 
of  the  convention  which  formed  the  constitution  of  Massa- 
chusetts,  and  of  the  committee  which  drafted  it. 

He  was  successively  a  member  of  the  senate  of  the  com- 
monwealth,  president  of  that  body,  and  a  member  of  the 
convention  of  that  state,  which  adopted  the  federal  constitu- 
tion  of  the  United  States.  To  these  several  expressions  of 
the  respect  and  attachment  of  his  fellow  citizens,  ensued  an 
election  to  the  offices  of  lieutenant  governor,  and  governor  of 
the  commonwealth.  In  the  latter  office  he  was  annually  re. 
elected,  until  age  and  infirmities  required  him  to  retire  to 
private  life.  He  died  on  the  3d  day  of  October,  1803,  in 
the  eighty-second  year  of  his  age. 


52  ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE, 


ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE. 

ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE  was  born  in  Boston,  1731.  Hi9 
parents  were  esteemed  for  their  piety  and  respectability.  His 
father  was  educated  for  the  gospel  ministry,  and  was  for  a 
few  years  pastor  of  a  church  in  Weymouth,  in  the  colony  of 
Massachusetts.  But  his  health  being  feeble,  he  found  him 
self  unable  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  pastoral  office,  and 
he  sought  and  obtained  his  dismission  from  the  people  of  his 
charge.  For  the  same  reason,  he  also  relinquished  the  mi- 
nistry,  and  removed  to  Boston,  where  he  entered  on  the  busi 
ness  of  merchandise.  His  mother  was  the  daughter  of  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Treat,  who  was  settled  in  Eastham,  in  the  county 
of  Barnstable.  His  maternal  grandfather  was  Governor 
Treat,  of  Connecticut.  His  maternal  grandmother  was  a 
daughter  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Willard,  of  Boston,  who  was 
much  respected  and  greatly  celebrated  for  piety  and  learn 
ing  by  his  contemporaries. 

If  we  remember  the  ardent  piety  of  a  large  portion  of  the 
people  of  New  England  at  that  early  period,  their  strict 
moral  observances,  and  the  careful  attention  which  was  given 
by  parents  to  the  cultivation  of  correct  principles  in  their 
children,  it  will  be  very  natural  to  conclude,  that  the  mind 
of  young  Paine  was  cultivated  with  pious  care.  Such  was 
the  fact. 

To  prepare  him  for  entering  college,  his  father  placed  him 
under  the  instruction  of  the  same  Mr.  Lovell,  to  whom  the 
preliminary  education  of  John  Adams,  Hancock,  and  others, 
who  became  distinguished  in  after  life,  had  been  intrusted. 

From  this  time  but  little  is  known  of  him,  till  after  he  gra 
duated  ;  except  that  he  was  entered  a  member  of  Harvard 
College,  at  the  age  of  14  years. 

After  he  left  the  university,  he  devoted  himself  for  some 
months  to  keeping  a  school ;  an  employment  in  which  a  large 
proportion  of  the  literary  men  of  all  professions  in  New  Eng 
land,  have  been  engaged  during  a  part  of  their  lives. 

Having  closed  his  business  of  school  keeping,  he  made  a 
voyage  to  Europe.  To  this  he  was  induced  by  filial  piety. 
His  father  proving  unsuccessful  in  his  business,  had  become 
reduced  in  his  pecuniary  circumstances,  and  was  afflicted 
with  sickness  in  some  members  of  his  family. 

Mr.  Paine  pursued  the  study  of  theology  for  some  time, 
and  served  as  a  chaplain,  in  an  expedition  of  the  provincia. 


M  ASSAC  HUSETTS  53 

K>  ehe  north,  in  1755 ;  and  he  occasionally  preached 
for  some  of  the  ministers  in  Boston,  and  the  neighborhood. 

But  for  some  reasons,  the  nature  of  which  we  are  left 
to  infer,  he  thought  proper  to  renounce  the  ministry  of  the 
gospel  for  the  bar.  This  subject,  however,  is  not  deemed 
of  sufficient  importance  to  merit  an  investigation.  Having 
resolved  on  the  measure,  he  entered  the  office  of  Benjamin 
Pratt,  a  barrister  of  considerable  distinction  in  the  county  of 
Suffolk,  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  subse 
quently  chief  justice  of  the  colony  of  New  York.  While 
pursuing  the  study  of  law,  he  was  necessitated  to  resort  again 
to  the  employment  of  school  keeping,  to  procure  the  requisite 
means  for  defraying  his  expenses. 

On  his  being  admitted  to  the  bar,  he  settled  in  Boston,  but 
after  a  short  residence  there  he  removed  to  Taunton,  the 
shire  town  of  Bristol  county,  thirty-six  miles  from  Boston. 
In  that  town  he  resided  many  years,  and  had  often  to  mea 
sure  his  strength,  as  an  opposing  advocate,  with  the  celebra 
ted  Timothy  Ruggles,  a  gentleman  much  distinguished  for 
some  singular  traits  of  character,  and  more  extensively  known 
by  the  appellation  of  "  Brigadier  Ruggles  ;"  of  whom  many 
singular  anecdotes  are  even  now  related  in  that  region.  To 
Brigadier  Ruggles  Mr.  Paine  soon  became  a  formidable 
rival  in  business  ;  and  this  at  that  era,  was  viewed  as  an  hon 
orable  testimony  in  his  favor,  and  an  indication  of  no  incon 
siderable  merit  in  the  public  estimation. 

Although  Mr.  Paine  decidedly  espoused  the  cause  of  civil 
liberty,  as  being  the  cause  of  the  people  of  the  colonies,  in 
opposition  to  the  oppressive  measures  of  the  ministry ;  and 
acted  in  unison  with  the  other  patriots  of  the  age  in  that  re 
gion  ;  yet  he  seems  to  have  conducted  himself  with  so  much 
prudence  and  discretion,  that  he  possessed  the  full  confidence 
of  the  executive  of  the  province.  For  an  attempt  having 
been  made  to  evade  the  revenue  laws  (which  were  of  recent 
date  and  very  obnoxious  to  the  people,)  in  Bristol  county,  by 
clandestinely  removing  by  night  from  the  custody  of  the  re 
venue  officer,  some  property  lately  imported  into  that  county 
from  abroad,  on  which  duties  were  payable  ;  and  when  the  of 
ficer  was  about  to  take  possession  of  the  property,  to  subject 
it  to  the  exactions  of  the  law,  he  was  opposed  by  force  ;  an 
application  was  made  to  the  governor  and  council  for  redress. 
To  provide  the  requisite  relief,  a  commission  of  five  magis 
trates  was  appointed  in  that  county,  to  investigate  the  matter 
of  complaint,  and  support  the  officer  in  performing  his  legal 


54  ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE, 

duties.  Mr.  Paine  was  designated  as  a  member  of  that  com- 
mission,  and  he  discharged  the  duty  thus  devolved  on  him, 
in  connection  with  his  colleagues,  in  a  manner  which  received 
the  full  and  entire  approbation  of  the  executive. 

In  1768,  after  Governor  Barnard  had  dissolved  the  legis 
lature,  because  they  had  with  closed  doors  resolved  on  send 
ing  a  circular  to  the  other  colonies,  requesting  them  to  act 
in  concert  for  the  public  good,  which  circular  they  would  not 
rescind  to  gratify  his  excellency ;  some  leading  men  of  Bos 
ton  called  a  convention  of  delegates  from  the  several  towns 
in  the  province,  to  devise  measures  for  protecting  the  rights 
of  the  people  against  the  encroachments  which  the  ministe 
rial  party  had  been  systematically  pursuing,  Mr.  Paine  at- 
tended  as  delegate  from  Taunton. 

When  the  soldiers,  who  had  perpetrated  the  Boston  Mas 
sacre,  were  arraigned  for  trial  on  the  charge  of  murder,  he 
was  employed  by  the  town  of  Boston  as  counsel  against  the 
prisoners.  The  attorney  general,  whose  official  duty  it  was 
to  prosecute,  was  unable  to  attend  the  court  by  reason  of 
sickness.  It  became  necessary  to  provide  a  substitute.  The 
occasion  was  one  of  singular  interest  with  all  parties.  And 
the  selection  of  Mr.  Paine  for  the  station,  if  we  consider  the 
state  of  the  times  and  the  peculiar  excitement  existing  among 
the  people,  is  a  strong  indication  of  the  estimation  in  which 
they  viewed  him,  both  as  a  firm  patriot  and  an  able  lawyer. 

The  opinion  of  his  talents  and  patriotic  integrity,  which 
was  entertained  by  the  inhabitants  of  Taunton  at  that  critical 
period,  when  the  public  were  universally  agitated  and  dis 
trustful,  may  be  inferred  from  the  various  appointments  to 
which  they  successively  preferred  him.  In  1773  there  was 
a  committee  of  vigilance  and  correspondence  established  in 
the  several  towns  in  the  province,  with  one  of  a  similar  cha. 
racter  in  Boston.  Mr.  Paine  was  chairman  of  that  commit 
tee  in  Taunton.  In  the  year  following,  the  citizens  elected 
him  a  representative  to  the  provincial  legislature  ;  and  again 
in  1774.  This  included  the  time  when  Chief  Justice  Oliver 
was  impeached  on  a  charge  of  receiving  his  stipend  directly 
from  the  king,  instead  of  the  established  usage  of  a  grant 
from  the  general  assembly.  And  he  was  one  of  the  mana 
gers  appointed  by  the  house  of  representatives,  to  prosecute 
that  impeachment.  This  impeachment  of  Mr.  Justice  Olivei 
was  placed  on  the  ground,  that  he  was  by  reason  of  the  modt 
of  receiving  his  compensation,  rendered  more  liable  to  bt 
swayed  by  ministerial  influence,  being  himself  dependant  01 


MASSACHUSETTS.  55 

the  king  directly  for  his  salary,  and  entirely  independent  of 
the  people,  in  whose  courts  he  presided,  and  to  whose  de 
cision  their  controversies  and  interests  were  subjected. 

Mr.  Paine  was  among  the  first  of  those,  in  Massachusetts, 
who  advocated  the  appointment  of  delegates  to  a  continental 
congress — was  a  member  of  that  assembly  by  which  the 
measure  was  resolved  on,  in  a  session  of  that  body,  after  they 
had  closed  their  doors  against  those  active  messengers,  whom 
Governor  Gage  had  sent  to  dissolve  the  assembly  but  who 
were  refused  admission ;  Mr.  Paine  was  one  of  those  chosen 
to  represent  Massachusetts  in  the  first  congress  of  the  states, 
that  convened  in  Philadelphia.  He  was  returned  to  the  same 
body  the  next  year  ;  and  the  continued  confidence  of  his 
townsmen  was  manifested  by  their  electing  him  a  member  of 
the  provincial  congress,  which  met  in  Concord,  in  the  autumn 
of  1774  and  spring  of  1775.  By  that  body  he  was  placed  on 
a  committee  to  consider  the  state  of  the  province. 

In  ordinary  circumstances  of  peace,  when  the  public 
mind  is  tranquil,  when  there  exists  nothing  to  excite  suspi 
cion  and  alarm,  incidents  like  these  just  recited,  would  justly 
be  considered  as  of  trivial  importance.  But  it  was  not  so 
in  the  instance  before  us.  Then  every  interest  of  the  peo 
pie  was  known  to  be  in  jeopardy ;  there  was  a  settled  pur 
pose,  on  the  part  of  the  British  government,  to  subject  the 
colonies  to  their  absolute  control  ;  to  tax  them  arbitrarily, 
according  to  their  pleasure  ;  to  withdraw  all  evidence  of  char 
tered  rights  from  their  possession  ;  and  to  render  the  colonists 
entirely  subservient  to  their  will  and  pleasure.  All  this  was 
well  understood  by  the  citizens.  And,  what  rendered  their 
situation  still  more  perplexing,  there  was  no  inconsiderable 
portion  of  the  inhabitants,  concerning  whose  fidelity  to  their 
interests  they  were  justly  very  suspicious.  They  felt  it  to 
be,  as  in  truth  it  was,  very  important,  when  selecting  men  to 
perform  the  duties  of  any  public  office,  to  choose  such  only 
as  were  decidedly  with  them  in  principle  and  feeling,  who 
possessed  superior  talents,  in  whose  firmness,  decision,  pa 
triotism,  and  virtue,  they  had  confidence  ;  and  such  as  would 
be  vigilant  sentinels  to  guard  and  protect  them  against  all 
invasions  of  their  birthright  and  possessions.  In  such  a  time 
it  was  that  Mr.  Paine  was  ushered  into  public  life,  and  such 
were  the  testimonials  of  the  people's  confidence  repeatedly 
given  him.  It  is  on  these  grounds,  and  for  these  reasons, 
that  they  are  considered  as  valuable  records,  worthy  of  being 
inserted  in  his  biography. 


56  ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE, 

Among  the  many  cares  which  devolved  on  him,  as  a  com- 
missioner,  those  relating  immediately  to  the  war  may  be  no- 
ticed  with  propriety.  It  is  well  known  that  the  colonies,  at 
the  commencement  of  the  revolutionary  war,  were  very  de 
ficient  in  fire  arms  and  ammunition — articles  indispensible  for 
prosecuting  it  with  success.  Congress  early  took  these  sub 
jects  into  their  consideration,  with  a  view  to  furnishing  them. 
They  appointed  a  committee  to  introduce  and  encourage  the 
manufacture  of  saltpetre  ;  of  which  committee  Mr.  Paine 
was  chairman.  In  this  business  his  labors  were  abundant ; 
and  the  success  of  the  measures  proposed  and  the  plans  sug 
gested,  was  very  beneficial  to  the  country. 

In  the  autumn  of  1775  he  was  deputed  by  congress,  with  two 
colleagues,  to  visit  the  army  under  the  command  of  General 
Schuyler,  which  was  on  the  northern  frontier.  A  commission 
of  this  kind  is  of  a  delicate  character,  and  requires  prudence, 
wisdom,  and  sound  discretion  in  those  entrusted  with  its  execu 
tion.  In  this  case  the  duties  were  important,  and  the  powers 
committed  to  the  deputies  almost  unlimited  ;  yet  they  were 
discharged  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  congress.  He  was 
then  placed  on  a  committee,  of  which  he  was  chairman,  to 
make  contracts  for  muskets  and  bayonets,  and  to  encourage 
and  promote  the  manufacture  of  fire  arms. 

In,  1775  Massachusetts  having  formed  their  constitution, 
organized  their  courts.  John  Adams  was  selected  for  the  chief 
justice,  and  Mr.  Paine  was  appointed  one  of  the  side  judges. 
But  of  that  appointment  he  declined  acceptance,  and  was 
again  returned  a  member  of  congress  in  December,  1775. 
In  April,  1776,  he  was  on  a  committee  for  procuring  cannon 
for  the  public  service.  And  in  June  following,  he,  Mr.  Jef 
ferson,  and  Mr.  Rutledge,  by  appointment,  reported  rules  for 
regulating  congress  in  their  debates.  In  the  same  month  he 
was  designated  with  others  to  investigate  the  causes  of  the 
miscarriages  of  the  plans  which  had  been  adopted  for  making 
an  impression  in  Canada.  And  on  the  fourth  day  of  July, 
he  was  present,  and  fully  prepared,  to  affix  his  signature  to 
that  instrument  which  severed  for  ever,  from  the  parent  go 
vernment  of  Great  Britain,  the  United  States  of  North  Ame 
rica,  and  introduced  them  to  the  rank  of  an  independent  peo 
ple  among  the  sovereign  nations  of  the  world. 

He  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  congress  again,  for  1777,  and 
1778,  and  during  a  portion  of  that  period  was  employed  in  several 
offices  in  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  and  a  part  of  the 
session  of  their  legislature  he  was  speaker  of  the  house  of 


MASSACHUSETTS  57 

representatives  ;  and  in  1777,  he  was  appointed  attorney 
general  of  the  commonwealth,  by  an  unanimous  vote  of  the 
council  and  house  of  representatives. 

Such  was  the  fluctuating  value  of  the  currency  of  the 
country,  that  it  was  deemed  necessary,  in  order  to  sustain  the 
operations  of  the  government,  to  adopt  some  measure  for 
giving  it  a  standard  value.  For  this  delicate  purpose  a  com 
mission  was  designated  to  meet  at  New  Haven,  in  Connecti 
cut.  He  was  one  of  the  committee  chosen  by  Massachusetts. 
Indeed,  either  in  his  native  state,  or  as  their  delegate  to  con 
gress,  his  whole  time  was  engrossed  by  incessant  employ 
ment  to  promote  the  great  interests  of  his  country ;  and  this  at 
the  time  when  her  prospects  were  more  gloomy,  and  her 
burdens  more  oppressive,  than  at  an}*  other  period  of  the 
struggle  in  which  she  was  involved. 

Early  in  the  year  1778,  it  was  proposed  to  form  a  consti 
tution  of  civil  government  for  Massachusetts,  and  Mr.  Paine 
was  one  of  a  committee  for  that  purpose,  appointed  by  the 
legislature.  As  the  draught  which  that  committee  presented, 
did  not  meet  with  acceptance  by  the  people,  the  business 
was  resumed  in  the  year  following ;  and  he  was  chosen  a 
delegate  to  the  convention  which  formed  the  constitution, 
and  one  of  the  committee  which  reported  the  constitution. 
It  was  adopted  in  1780,  and  has  been  in  operation  almost 
half  a  century,  having  experienced  only  some  slight  amend 
ments  in  the  meantime. 

He  held  the  office  of  attorney  general  until  1790,  when, 
having  been  appointed  a  judge  of  the  supreme  judicial  court, 
he  took  his  seat  on  the  bench  ;  although  for  reasons  which 
operated  at  the  time  of  his  appointment  to  the  office  at  a  for 
mer  period,  he  had  declined  it.  He  continued  to  discharge 
the  duties  of  a  judge  until  1804,  a  period  of  fourteen  years  ; 
at  which  time  he  was  admonished  by  age  and  infirmities,  to 
retire  from  active  life.  He  was,  however,  elected  to  the 
office  of  counsellor  of  the  commonwealth  for  the  year  1804. 

He  died  in  1814,  at  the  age  of  eighty-four  years.  He  de 
voted  a  large  portion  of  the  active  years  of  his  long  life  to 
the  public  service,  in  which  he  had  filled  numerous  and  va 
rious  offices ;  the  several  duties  of  which  he  performed  with 
usefulness  and  fidelity  to  his  country. 

He  was  ostensibly  stern  in  his  deportment,  and  austere  in 
his  manners ;  but  kind  and  gentle  in  his  family,  and  sincere 
and  warm  in  his  friendships.  He  took  a  lively  and  feeling 
interest  in  the  civil,  literary,  and  religious  institutions  of  the 


58  ELBRlnOE  GERRY, 

country,  particularly  of  his  native  New  England;  and  mani- 
Tested,  on  all  proper  occasions,  his  sense  of  the  great  impor 
tance  of  the  religious  establishments  of  New  England,  in  their 
connection  with  the  welfare  of  society. 

Thus  lived,  and  thus  died  Robert  Treat  Paine,  whose  name 
will  go  down  to  future  ages  in  the  history  of  his  times,  as 
one  of  the  fathers  of  the  American  republic,  and  one  of  the 
patriotic  founders  of  the  infant  nation.  And  to  him  will  be 
long  the  distinguished  honor  of  having,  together  with  his  col 
leagues,  heroically  affixed  his  name  to  the  Declaration  of 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  North  America. 


ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

THIS  gentleman,  whose  name  is  inscribed  on  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  North  America, 
was  born  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  town  of 
Marblehead,  in  July,  1744.  This  town  is  situated  about  14 
miles  N.  E.  of  Boston,  and  borders  on  Massachusetts  Bay. 
It  is  built  in  a  rustic  manner,  and  its  inhabitants  have  been, 
at  all  times,  distinguished  for  their  hardy  and  successful 
enterprise  in  prosecuting  the  fisheries,  particularly  the  cod 
fishery.  Here  his  father  settled,  and  found  ample  scope  for 
exerting  his  commercial  enterprise.  And  here,  by  his  per 
severing  and  successful  industry,  he  acquired  a  considerable 
fortune.  Being  possessed  of  the  requisite  means,  he  deter 
mined  to  give  his  son  a  literary  education  ;  and  for  this  pur 
pose,  after  having  obtained  the  necessary  preparation,  by  the 
usual  course  of  studies,  he  was  entered  a  member  of  Harvard 
university.  During  his  collegiate  term,  he  acquired  the  re 
putation  of  a  good  scholar ;  and  at  its  close,  graduated  a 
bachelor  of  arts  in  1762. 

Soon  after  his  return  from  college,  he  entered  into  com 
merce  ;  and  prosecuted  it  with  such  success,  that  in  a  few 
years  he  had  acquired  a  handsome  property  and  established 
a  very  favorable  character  among  his  fellow  citizens.  Hav 
ing  previously  to  that  period  devoted  his  attention  to  the  pro 
gress  of  events  in  relation  to  Great  Britain  and  his  native 
country^and  he  early  became  persuaded  with  his  compatriots 
of  Massachusetts,  that  measures  were  fast  ripening  for  open 


MASSACHUSETTS.  59 

hostilities.  Although  for  many  reasons  they  sincerely  depre 
cated  such  a  result,  yet  they  soon  found  it  necessary,  in 
order  to  meet  it  in  the  best  manner  they  could,  to  adopt  such 
preliminary  measures  as  the  condition  of  the  colonies  would 
admit  of.  As  Mr.  Gerry  had  become  popular  in  his  native 
town,  and  had  manifested  decision  of  purpose,  and  much  in 
telligence  on  those  subjects  which  interested  every  indivi 
dual  in  the  community,  he  was  early  selected  by  his  fellow 
citizens  to  represent  them  in  the  general  court  of  the  pro 
vince.  In  the  latter  part  of  May,  1773,  he  appeared  the 
first  time  in  that  body,  as  a  representative  of  Marblehead ; 
and  very  soon  became  distinguished  as  a  leading,  fearless, 
active,  and  zealous  member,  and  as  one  of  the  influential 
political  leaders  in  the  country,  in  opposition  to  the  British 
ministry,  and  their  hostile  measures  towards  the  North  Ame 
rican  colonies.  Having  been  called  to  act  his  part  in  the 
new  theatre  he  had  now  entered,  he  seems  to  have  been 
qualified  like  the  other  patriots  who  were  destined  to  take 
their  several  parts,  as  actors  with  him  in  the  great  drama, 
and  well  fitted  to  perform  them  in  the  best  manner  for  the 
future  and  lasting  benefit  of  the  country.  The  crisis  was 
appalling ;  the  rencounter,  tremendous  ;  but  he  arid  his  dis 
tinguished  fellow  laborers  were  found  adequate  to  meet  it ; 
and  they  came  out  of  the  conflict  with  triumph. 

Mr.  Gerry  was  an  active  and  useful  member  of  all  the 
important  committees  of  vigilance,  of  correspondence,  and 
of  devising  and  putting  in  operation  measures  of  defence 
against  the  designs  of  the  foes.  A  civil  war  was  deprecated 
by  all  the  leading  patriots  of  that  day.  But  the  measures 
which  the  British  government  had  long  pursued  towards  the 
colonies,  had  fully  persuaded  them  that  it  must  take  place  ; 
that  they  could  no  otherwise  avoid  it,  than  by  submitting  pas 
sively  to  whatever  impositions  the  ministry  might  please  to 
lay  on  them.  This  only  other  alternative  was  wholly  inad 
missible,  and  they  unitedly  determined  to  prepare  for  the  storm 
in  the  best  manner  they  were  able,  contend  with  it  manfully, 
and  triumph  or  perish.  Although  that  era  is  still  remembered, 
and  its  terrors  are  yet  fresh  in  the  minds  of  many  still  living, 
a  few  years  only  will  pass  away,  and  they  will  be  known  to 
the  living,  only  as  facts  recorded  in  the  history  of  the  times. 

During  the  administration  of  Governor  Hutchinson,  in  Mas 
sachusetts,  some  person,  (supposed  to  have  been  the  gover 
nor  himself)  had  written,  and  forwarded  to  England,  letters 
of  an  inflammatory  character,  which  were  designed  to  increase 


60  ELBRIDGE  GERRY, 

the  bitter  feelings  that  existed  in  the  government  at  home,  to- 
wards  the  inhabitants  of  that  province.  By  some  means, 
Doctor  Franklin,  then  in  England,  got  possession  of  them,  and 
forwarded  them  to  his  friend  in  Boston.  Soon  after  they  had 
been  received  and  canvassed,  Mr.  John  Adams  introduced 
resolutions  into  the  general  court,  which  had  a  direct  relation 
to  the  governor ;  and  which  probably  hastened  his  return  to 
England.  Mr.  Gerry,  though  young  in  public  life,  united 
with  Adams  and  others  in  supporting  and  prosecuting  the 
objects  comprised  in  those  resolutions.  He  also  united 
with  him  in  most  of  those  measures  which  he  instituted  about 
that  time  ;  and  which  ultimately  terminated  in  the  prostration 
of  the  royal  government  in  Massachusetts. 

He  took  an  active  part,  with  his  associates,  in  impeaching 
the  judges  ;  in  opposing  the  importation  of  tea";  the  Boston 
port  bill ;  in  establishing  a  non-intercourse  system ;  and 
in  arranging  an  intercourse  with  the  other  colonies,  for  or 
ganizing  and  securing  effectual  measures  of  defence,  against 
the  encroachments  of  the  British  upon  their  liberties  and  pri 
vileges.  He  was  ever  active  in  concerting  the  most  efficient 
measures  for  securing  and  guarding  the  public  welfare. 
These  were  numerous  ;  but  not  necessary  to  be  repeated  here, 
as  they  are  carefully  enumerated  in  the  lives  of  some  of  his 
colleagues,  who  inscribed  their  names  on  the  same  document 
which  bears  his. 

Mr.  Gerry  was  a  member  of  the  first  provincial  congress, 
which  was  organized  in  Salem,  and  adjourned  to  Concord, 
in  Massachusetts.  This  was  soon  after  Governor  Gage  suc 
ceeded  Governor  Hut6hinson.  In  that  congress,  he  was  an 
active  and  leading  member ;  and  zealously  promoted  all  the 
important  measures  which  they  adopted.  At  the  expiration 
of  the  term  for  which  the  delegates  were  chosen  to  this  first 
congress  of  the  province,  a  second  was  organized.  Of  this 
also  he  was  a  member ;  and  was  placed  on  the  two  great 
committees  of  safety  and  supplies.  These  committees  were 
executive,  and  required  the  utmost  activity  and  vigilance. 
The  times  and  circumstances  of  the  country,  were  such  as 
rendered  these  indispensable.  They  had  an  artful  power  to 
oppose,  which  was  planning  to  collect  in  Boston,  all  the  arms, 
cannon,  and  ammunition,  which  had  been  deposited  in  differ 
ent  towns  in  the  province,  that  they  might  be  under  the  con- 
trol  of  the  government,  and  arrested  from  the  power  of  the 
inhabitants.  This  was  m  the  year  1775;  the  year  in  which 


MASSACHUSETTS  61 

the  British  force  marched  to  Concord,  and  Lexington,  wnere 
open  hostilities  between  the  two  countries  commenced. 

It  was  during  the  march  of  the  English  force  to  Concord, 
through  Cambridge,  when  the  committee  of  supplies  had 
been  in  session,  that  Mr.  Gerry,  and  Colonels  Lee  and  Orne, 
had  remained  over  night.  They  were  very  near  being  captured 
by  a  detachment  that  surrounded  the  house  in  which  they 
were  lodged.  With  much  difficulty,  however,  they  made 
their  escape  to  a  secure  retreat,  with  very  little  covering  be 
side  their  night-dresses.  There  they  concealed  themselves 
until  the  danger  to  which  they  had  been  exposed  had  passed 
by.  They  then  returned,  and  spread  the  alarm  among  the 
inhabitants. 

On  the  night  preceding  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  Mr. 
Gerry,  with  his  intimate  friend,  General  Warren,  who  fell  in 
that  engagement,  retired  to  the  same  bed.  In  the  morning 
they  separated  with  an  affectionate  farewell,  to  meet  no  more 
in  this  world.  Mr.  Gerry  went,  as  his  duty  called  him,  to  at 
tend  a  meeting  of  the  congress  in  Watertown  on  that  day; 
and  Warren,  to  meet  death  on  Bunker's  memorable  battle 
ground. 

Mr.  Gerry  was  appointed  a  judge  of  the  court  of  admiralty, 
by  the  first  general  assembly  that  was  chosen,  as  a  substitute 
for  the  provincial  congress,  which  had  for  some  time  constitu 
ted  the  civil  government  of  the  state.  It  was  an  office  of 
much  importance,  and  considerable  emolument.  But  he  de 
clined  accepting  the  appointment,  because  he  preferred  a 
more  active  life,  which  he  thought  better  adapted  to  his  age 
and  his  habits  ;  and  in  which  he  was  convinced  he  should  be 
more  useful  in  promoting  the  cause  of  his  fellow  citizens. 
This  decision  did  not  lessen  the  confidence  they  had  reposed 
in  him  ;  for,  in  January,  1776,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of 
the  continental  congress,  then  sitting  in  Philadelphia,  with 
Hancock,  Paine,  and  the  two  Adams.  In  this  body,  where 
there  was  important  business  enough  to  occupy  the  attention, 
and  demand  the  talents  of  all,  Mr.  Gerry  was  early  ap 
pointed  to  act  on  many  of  the  most  important  interests  of  the 
public.  To  him  and  his  colleagues,  were  committed  the  se 
veral  duties  of  superintending  the  treasury,  of  reporting  the 
best  method  of  supplying  the  army  in  Canada — for  raising 
the  necessary  supplies  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  war, 
for  the  year  1778 ;  and  various  other  stations,  the  duties  of 
which  were  momentous,  and  of  vast  importance  to  the  na 
tional  success.  In  the  performance  of  these  duties,  he  was 


52  ELBRIDGE  GERRY, 

active,  and  acquitted  himself  with  fidelity,  to  the  approba 
tion  of  congress,  and  the  state  which  he  represented.  This 
was  fully  evinced  by  their  appointing  him  again  to  represent 
them  the  following  year,  in  the  same  honorable  body.  In 
1777,  he  was  not  only  continued  in  the  several  employments 
which  had  been  assigned  to  him  the  year  preceding,  but  ap 
pointed  to  others,  various  in  their  objects  and  details,  and  in 
volving  an  importance  in  their  consequences,  fully  equal  to 
any  with  which  he  had  been  before  intrusted.  Among  these 
was  "  a  committee  of  commerce ;"  a  committee  to  visit  the 
main  army  under  Washington,,  to  adjust  some  difficulties 
in  the  commissary  department.  He,  with  Mr.  Livingston 
and  Mr.  Clymer,  were  instructed  to  repair  to  head  quarters ; 
and  were  vested  with  full  powers  to  adopt  whatever  measures 
the  state  of  the  case  rendered  necessary. 

When  the  subject  of  the  confederation  came  before  con 
gress,  which  measure  was  found  necessary  for  providing  a 
more  efficient  government  than  had  hitherto  been  adopted 
by  the  existing  congress — Mr.  Gerry  resolutely  opposed  the 
measure,  brought  forward  by  the  delegates  from  Virginia, 
for  depriving  the  small  states  of  their  equal  representation  in 
congress ;  and  of  allowing  votes  in  proportion  to  population. 
The  subsequent  formation  of  the  federal  constitution,  and  its 
adoption  by  the  people  of  the  several  states,  have  furnished 
proof  of  the  correctness  of  his  views,  in  relation  to  that  sub 
ject,  even  at  that  early  period.  It  was  vehemently  urged  by 
delegates  from  Virginia,  and  some  other  of  the  large  states  ; 
but  as  strenuously  opposed  by  those  of  the  small  states,  who 
found  zealous  coadjutors  in  Mr.  Gerry,  and  his  colleagues. 

When  his  friend  and  colleague,  Hancock,  vacated  the 
office  of  president  of  congress,  after  having  held  it  for  nearly 
three  years,  a  vote  of  thanks  to  him  was  proposed  by  a  mem 
ber  from  another  state.  This  Mr.  Gerry  opposed  as  anti- 
republican,  (though  personally  his  warm  friend,)  and  as  tend 
ing  to  render  such  testimonies  unimportant  by  their  frequency. 
During  his  subsequent  continuance  in  congress,  Mr.  Gerry 
was  laboriously  engaged  in  the  various  measures  which  were 
projected  by  himself  and  others,  for  remedying  existing  evils 
relative  to  the  army  department,  and  giving  effect  and  success 
to  the  military  operations.  This  department  appears  to  have 
been  a  favorite  one  with  him  ;  and  for  promoting  its  interests 
he  seems  to  have  been  peculiarly  and  happily  adapted  in  his 
views  and  disposition. 

After  having  devoted  about  five  years  of  his  time  exclu- 


MASSACHUSETTS.  63 

sively  to  the  service  of  the  public  in  congress,  in  1780  he 
retired,  with  a  view  to  his  private  affairs,  which  had  suffered 
by  reason  of  his  absence,  and  which  required  his  immediate 
superintendence.  In  1783,  however,  he  was,  by  joint  ballot 
of  both  houses  of  the  legislature,  again  returned  a  member  of 
congress.  _He  was  elected  in  June,  and  took  his  seat  in 
August ;  and  he  immediately  entered  on  the  course  of  active 
usefulnesss  which  he  had  formerly  pursued.  His  extensive 
acquaintance  with  financial  concerns,  the  warm  interest  ho 
felt  for  every  thing  which  regarded  the  welfare  of  the  arm\ 
and  the  large  experience  he  had  acquired  in  almost  even 
department  of  public  affairs,  at  once  designated  him  to  con 
gress  as  a  candidate  for  his  former  stations  on  the  most  iin- 
portant  committees  appointed  by  that  body.  His  knowledge 
of  the  intricate  business  of  finance,  pointed  him  out  as  a  com 
petent  member  of  a  committee  for  revising  the  system,  whica 
had  long  been  conducted  in  a  loose  and  embarrassing  man 
ner,  and  to  suggest  and  devise  such  improvements,  as  the 
condition  and  circumstances  of  the  country  were  susceptible 
of.  To  his  qualifications  for  this  important  service,  the  lato 
President  Adams  bears  full  testimony,  in  a  letter  written  some 
years  since  ;  in  which  he  also  gives  him  the  honorable  credit 
of  having,  while  a  member  of  the  committee  of  finance,  ori 
ginated  the  most  valuable  provisions  of  the  system  subse 
quently  adopted,  and  now  in  successful  operation.  No  man 
was  better  acquainted  with  his  character  and  qualifications 
than  Mr.  Adams. 

It  would  exceed  the  limits  which  can  be  allowed  to  this 
sketch,  were  we  to  specify  all  the  particulars  in  which  Mr. 
Gerry  zealously  advocated  the  interests  of  the  army  ;  and 
urged  an  honorable  remuneration  of  the  officers  and  soldiers, 
for  their  patient  endurance  of  privations  and  sufferings,  and 
their  meritorious  and  patriotic  services.  He  was  v^\»  from 
the  first  their  sincere,  warm-hearted,  and  zealous  advocate  ; 
insomuch  that  they  voluntarily  gave  him  the  title  of  the  "  Sol 
dier's  Friend." 

In  December,  1784,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  old  congress 
for  the  last  time.  During  this  term,  the  same  honorable  con 
fidence  in  congress  in  his  talents,  integrity,  and  patriotism,  so 
long  manifested,  was  continued ;  and  he  justified  it  by  his 
fidelity  and  activity  in  performing  the  duties  which  continually 
devolved  on  him. 

Having  served  his  country  in  congress,  through  variou 
seasons  of  trial  and  difficulty,  with  h^pfffjjjjjjjg^Qnd  bene- 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 


64  ELBRIDGE  GERRY, 

fit  to  the  public,  he  retired  in  September,  1785,  to  his  native 
state,  and  fixed  his  residence  at  Cambridge,  the  seat  of  Har 
vard  university,  a  few  miles  from  Boston,  where  he  had  re 
ceived  his  collegiate  education.  From  this  retirement  he  was 
again  called  to  take  an  active  part  in  forming  a  new  constitu 
tion  of  government,  the  old  confederation  having  been  found 
insufficient  for  the  exigencies  of  the  nation  in  a  time  of  peace, 
however  well  it  had  answered  in  a  time  of  war,  when  a  sense 
of  common  danger,  and  the  external  pressure  of  a  powerful 
foreign  enemy  bore  strongly  upon  the  states.  He  was  chosen  a 
delegate  to  the  convention,  which  met  at  Philadelphia,  when 
the  present  constitution  of  the  United  States  was  formed. 
Many  of  the  leading  principles  incorporated  in  the  constitu 
tion,  he  strenuously  opposed.  And  so  objectionable  did  it 
appear  to  him,  as  a  whole,  that  he  never  subscribed  the  instru 
ment.  He  wrote  a  long  letter  to  his  constituents,  in  which 
he  assigned  his  reasons  at  length  for  disapproving  of  it.  Nor 
has  it  ever  been  ascertained  that  his  objections  were  so  obvi 
ated,  as  that  he  cordially  approved  of  it ;  though  after  its  adop 
tion,  he  deemed  it  to  be  his  duty,  and  the  duty  of  all,  to  support 
it  with  fidelity. 

After  it  had  become  the  supreme  law,  and  the  states  which 
had  adopted  it  were  prepared  to  elect  their  representatives 
to  the  first  congress,  under  its  auspices,  (Massachusetts  hav 
ing  been  divided  into  districts  for  electing  representatives,) 
Mr.  Gerry  was  chosen  to  represent  the  district  in  which  he 
resided.  This  was  not,  however,  without  considerable  oppo 
sition,  as  his  objections  to  the  constitution  had  rendered  him 
unpopular  with  a  considerable  portion  of  the  community.  He 
was  twice  returned  a  member  of  the  house  of  representatives 
under  the  new  constitution,  and  served  during  the  four  years, 
in  a  manner  correspondent  with  his  former  activity  and  intel 
ligence  in  the  old  congress.  At  the  close  of  his  second  term, 
he  was  again  proposed  by  his  constituents  as  a  candidate ; 
but  he  declined  standing  for  another  election  ;  and  retired 
once  more  to  his  own  residence  at  Cambridge. 

From  his  retirement  he  was  called  by  the  first  President 
Adams,  who  nominated  him,  together  with  Messrs.  Pinkney 
and  Marshall,  an  envoy  to  the  French  republic.  It  was  soon 
after  Citizen  Genet  had  arrived  in  the  United  States,  as  mi 
nister  from  France  to  our  government.  Taking  advantage 
of  the  enthusiastic  predilection  of  republican  institutions,  and 
their  ignorance  of  the  characters  and  designs  of  the  then  rulers 
of  France,  this  tiiimsmr  nad  artfully  excited  party  divisions 


MASSACHUSETTS.  65 

in  the  states,  which  have  not  ceased  to  this  day.  After  Mr. 
Pinckney  had  been  refused  by  that  government  to  be  received 
as  a  minister  plenipotentiary  from  the  government  of  the 
United  States ;  and  when  the  political  relations  of  the  two 
nations  were  in  a  very  critical  situation,  it  must  be  acknow 
ledged  that  the  appointment,  though  highly  important,  was 
of  a  singularly  delicate  character.  The  joint  mission  was 
not  received  ;  and  after  remaining  some  time  unaccredited, 
and  holding  an  unofficial  intercourse  with  the  French  govern, 
ment,  in  the  spring  of  1798,  Messrs.  Pinckney  and  Marshall 
were  ordered  to  quit  the  French  territory,  with  an  intimation 
that  Mr.  Gerry  was  desired  to  remain.  In  the  excited  state 
of  feeling  in  this  country,  and  which  was  greatly  aggravated 
by  this  indignity  cast  on  the  people  by  the  treatment  their 
envoys  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the  French  rulers,  it 
was  considered  improper  in  Mr.  Gerry,  not  immediately  to 
reject  the  proffer,  and  with  his  colleagues  instantly  leave 
the  French  territory.  But  he  deemed  it  his  duty  to  remain. 
He  did  so.  And  by  so  doing,  he  degraded  himself  in  the  esti 
mation  of  a  large  portion  of  the  people  of  this  nation,  who 
felt  for  the  honor  and  independence  of  their  government ; 
and  rose  in  the  estimation  of  another  portion  of  the  people, 
who,  at  that  period,  entertained  a  strong  partiality  for  the 
French  republic.  From  that  period  of  strong  party  excitement 
the  great  popularity  which  he  had  enjoyed  with  many  of  his 
revolutionary  friends  declined. 

After  his  return  from  France,  the  party  in  Massachusetts, 
with  which  he  was  now  identified,  selected  him  as  their  can 
didate  for  governor.  The  first  effort  was  unsuccessful.  The 
next  year  he  declined  being  a  candidate  for  the  office  ;  but 
consented  to  run  as  an  elector  of  president  and  vice  president. 

In  1810,  he  consented  to  stand  again  as  a  candidate  for 
the  office  of  governor  of  the  commonwealth.  In  this  attempt 
his  partizans  succeeded ;  and  the  following  year  he  was  re- 
elected  to  the  same  honorable  office.  The  period  when  he 
acted  as  governor  of  Massachusetts,  was  one  in  which  party 
politics  were  in  a  high  state,  of  excitement ;  and  as  he  had 
become  identified  with  that  party  which  assumed  the  name 
Republican,  it  would  hardly  be  expected  that  a  man  of  his 
temperament  would  be  able,  if  disposed,  wholly  to  exempt 
himself  from  the  sway  of  party  influence. 

After  Mr.  Jefferson's  election  as  president  of  the  United 
States,  many  members  of  both  houses  of  congress,  to  ensure 
their  ascendency  in  future,  commenced  the  system  of  what 


00  STEPHEN  HOPKINS, 

was  emphatically  stiled,  caucus  nominations.  By  this  means, 
although  pretending  to  act  only  in  their  individual  capacity, 
but  departing  entirely  from  the  spirit  of  the  constitution,  in 
violation  of  every  true  principle  of  real  republicanism,  they 
by  publicly  nominating,  virtually  elected,  the  two  first  officers 
of  the  government.  It  was  during  the  existence  of  this  power 
ful  system,  that  Mr.  Gerry  was  nominated  by  a  congres 
sional  caucus,  for  the  office  of  vice  president  of  the  United 
States.  He  was  of  course  elected  ;  and  after  having  sustained 
the  office,  and  performed  its  duties  as  president  of  the  senate, 
during  a  part  of  two  sessions  of  congress,  and  less  than  two 
years  from  his  inauguration,  he  suddenly  closed  his  life  in 
Washington  City,  November  23,  1814,  at  the  age  of  seventy 
years.  His  remains  are  entombed  in  the  congressional  ce 
metery  in  Washington  City ;  and  a  handsome  monument 
was  erected  by  direction  of  congress  over  his  remains. 


RHODE  ISLAND. 


STEPHEN  HOPKINS. 

STEPHEN  HOPKINS  was  a  native  of  the  colony  of  Rhode 
Island  and  Providence  Plantations.  He  was  born  in  what 
was  then  the  town  of  Providence,  but  is  now,  by  a  subsequent 
division  of  that  town,  within  the  limits  of  Scituate.  His  birth 
occurred  on  the  7th  day  of  March,  1707.  His  father  was 
William  Hopkins,  an  only  child  of  his  parents  ;  and  his  mo 
ther  was  Ruth  Wilkinson,  a  daughter  of  one  of  the  first  bap 
tist  ministers  of  Providence. 

Stephen  was  favored  with  but  few  advantages  for  procuring 
an  education  in  early  life.  Those  he  did  enjoy,  were  not 
extended  beyond  what  could  be  derived  from  an  ordinary 
country  school.  He  advantageously  improved  these,  so  that 
he  acquired  an  excellent  acquaintance  with  penmanship,  and 
to  some  extent  with  mathematics*  He  was  a  good  practical 
surveyor  of  lands. 

His  early  occupation,  like  that  of  his  father,  was  tilling  his 


RHODE  ISLAND.  67 

farm.  He  prosecuted  the  business  of  a  farmer  until  1731, 
when  he  sold  his  estate  in  Scituate,  and  removed  to  Provi 
dence.  There  he  afterwards  made  his  home  to  the  close  of 
his  life. 

His  first  public  employment,  was  the  town  clerkship  of 
Scituate,  from  which  he  rose  by  a  regular  gradation  to  the 
first  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  state.  He  was  governor  and 
chief  justice  of  the  state  alternately  ;  and  had  filled  almost 
every  office  of  a  subordinate  grade,  in  his  progress  to  the 
highest  honors.  Industry  and  perseverance  were  prominent 
traits  of  his  character. 

He  was  chosen  a  representative  for  Scituate  to  the  general 
assembly,  first  in  1732 ;  and  was  re-chosen  annually  until 
1738,  inclusive.  Again  he  was  chosen  in  1741,  and  became 
speaker  of  the  house  of  representatives.  After  he  removed 
into  Providence,  he  commenced  mercantile  business ;  but 
such  was  the  popular  confidence  in  him,  that  he  was  elected 
by  the  people  of  that  town  the  year  he  became  an  inhabitant 
of  it,  to  the  same  office  ;  and  he  was  continued  in  the  chair 
of  speaker  of  the  house  of  representatives.  He  was,  with 
occasional  omissions,  chosen  a  representative  for  Providence 
and  elected  speaker  of  the  house  up  to  1751  ;  when  he  was 
returned  for  the  fourteenth  time.  In  that  year  he  received 
the  appointment  of  chief  justice  of  the  colony.  In  1754,  he 
was  a  commissioner  to  a  convention  which  met  in  Albany, 
consisting  of  delegates  from  the  several  colonies,  to  hold  a 
conference  with  the  Indians,  and  secure  their  friendship  ;  and 
also  to  form  some  plan  for  security  against  French  encroach- 
ments  through  Canada,  in  the  approaching  war. 

In  1756,  he  was  elected  governor  of  the  colony,  and  con 
tinued  to  discharge  the  duties  of  that  office,  at  intervals,  until 
1767,  inclusive.  At  that  time,  political  dissension  was  exten 
sive  in  the  colony,  and  parties  were  so  much  exasperated, 
that  to  appease  them,  and  restore  peace  and  harmony,  he 
deemed  it  expedient  to  decline  a  re-election,  which  he  did 
publicly,  in  an  official  communication  to  the  legislature  in 
session. 

In  the  alarming  period  of  the  French  war,  in  1757,  Gover 
nor  Hopkins  greatly  exerted  himself  to  strengthen  the  Eng 
lish  and  colonial  army,  by  promoting  volunteer  enrolments  in 
Rhode  Island.  It  was  at  the  time  when  the  British  forces, 
"having  sustained  serious  disasters  in  the  preceding  cam 
paigns,  were  incompetent  to  stop  the  progress  of  the  French 
under  Moritcalm,  and  when  the  English  settlements  in  th*» 


68  STEPHEN  HOPKINS, 

north  were  almost  without  protection,  that  he  ra'sed  a  company 
of  volunteers  in  Providence,  took  the  command  of  them,  to 
which  they  had  elected  him,  and  was  about  to  march  for  the 
scene  of  action,  when  by  an  unexpected  withdrawment  of 
the  French  Canadians  and  Indians,  it  became  unnecessary. 

After  the  parties,  which  had  so  long  distracted  and  divided 
the  colony,  had  subsided,  and  tranquillity  had  been  restored,  he 
appeared  again  in  the  legislature.  He  represented  Provi 
dence  in  that  body  in  1772,  3,  4,  and  5,  and  in  the  two'  last 
years  he  represented  the  colony  in  congress,  in  Philadelphia. 
In  1774,  he  was  again  appointed  chief  justice,  holding  at  the 
same  time  three  offices,  viz.  that  of  representative  of  Provi 
dence  in  the  general  assembly  of  the  colony,  delegate  to  the 
general  congress,  and  chief  justice  of  Rhode  Island. 

The  first  appointment  to  congress  was  in  August,  1774. 
He  attended  the  first  congress  that  ever  met,  as  a  national 
council,  in  Philadelphia,  and  discharged  his  duty  with  an 
honorable  fidelity,  which  met  with  the  approbation  of  his  con 
stituents. 

At  this  period  he  introduced  a  bill  into  the  assembly  of 
Rhode  Island,  to  prevent  the  importation  of  slaves  into  the 
colony.  In  1773,  he  manumitted  all  his  own  slaves ;  and 
had,  in  his  last  will  and  testament,  which  was  drawn  and 
executed  before  that  date,  decreed  them  liberty  at  his  decease. 

In  1775,  he  sustained  and  executed  the  duties  of  the  im 
portant  office  of  a  member  of  the  committee  of  public  safety ; 
a  body  of  men  existing  in  all  the  towns  of  the  colonies,  con 
sisting  of  warm-hearted  and  trusty  men,  who  did  as  much 
in  their  respective  spheres  to  promote  the  cause,  and  secure 
the  liberties  of  the  colonists,  perhaps,  as  the  several  legisla 
tive  bodies  did  in  theirs.  They  were  executive  committees 
of  vigilance,  armed  with  a  power  undefined,  and  almost  un 
limited  ;  and  they  were  efficient  engines  for  carrying  into 
immediate  effect  all  the  measures  for  the  public  security,  re 
commended  by  the  assemblies  in  the  several  provinces. 

In  May,  1775,  Governor  Hopkins  was  again  elected  a  de 
legate  to  congress  ;  and  again  in  the  same  month,  in  1776, 
Mr.  Ellery  was  his  colleague  ;  and  in  this  year  it  was  that 
they  both  voted  for,  and  set  their  names  to,  the  Declaration  of 
Independence. 

There  is  a  very  striking  feature  in  the  signature  of  M» 
Hopkins  to  that  document,  which  has  immortalized  all  who 
signed  it ;  it  is  the  uneven,  tremulous  appearance,  indicating 
a  hand  agitated  by  trepidation  of  mind.  It  was  caused,  not 


RHODE  ISLAND.  69 

by  fear,  for  he  knew  not  fear,  but  by  a  bodily  infirmity,  com 
monly  stiled  "  shaking  palsy,"  which  had  attended  him  for 
many  years,  insomuch  that  most  of  his  writing  was  done  for 
him  by  an  amanuensis.  When  he  attempted  to  affix  his  signa- 
ture,  it  was  done  only  by  steadying  his  right  hand,  as  much 
as  possible,  with  his  left. 

In  that  alarming  period,  which  has  been  emphatically 
styled  "the  time  that  tried  men's  souls,"  Mr.  Hopkins  was 
continually  employed,  and  very  active  in  some  public  service. 
In  1776,  he  was  chosen  a  commissioner  to  meet  with  others 
from  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  and  Connecticut,  for 
special  purposes  in  relation  to  the  defence  of  the  New  Eng 
land  colonies  ;  and  when  they  met  in  Providence,  he  was 
chosen  their  president.  He  presided  also  at  a  similar  meet 
ing  convened  the  following  ye-ar,  at  Springfield,  in  Massa 
chusetts.  In  May,  1778,  he  was  chosen  a  representative  to 
congress  the  last  time  ;  and  in  the  years  1777,  8,  and  9,  he 
was  a  member  of  the  general  assembly  of  Rhode  Island,  not 
withstanding  his  advanced  age.  He  was  over  seventy,  and 
yet  active  and  unwearied  in  his  exertions  for  the  public  good. 

His  business  in  early  life  eminently  fitted  him  for  useful 
ness  on  several  committees  in  congress,  in  which  his  services 
were  both  able  and  valuable.  This  was  particularly  the  fact, 
on  committees  for  fitting  out  armed  vessels  to  war  against 
the  enemy's  commerce  ;  to  devise  ways  and  means  for  fur 
nishing  the  colonies  with  a  naval  armament;  and  on  the 
rules  and  orders  for  regulating  a  navy.  He  was  a  member, 
for  Rhode  Island,  on  the  committee  which  drew  up  and  re 
ported  the  confederation. 

This  gentleman  furnishes  another  striking  instance  of  the 
power  of  a  strong  mind,  and  application  to  study,  by  which  a 
want  of  enlarged  means  for  acquiring  an  early  and  system 
atic  education  is  overcome — many  of  which  may  be  seen 
recorded  in  these  biographical  sketches  of  those  truly  great 
men,  who  exerted  a  commanding  influence  in  the  struggle  for 
American  independence.  His  early  means  for  improving  his 
mind,  were  those  usually  found  in  a  common  school,  and 
limited  at  that  time  to  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic.  But, 
by  indulging  his  desire  after  knowledge,  with  a  close  appli 
cation  to  books,  he  stored  his  mind  with  much  general  in 
formation,  and  became,  to  a  good  degree,  a  scholar,  a  man  of 
science,  and  general  literature.  He  mingled  considerably  in 
public  debate ;  but,  though  he  always  spoke  to  the  point  on 


70  STEPHEN  HOPKINS, 

every  subject,  he  was,  by  his  brevity,  sure  never  to  weary  his 
hearers. 

He  was,  in  his  time,  a  distinguished  mathematician,  and 
rendered  great  assistance  in  observing  the  transit  of  Venus, 
which  occurred  in  June,  1769. 

He  was  friendly  to  diffusing  the  means  ot  education. 
Having  himself  felt  the  want  of  instruction  in  early  life,  and 
afterwards  realized  the  benefits  of  extensive  attainments  in 
knowledge  by  his  own  efforts,  he  was  desirous  that  others 
should  possess  and  enjoy  the  means  for  cultivating  and  im 
proving  their  minds  on  a  liberal  and  broad  foundation.  He 
was  a  friend  and  patron  of  all  measures  which  promoted  the 
general  education  of  youth.  He  was  one  of  the  prime  movers 
in  forming  a  public  library  in  Providence,  in  1750.  It  was 
afterwards  burnt,  and  he  assisted  in  re-establishing  it. 

During  a  long  period  he  was  chancellor  of  Rhode  Island 
college.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  American  Philosophi 
cal  Society.  He  was  a  projector  and  patron  of  the  free 
schools  in  Providence,  which  have  long  existed  in  that  hand 
some  and  flourishing  town,  by  which  it  has  acquired,  and  long 
sustained,  a  reputation  for  the  general  intelligence  of  its  in 
habitants. 

As  a  man  of  business,  whether  he  was  employed  in  public 
or  private  service,  he  was  eminently  industrious  and  sys 
tematic. 

He  was  an  advocate  for  both  religious  and  civil  liberty 
He  was  a  regular  attendant  at  the  Friends'  meeting,  whose 
religious  principles  he  professed,  though  it  is  not  known  that 
he  was  an  avowed  member  of  that  society.     It  was  often  the 
fact  that  their  meetings  were  held  in  his  own  house. 

He  was  twice  united  by  marriage.  His  first  wife  was 
Sarah  Scott,  who  was  a  descendant  from  the  first  man  pro 
fessedly  of  that  religious  persuasion  who  settled  in  Provi 
dence.  They  were  united  in  1726.  She  expired  in  1753, 
in  the  forty-seventh  year  of  her  age.  Of  seven  children  by 
her,  five  sons  and  two  daughters,  he  lost  by  death  four.  One 
of  the  daughters  died  in  childhood. 

In  1755,  he  was  married  a  second  time  to  Anna  Smith. 
This  was  her  second  marriage  also.  She  was  the  widow  of 
Benjamin  Smith. 

After  having  served  his  generation  with  great  fidelity  and 
distinguished  usefulness,  in  the  fear  of  God,  through  a  long 
and  chequered  life,  he  expired  on  the  13th  day  of  July,  1785, 
in  the  seventy-ninth  year  of  his  age. 


RHODE  ISLAND.  71 

His  memory  is  much  revered  and  respected  by  those  who 
remember  him,  and  is  handed  down  with  veneration  in  the 
state  which  he  served  in  numerous  offices  of  public  trust,  and 
in  the  town  where  he  resided  ;  and  posterity  will  long  esteem 
him  their  benefactor. 


WILLIAM  ELLERY. 

WILLIAM  ELLERY,  the  subject  of  this  brief  sketch,  was 
born  at  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  the  22d  day  of  December, 
1727.  His  father,  who  had  himself  received  a  liberal  edu 
cation,  devoted  much  time  and  care  in  instructing  and  super- 
intending  the  early  education  of  his  son.  By  his  judicious 
efforts,  William  early  imbibed  a  fondness  for  reading,  and  a 
more  than  common  eagerness  for  acquiring  useful  inform 
ation.  Having  obtained  the  requisite  qualifications  for  ad 
mission  to  college,  his  father  placed  him  at  Harvard  uni 
versity  in  Cambridge,  Massachusetts.  While  a  member  of 
that  seminary  he  was  distinguished,  among  his  contemporary 
students,  as  a  close  applicant  to  books,  and  particularly  ar 
dent  in  acquiring  a  correct  knowledge  of  the  Greek  and 
Latin  languages,  in  which  he  became  a  singular  proficient ; 
and  he  retained  his  partiality  for  them  even  to  his  very  last 
hour  of  life.  In  his  hours  of  relaxation,  from  business,  the 
study  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  classic  writers  was  his  favorite 
employment,  which  he  uniformly  perused  in  the  original^ 
without  the  assistance  of  any  translation,  and  with  the  utmost 
facility. 

He  passed  through  his  collegiate  term  with  uncommon 
industry,  and  graduated  in  1747,  at  the  age  of  twenty,  with 
the  reputation  of  being  a  good  scholar.  He  immediately 
returned  to  the  place  of  his  nativity,  and  commenced  the 
study  of  law,  the  profession  of  his  choice  for  his  future  busi 
ness  of  life. 

Newport  was  at  that  early  date,  one  of  the  most  flourish 
ing  places  in  the  British  American  colonies.  It  lies  on  the 
eastern  side  of  one  of  the  finest  harbor  in  the  world,  and 
on  the  western  declivity  of  as  beautiful  a  rising  ground  as  can 
be  found  in  any  portion  of  this  widely  extended  country. 

Newport,  at  the  time  when  Mr.  Ellery  commenced  the 


72  WILLIAM  ELLERY, 

practice  of  law,  afforded  as  fair  a  prospect  of  success  to  a 
man  of  industry  and  talents  in  the  profession,  as  almost  any 
other  in  the  country.  There  he  opened  an  office,  and  con 
tinued  in  the  practice,  for  about  twenty  years.  His  success 
was  flattering,  and  enabled  him  to  acquire  a  competent  for 
tune.  It  also  presented  him  before  his  fellow  citizens  in  a 
favorable  manner,  and  enabled  them  to  form  a  just  estimate 
of  his  character.  He  closely  observed,  and  carefully  investi 
gated,  all  the  public  measures  of  the  government  in  England, 
their  tendency,  and  the  bearing  they  were  intended  to  have 
upon  the  rights  of  the  colonies.  No  citizens  in  the  North 
American  provinces,  were  more  jealous  of  encroachments  on 
their  constitutional  and  chartered  rights,  than  those  of  Rhode 
Island  and  Providence  Plantations.  This  small  colony  had 
been  more  favored,  or  rather  less  oppressed,  than  some  of 
the  neighboring  and  adjoining  colonies.  But,  althougn  the 
people  of  that  colony  had  no  particular  cause  of  complaint ; 
they,  nevertheless,  beheld  with  the  cautious  jealousy  of  free 
dom,  the  encroachments  attempted  to  be  made  and  establish 
ed  in  other  provinces  ;  and  felt  a  full  measure  of  alarm  at 
the  arbitrary  conduct  of  the  British  parliament,  towards  the 
neighboring  colonies.  The  intelligent  and  reflecting  in 
habitants  of  Rhode  Island,  clearly  foresaw,  if  the  measures 
attempted  to  be  imposed  on  Massachusetts,  New  York,  and 
some  others  of  the  provinces,  were  suffered  to  go  into  opera 
tion,  the  same,  or  others  equally  burdensome  and  unconstitu 
tional,  might  be  put  in  force  in  their  colony.  This  state  of 
things  so  highly  interesting  to  the  common  interests  of  all  the 
colonies,  induced  the  patriotic  citizens  of  that  province,  to  in 
quire  what  measures  ought  to  be  taken  to  check  the  progress 
of  the  public  danger. 

Among  these,  William  Ellery  held  a  high  rank  in  the 
esteem  and  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens. 

The  determination  to  resist  encroachments  on  their  rights, 
diffused  among  the  citizens  of  that  province,  was  nobly 
evinced  in  the  attack  on  the  armed  sloop  Liberty,  by  citizens 
of  Newport,  in  June,  1769  ;  and  on  the  Gaspee  in  June,  1772. 
That  resolute  spirit  had  been  kindled  by  the  leading  and  in 
fluential  individuals,  who  directed  the  public  sentiments  ;  and 
it  was  faithfully,  and  continually  cherished  by  them,  until  it 
became  a  common  feeling  through  the  whole  population  of 
the  province. 

The  same  spirit  was  again  manifested  in  a  bold  and  open 
defiance  of  the  royal  authority,  when  the  proclamation  reached 


RHODE  ISLAND.  7? 

them,  prohibiting  the  importation  of  fire  arms  from  Great  Bri. 
tain  to  the  colonies  ;  they  rose  in  such  force,  that  they  took 
possession  of  the  king's  fort  in  Newport,  dismantled  it,  and  se 
cured  all  the  cannon,  amounting  to  forty  pieces.  In  truth, 
while  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  have  been  contesting  the 
question  to  which  belongs  the  honor  of  beginning  the  contest, 
that  led  to  the  independence  of  the  American  colonies,  the 
truth  of  history  awards  it  to  the  state  of  Rhode  Island.  In 
that  province,  there  was  no  demurring  on  the  great  question 
of  adopting  decisive  measures  of  resistance  to  the  usurpations 
of  the  British  parliament.  The  determination  to  resist,  and 
to  defend  their  rights,  was  universal :  and  when  the  proposal 
for  the  meeting  of  a  general  congress  of  delegates  from  all 
the  provinces  in  1774  was  made,  it  found  in  Rhode  Island, 
an  universal  readiness  tq  concur,  and  to  elect  delegates  for 
the  purpose.  In  truth,  that  colony  was  so  far  in  advance  of 
the  others,  in  her  views  of  what  was  necessary,  and  her 
resolution  to  pursue  it,  that  by  a  legislative  act,  as  early  as 
May,  1776,  Rhode  Island  withdrew  her  allegiance  from  the 
king  of  Great  Britain,  and  declared  herself  independent  of 
the  British  government.  The  reasons  for  taking  this  step, 
were  published  in  a  pamphlet  by  legislative  authority  at  the 
time. 

Thus  prepared,  and  with  such  feelings,  Rhode  Island  ap 
pointed  Stephen  Hopkins  and  William  Ellery,  her  delegates 
to  the  congress  which  was  to  convene  in  May,  1776,  to  carry 
the  records  of  their  decision,  and  of  their  readiness  to  concur 
with  the  other  colonies  in  such  measures,  for  the  common  de 
fence  and  common  interests  of  the  whole,  as  congress  might 
deem  it  wise  and  expedient  to  adopt.  Those  gentlemen  at 
tended,  and  entered  on  the  duties  of  their  appointment  in  con 
gress  in  May,  1776. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  old  congress  submitted  the  pro 
jecting  and  maturing  of  all  important  measures  to  select 
committees.  Mr.  Ellery,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  journals  of 
congress,  while  he  was  a  member,  sustained  his  full  share  of 
appointments  of  that  kind  ;  and  he  discharged  the  several  du 
ties  assigned  to  him  with  activity,  promptitude,  and  sound 
discretion.  It  was  in  this  session,  that  the  independence  of 
the  colonies  was  declared.  He  voted  for  it ;  and  signed  the 
engrossed  declaration,  on  the  second  day  of  August,  1776 ; 
the  day  on  which  the  parchment  was  presented  to  congress 
for  the  individual  signatures  of  the  members. 

Mr.  Ellery  felt  a  strong  interest,  and  took  an  active  par-t  in 


74  WILLIAM  ELLERY, 

promoting  whatever  measures  were  urged  for  advancing  the  na . 
val  and  marine  affairs  of  the  country.  While  he  was  thus  la 
boring  to  promote,  and  secure  the  best  interests  of  the  states,  it 
will  be  recollected  that  his  own  private  interests  were  destined, 
by  their  peculiarly  exposed  situation,  to  suffer  by  the  depreda 
tions  of  the  British,  whose  hostile  feelings  were  much  embit 
tered  against  the  delegates  to  congress.  Having  taken  pos 
session  of  Newport,  and  the  south  part  of  Rhode  Island,  in 
1774,  the  British  wreaked  their  resentment  against  Mr.  Ellery, 
by  burning  his  dwelling  house,  and  depredating  on  his  pro 
perty.  Notwithstanding  the  exposure  of  his  estate  urgently 
required  his  retirement  from  congress,  with  a  view  to  its  pre 
servation,  so  far  as  it  might  be  practicable  ;  being  persuaded 
that  his  presence  in  his  seat  was  requisite,  he  did  not  vacate 
it ;  but  left  his  private  concerns  to  the  fate  that  might  befall 
them. 

During  the  year  1778,  Mr.  Ellery  remained  in  congress, 
with  the  exception  of  only  a  few  weeks,  which  he  spent  in 
Rhode  Island,  throughout  the  year. 

In  June  of  this  year,  having  been  empowered  by  the  legis 
lature,  he  ratified,  on  behalf  of  that  state,  the  articles  of  the 
confederation. 

The  few  weeks  which  he  spent  in  Rhode  Island  in  1778, 
were  not  devoted  to  his  private  concerns,  but  to  the  public 
benefit. 

A  project  had  been  concerted  for  compelling  the  British 
to  evacuate  the  island ;  and  Mr.  Ellery,  believing  that  he 
should  be  more  useful  on  the  ground,  than  he  would  be  by 
remaining  in  Philadelphia,  left  congress  for  a  few  weeks,  and 
repaired  to  the  scene  of  action  to  render  whatever  assistance 
might  be  in  his  power,  in  ridding  the  island  of  its  invaders. 
The  plan  though  well  devised,  it  is  known  proved  abortive  ; 
and  he  immediately  returned  to  the  scene  of  his  public  duties 
in  Philadelphia. 

In  consequence  of  the  invasion  of  Rhode  Island  by  the 
British,  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  were  compelled  to  leave 
their  habitations,  and  relinquish  their  employments.  By  rea 
son  of  this  necessity,  they  were  cast  destitute  of  the  neces 
sary  means  of  subsistence,  upon  the  settlements  in  the  vicinity, 
and  subjected  to  severe  sufferings.  They  were  in  danger  of 
starvation.  There  was  an  embargo  laid  on  the  exportation 
of  provisions,  by  Connecticut  and  New  York,  which  was  then 
in  force.  Mr.  Ellery  exerted  his  influence  in  congress, 
to  procure  a  recommendation  from  that  body  to  the  gover- 


RHODE  ISLAND.  75 

nors  of  those  respective  states,  to  have  their  embargoes  so 
far  suspended,  as  to  admit  of  the  supplying  those  sufferers  in 
Rhode  Island,  with  the  provisions  necessary  for  their  preser 
vation  from  the  distresses  and  horrors  of  famine. 

During  the  year  1779,  in  which  those  measures  were 
adopted  for  the  relief  of  his  suffering  fellow  citizens,  he  was 
called  to  engage  in  two  important  concerns  of  public  interest 
and  of  a  delicate  nature.  The  first  was,  arranging  and  set 
tling  some  diplomatic  difficulties,  in  which  the  commissioners 
who  had  been  sent  by  congress  to  Europe,  had  become  in 
volved.  The  other  was,  an  adjustment  of  embarrassments 
which  arose  from  the  admiralty  courts,  the  proceedings  of 
which,  as  they  were  then  constituted,  were  found  sometimes 
to  lead  to  a  conflict  between  the  rightful  authority  of  congress 
and  that  of  the  individual  states.  Mr.  Ellery  presented  a  re 
port  to  congress,  as  the  agent  of  the  committee  to  which  the 
business  had  been  referred,  which  was  adopted  ;  and  put  those 
difficulties  at  rest  for  that  time.  But  in  1781,  they  again 
recurred,  and  the  subject  was  again  referred  to  him  and  two 
others,  and  the  evils  were  once  more  removed. 

Early  in  the  year  1782,  Mr.  Ellery  was  designated  by 
congress,  as  their  organ  for  communicating  to  Major  General 
Greene,  their  sense  of  his  important  military  services  in  the 
southern  states. 

In  1784,  he  was  one  of  the  committee  to  whom  the  defi 
nitive  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain  was  submitted. 

One  of  his  latest  efforts  in  congress,  in  1785,  (which  was  his 
last  year  in  the  old  congress,)  was  an  united  effort  with  Mr. 
Rufus  King,  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  United  States.  Mr. 
King  offered,  and  Mr.  Ellery  seconded  the  resolution  for 
this  purpose,  and  advocated  it  with  his  utmost  powers.  Thus 
evincing,  at  that  early  period,  his  view  of  the  traffic  in  slaves, 
by  the  practice  of  which  his  state  was  engaged  for  many 
years  after. 

In  1786,  congress  elected  him  commissioner  of  the  con 
tinental  loan  office  for  Rhode  Island ;  and  the  legislature 
of  that  state  appointed  him  chief  justice  of  their  highest 
court. 

After  the  federal  constitution  was  adopted,  and  the  new 
government  put  in  operation,  he  was  appointed  under  Presi 
dent  Washington,  collector  of  the  customs  for  the  port  of 
Newport.  This  office  he  retained  to  the  close  of  his  life. 
The  business  of  this  office,  which  he  conducted  during  the 
long  term  of  thirty  years,  he  managed  with  such  consummate 


76  ROGER  SHERMAN, 

prudence  and  carefulness,  that  the  government  sustained  the 
loss  of  only  a  single  bond,  amounting  to  two  hundred  dollars; 
and  on  that  he  had  taken  the  endorsement  of  no  less  than 
five  different  sureties. 

The  evening  of  his  life  was  spent  in  tranquillity  and  in  the 
enjoyment  of  a  moderate  competence.  This  competence  he 
derived  from  the  income  of  his  office,  and  the  savings  he  was 
able  to  make  out  of  the  wreck  of  his  property,  which  the 
British  had  destroyed  while  in' possession  of  Rhode  Island. 

He  read  the  Bible  much,  and  from  its  contents,  of  which 
as  a  Divine  Revelation,  he  was  a  firm  believer,  he  derived 
his  support  and  confidence  in  all  the  adversities  of  this  life, 
and  his  hope  of  happiness  in  the  life  to  come.  He  continued 
his  attachment  to  the  Latin  and  Greek  classics,  which  he 
read  in  the  original,  to  the  last  hour  of  his  life.  He  had 
been  perusing  Tully's  Offices  the  morning  before  his  decease, 
sitting  in  his  chair.  A  short  time  before  he  expired,  with 
his  consent,  he  was  placed  on  a  bed  in  a  sitting  posture.  In 
that  situation  he  continued  to  read  Cicero  for  a  short  time, 
when  his  attendants  casting  their  eyes  upon  him,  found  he 
was  dead,  but  still  holding  his  book  in  his  hand.  This  event 
occurred  on  the  15th  of  February,  1820,  in  the  ninety-third 
year  of  his  age. 

He  was  worthy  of  the  memorable  age  in  which  he  lived, 
and  of  being  associated  with  the  venerable  patriots  with 
whom  he  acted.  And  the  part  which  he  performed  was 
worthy  of  this  character,  as  a  patriot  and  a  Christian. 


CONNECTICUT. 


ROGER  SHERMAN. 

IN  a  free  nation,  where  the  pathway  to  the  highest  offices 
and  the  most  honorable  employments,  is  open  to  every  aspi 
rant,  in  which  there  are  no  legal  obstructions  to  the  advance 
ment  of  the  poor  more  than  the  rich,  it  is  sometimes  the 


CONNECTICUT.  77 

fact,  that  individual  enterprise,  and  persevering  industry, 
achieve  for  the  children  of  parents  in  humble  life,  and  limited 
property,  what  the  sons  of  the  affluent,  accomodated  with  every 
facility,  but  wanting  enterprise-  and  application,  are  never 
able  to  attain.  Instances  have  existed,  and  instances  do  now 
exist  in  the  United  States,  in  which  this  remark  has  been 
verified  ;  and  since  the  way  is  equally  open  to  all,  and  the 
prize  is  placed  in  clear  view  before  them,  as  a  sure  reward 
to  all  who  reach  the  goal,  it  may  be  reasonably  expected, 
that  many  more  will  hereafter  have  it  verified,  as  a  reward 
for  their  honorable  exertions. 

The  most  distinguished  and  the  most  useful  men,  do  not 
always  lay  the  foundation  of  their  fame,  and  honorable  dis 
tinction,  in  the  classical  halls  and  lecture  rooms  of  an  uni 
versity. 

Probably  there  have  been  but  few  instances,  in  which 
the  preceding  remarks  have  been  more  literally  illustrated 
and  verified,  than  in  the  one  now  under  consideration. 

Roger  Sherman's  ancestor,  his  great  grandfather,  John 
Sherman,  came  to  America,  from  Dedham,  England,  and 
settled  at  Watertown,  Massachusetts,  in  the  year  1635.  WiU 
liam  Sherman,  the  grandson  of  John,  and  the  father  of 
Roger,  lived  at  Newton  in  Massachusetts,  where  he  cultiva 
ted  his  small  farm,  and  thus  obtained  support  for  his  family 
by  honest  industry,  until  1723,  two  years  after  the  birth  of 
his  son  Roger.  This  took  place  in  Newton  in  1721,  on  the 
19th  day  of  April.  In  1723,  the  family  removed  to  Stough- 
ton,  in  that  state.  There  his  father  continued  his  residence 
until  his  death  in  1741,  when  the  support  of  the  family  and  the 
superintendence  of  its  concerns,  devolved  on  Roger ;  who 
was  the  second  son  of  his  parents.  His  elder  brother  had 
previously  removed  to  Connecticut,  and  settled  in  New  Mil- 
ford  in  the  county  of  Litchfield.  Roger,  at  the  time  of  his 
father's  decease,  was  but  nineteen  years  old.  He  had  en 
joyed  no  other  means  for  obtaining  an  education,  than  such 
as  the  country  common  schools  at  that  time  afforded  ;  and 
these  were  extremely  limited,  as  is  well  known  by  all  who 
are  acquainted  with  the  state  of  the  country,  for  a  considera 
ble  period  subsequent  to  that  date. 

His  father's  family  was  numerous ;  and  being  in  humble 
life  and  moderate  circumstances,  Roger  was  apprenticed  to 
a  shoemaker. 

He  continued  to  reside  with  his  mother's  family  about  three 
years  after  his  father's  decease,  and  was  employed  princi, 

7* 


78  ROGER  SHERMAN, 

pally  in  cultivating  the  farm,  and  otherwise  in  providing  for 
the  bereaved  family.  About  that  time  it  was  judged  expe 
dient  to  change  their  residence,  and  remove  to  a  distance. 
The  property  which  they  owned  in  Newton,  was  disposed 
of,  and  the  family  r*emoved  to  New  Milford  in  Connecticut, 
in  1 743.  Mr.  Sherman  made  the  journey  on  foot,  carrying 
his  tools  with  him,  from  Massachusetts  to  their  new  place  of 
residence.  There  he  continued  to  work  at  his  trade  with 
industry  for  some  time.  He  then  commenced  business  as  a 
merchant,  in  company  with  his  elder  brother,  who  had  esta 
blished  himself  in  that  town  some  years  before. 

While  he  was  engaged  in  learning  his  trade,  he  availed 
himself  of  all  the  means  he  could  command,  for  improving 
his  mind  by  reading.  It  is  reported  of  him,  that  while  at 
work  on  his  bench,  he  had  a  book  placed  in  such  a  position, 
that  he  could  read  all  the  time  when  his  eyes  were  not  ne 
cessarily  fixed  on  his  work.  In  this  manner  he  acquired 
information,  under  such  circumstances  as  none  would  have 
thought  of  improving  in  that  way,  except  one  whose  desire 
for  obtaining  knowledge  was  unconquerable.  By  thus  em 
ploying  all  the  means  in  his  power,  with  an  untiring  perseve 
rance,  he  made  himself  well  acquainted  with  the  principles 
of  mathematics.  And  as  early  as  1748,  he  made  astrono 
mical  calculations  for  an  almanac  that  was  published  in  New 
York  during  several  years.  These  facts  show  his  ardent 
desire  for  acquiring  knowledge  generally,  since  they  were 
sciences  quite  beyond  the  ordinary  range  of  his  reading,  and 
in  no  way  connected  with  his  regular  pursuits.  Stimulated 
by  the  same  eager  desire  for  mental  improvement,  and  hav 
ing  to  encounter  all  the  disadvantages  of  his  defective  educa 
tion,  he  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  law.  Whether  he 
did  this  simply  for  his  own  intellectual  gratification,  or  whe 
ther  he  looked  forward  to  admission  to  the  bar,  as  a  practising 
lawyer,  is  not  known.  But  it  is  most  probable  it  was  only 
the  former,  and  that  his  rising  to  distinction  as  a  practising 
attorney  and  counsellor,,  and  to  high  eminence  as  a  judge  of 
the  highest  court  in  the  state,  were  results  of  his  persevering 
application  without  the  aid  of  an  instructor,  which  were  not 
even  contemplated  at  the  time  when  he  commenced  the  study 
of  law.  While  he  was  thus  employed  in  business  and  study, 
he  acquired  such  a  favorable  reputation  as  a  lawyer  among 
his  surrounding  friends,  that  they  persuaded  him  to  apply  for 
a  regular  admission  to  the  bar.  He  applied,  and  was  admit 
ted  an  attorney  at  law,  in  December,1754.  Two  years  after 


CONNECTICUT.  79 

his  settlement  in  New  Milford,  he  was  appointed  a  county 
surveyor  for  the  county  in  which  he  resided.  We  not  un- 
frequently  see  young  men  possessed  of  aspiring  minds,  with 
only  a  limited  preparatory  education,  commence  and  pursue 
the  study  of  law,  under  a  qualified  preceptor,  and  by  enter- 
prise  and  a  persevering  application  to  the  business,  rise  to 
distinction,  and  obtain  extensive  and  lucrative  employment  in 
the  profession.  But  for  one  with  no  director  but  himself, 
with  no  library  but  such  as  he  could  borrow,  to  rise  from 
deep  obscurity  to  high  eminence  as  a  jurist,  is  indeed  a  rare 
occurrence.  Such,  however,  was  the  highly  honorable  dis 
tinction  acquired  by  Roger  Sherman.  His  success,  which 
attracted  to  him,  during  his  succeeding  years,  such  signal  ho 
nors,  did  not  inflate  him  with  vanity  and  self-sufficiency; 
neither  did  he  manifest  pride  and  superiority  in  his  own  esteem 
of  himself.  Roger  Sherman  was  a  humble  Christian,  and  he 
cultivated  the  talents  with  which  his  Creator  had  endowed 
him,  with  a  conscientious  desire  of  being  useful ;  and  few 
men,  under  any  variety  of  advantages,  have  succeeded  to  a 
greater  extent,  or  sustained  their  acquired  honors  with  a 
greater  degree  of  meekness,  and  a  more  exemplary  upright 
ness  of  character. 

In  1755,  Mr.  Sherman  was  chosen  a  representative  for 
New  Milford  to  the  general  assembly  of  Connecticut,  and  the 
same  year  he  was  commissioned  as  a  justice  of  the  peace. 
He  was  successively  returned  a  representative  from  year  to 
year,  during  almost  the  whole  time  he  continued  to  reside  in 
New  Milford.  This  may  be  considered  the  commencement 
of  his  political  life.  It  was  when  he  was  thirty-three  years 
of  age. 

A  summary  retrospect  will  show  us  the  following  facts. 
At  nineteen  years  of  age  he  lost  his  father.  He  was,  at  that 
age,  left  with  the  charge  of  providing  for  his  widowed  mother, 
and  a  large  family  of  younger  children.  Without  education, 
an  apprentice  to  a  humble  mechanical  business,  prosecuting 
his  trade  till  he  was  twenty-two  years  old,  then  placed  as  a 
partner  in  a  country  store,  acting  as  a  county  surveyor,  with 
out  assistance  from  any  qualified  instructor,  and  with  no 
library  but  such  as  he  casually  obtained — he  had  become  a 
regularly  admitted  practising  lawyer,  a  civil  magistrate,  and 
a  representative  to  the  general  assembly  of  the  colony  of 
Connecticut.  This  summary  account  exhibits  the  honorable 
results  of  enterprise,  industry,  and  perseverance  rarelv 
equalled. 


80  ROGER  SHERMAN, 

After  a  regular  practice  of  the  law  about  five  j^ears,  he 
was  appointed  a  judge  of  the  county  court  for  Litchfield 
county,  in  May,  1759.  In  1761  he  removed  from  New  Mil- 
ford  to  New  Haven.  The  same  appointments  were  soon 
conferred  on  him  in  the  county  to  which  he  had  removed  with 
those  he  had  previously  held.  He  was  commissioned  as  a 
magistrate,  appointed  a  judge  of  the  county  court,  and  often 
represented  the  town  in  the  general  assembly.  He  was  also 
chosen  treasurer  of  Yale  College,  which  office  he  held  many 
years,  and  received  from  that  seminary  the  honorary  degree 
of  A.  M.  in  1765. 

In  the  year  following  the  freemen  of  the  colony  elected 
him  an  assistant.  [In  other  words,  a  member  of  the  upper 
house  of  the  legislative  body — another  name  for  senate.] 

Mr.  Sherman  was  an  observer  of  the  measures  contem 
plated  by  the  British  ministry,  for  asserting  and  establishing 
the  right  of  parliament  to  tax  the  colonists  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  revenue,  to  be  disposed  of  by  their  authority,  to  the 
exclusion  of  the  voice  of  the  colonists.  These  attempts  were 
commenced  and  laid  aside,  received  and  abandoned,  several 
times,  by  the  ministers,  between  the  termination  of  the  French 
war,  and  the  passing  of  the  celebrated  "  Stamp  act,"  which 
decidefl  the  colonists  in  their  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  mea 
sures  of  the  British  government.  He  steadily  watched  all 
their  motions  and  projects  for  establishing  their  claim,  and 
as  steadily  and  uniformly,  opposed  all  acknowledgment 
of  their  right.  It  was  at  a  period  when  this  great  principle, 
which  caused  much  discussion  in  public,  and  agitated  the 
whole  community,  that  he  was  brought  forward  into  public 
life,  to  take  a  leading  part  in  the  politics  of  his  country.  He 
was  well  prepared  for  performing  the  part  assigned  him.  He 
had  examined  with  great  caution;  he  deliberated  with  calm 
ness  and  discretion  ;  and,  when  he  decided,  it  was  done  for 
the  best  of  reasons.  Rectitude  of  purpose,  unbending  in 
tegrity,  and  decision  of  character  were  uniformly  exhibited 
by  Mr.  Sherman,  through  his  whole  life.  He  had  been  ac 
customed  to  encounter  and  overcome  embarrassments  in  the 
pursuits  of  private  life  ;  and  when,  as  a  public  man,  formida 
ble  obstacles  were  presented  in  his  path  of  duty,  he  was  not 
disposed  to  yield  without  an  effort  to  surmount  them.  Few 
men,  of  any  age,  ever  possessed  more  entirety  the  confidence 
of  their  fellow  citizens,  than  Roger  Sherman  ;  and  few  men 
ever  improved  it  for  the  general  good  with  a  more  uniform 
approbation  of  their  fellow  men. 


CONNECTICUT. 

In  the  month  of  May,  1776,  he  received  an  Appointment  to 
the  office  of  a  judge  of  the  highest  court  of  Connecticut. 
This  office,  which  was  an  annual  appointment,  and  made  by 
the  legislature,  he  held,  in  connection  with  his  seat  as  a 
member  of  the  council,  for  nineteen  years  ;  when  a  law  being 
passed  rendering  it  incompatible  to  sustain  both,  he  resigned 
his  seat  at  the  council  board,  and  retained  that  on  the  bench  ; 
where  he  remained  until  1789,  when  he  was  elected  a  mem 
ber  of  the  first  congress  under  the  federal  constitution. 

It  cannot  be  expected  that  a  particular  detail  can  be  given, 
in  a  summary  biographical  sketch  like  this,  of  every  public 
employment  in  which  Mr.  Sherman  was  engaged.  It  will 
therefore,  be  briefly  remarked,  in  this  place,  that  he  zealously 
engaged  in  the  long  continued  controversy  between  Pennsyl 
vania  and  Connecticut,  respecting  the  Susquehannah  pur 
chase,  in  behalf  of  the  Susquehannah  company.  It  caused 
great  commotion  in  the  colonies  respectively  claiming  the  right 
to  the  disputed  territory;  and,  for  several  years,  kept  Con 
necticut  divided  into  parties,  which  mutually  indulged  feelings 
of  great  animosity.  But,  although  ridicule,  satire,  and  cri 
minations  were  made  use  of  by  both  parties,  Mr.  Sherman 
pursued  the  straight  forward  course  of  integrity  ;  and  by  his 
influence,  contributed  much  more  toward  quieting  and  paci 
fying  the  opposing  parties  in  that  state,  than  could  have  been 
effected  by  all  other  means,  short  of  a  legal  decision.  Such 
was  the  state  of  the  times,  that  could  not  then  be  obtained. 

But  to  return  from  this  digression.  As  the  time  ap 
proached,  when  it  was  deemed  necessary,  in  the  several 
colonies,  to  concert  some  united  system  for  more  effectually 
opposing  the  encroachments  of  the  British  government,  on 
the  rights  and  liberty  of  the  colonists,  the  people  naturally 
sought  for  men  to  manage  their  interests,  who  were  wise, 
able,  faithful,  and  of  undoubted  patriotism.  In  Connecticut, 
Roger  Sherman,  Joseph  Trumbull,  Eliphalet  Dyer,  and  Silas 
Deane,  Esquires,  were  nominated  by  the  committee  of  cor 
respondence,  to  attend  the  general  congress  of  the  colonies, 
to  consult  and  advise  concerning  their  good.  Mr.  Sherman 
was  present  on  opening  the  first  congress  in  1774,  and  in 
July,  1776,  set  his  name  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
He  also  held  a  seat  in  one  or  the  other  house, 'from  the  form 
ation  of  the  government  under  the  new  constitution  in  1789 
until  his  death  in  1793. 

The  reputation  he  acquired,  both  as  a  representative  and  u 
senator  in  congress,  was  such  as  gave  him  an  extensive  in 


82  ROGER  SHERMAN, 

fluence  in  those  most  respectable  bodies.  Few  men  were 
sent  to  congress  from  any  colony  or  state,  whose  judgment 
and  opinions  were  more  sought  for,  or  held  in  higher  esteem. 
He  sought  not  after  the  splendor  of  eloquence.  He  did  not 
affect  the  external  suavity  and  polish  of  the  gentleman.  In 
deed,  he  affected  nothing.  He  always  appeared  exactly 
what  he  was — a  man  of  sound  common  sense  ;  strong  na 
tural  powers  of  mind  ;  of  deep  thought ;  of  much  reflexion  ; 
of  deliberate  judgment ;  and  a  steady  integrity — uniformly 
seeking  to  promote  the  cause  of  righteousness  in  the  most 
upright  manner.  His  personal  appearance  was  venerable  ; 
his  manners  plain  and  simple,  and  his  whole  character  so 
entirely  consistent  in  all  respects,  that  he  possessed  the  re- 
spect,  esteem,  and  confidence  of  his  associates,  both  in  public 
and  private  life,  to  an  extent  rarely  equalled  in  any  age  or 
.  country. 

It  has  been  stated,  that  he  was  present  on  the  opening  of  the 
first  continental  congress.  The  confidence  reposed  in  him 
by  the  members  of  congress,  put  in  requisition  his  services 
for  arranging  and  reporting  on  a  large  share  of  the  impor 
tant  business  referred  to  committees,  to  be  subsequently  dis 
cussed,  and  decided  upon  by  congress,  in  that  critical  and 
ominous  period,  in  which  the  vital  interests  of  all  the  colonies 
were  in  jeopardy.  It  is  not  easy  for  any  one,  who  did  not 
live  in  that  period  of  agitation  and  perplexity,  to  form  an 
adequate  estimate  of  the  great  responsibility,  wljich  devolved 
on  congress,  individually  and  collectively,  at  the  time  under 
consideration  ;  and,  perhaps  no  collection  of  men  were  ever 
associated,  who  were  more  competent  to  the  purposes  for 
which  they  were  selected,  than  the  American  congress  ;  to 
whom  were  committed  the  interests  and  concerns  of  their  na 
tion,  then  just  springing  into  life.  To  be  one  of  the  first 
among  such  an  association,  affords  no  equivocal  evidence  of 
honorable  distinction,  and  personal  worth.  Such  was  the 
acknowledged  merit  of  Roger  Sherman,  and  such  the  station 
assigned  to  him  by  his  distinguished  patriotic  associates;  and 
it  will  be  remembered  to  his  high  honor,  that  he  attained  to 
this  by  his  own  persevering  efforts,  almost  unaided  by  others, 
from  the  humble  station  of  a  shoe  maker,  without  wealth  or 
education. 

It  would  be  a  task,  which  the  limits  of  this  work  do  not 
admit,  to  mention  in  detail,  all  the  important  committees,  on 
which  he  was  placed  by  the  congress  in  1775,  and  1776. 
But  it  would  be  stly  deemed  improper  to  omit  to*mention, 


CONNECTICUT.  83 

that  he  was  selected,  with  his  distinguished  colleagues,  to 
prepare  a  Declaration  of  Independence.  Perhaps  in  no  in 
stance  was  the  confidence  of  congress  in  the  talents  of  Mr. 
Sherman  more  honorably  manifested  than  in  this  appointment. 

Mr.  Sherman  was  a  standing  member  of  the  board  of  war 
and  ordnance,  of  the  marine  committee,  and  of  the  board  of 
the  treasury.  These  were  not  incidental,  litae  many  of  the 
committees  raised  for  temporary  objects.  But  they  had  as- 
signed  to  them  the  superintendence  of  the  vital  and  most  im 
portant  interests  of  the  country,  situated  as  it  then  was,  en 
gaged-  in  a  war  with  a  powerful  nation,  and  but  very  poorly 
provided,  in  almost  every  respect,  with  requisite  means  for 
prosecuting  it  successfully. 

His  employments  in  congress  were  of  a  very  active  kind, 
and  they  were  incessant.  But  notwithstanding  this,  he  was 
during  the  war  a  member  of  the  council  of  safety,  in  Con 
necticut  ;  and  when  New  Haven  was  incorporated  with  city 
privileges,  he  was  elected  to  the  office  of  mayor ;  which  of 
fice  he  sustained  till  the  close  of  his  life. 

In  1783,  the  legislature  of  Connecticut  appointed  him,  to 
gether  with  the  honorable  Judge  Law,  of  New  London,  a  com 
mittee,  to  revise  the  statutes — to  reduce  all  those  which  rela 
ted  to  the  same  subject  into  one ;  to  arrange  them  in  a  regu 
lar  order,  and  suggest  such  alterations  as  they  should  judge 
expedient ;  and  to  submit  their  report  to  the  general  assem 
bly.  In  their  performance  of  this  difficult  and  arduous  ser 
vice,  they  received  the  general  approbation  of  the  state. 

When  in  1787  it  was  resolved  to  call  a  convention  of  the 
several  states,  to  form  a  constitution  of  government  for  the 
United  States,  Mr.  Sherman,  the  late  Judge  Ellsworth,  and  the 
no  less  distinguished  Doctor  Johnson,  were  appointed  dele 
gates,  to  represent  Connecticut  in  that  augtist  and  venerable  as 
sembly  of  patriotic  sages.  In  the  convention,  Mr.  Sherman  ma 
nifested  his  usual  wisdom  and  sagacity,  and  had  an  important 
influence  in  moderating  conflicting  spirits,  and  soothing  the 
feelings  of  vehement  partizans  ;  and  he  contributed,  perhaps 
as  much  as  any  one  member,  to  framing  and  maturing  the 
federal  constitution  of  government  of  the  United  States,  under 
which,  for  forty  years,  the  people  of  this  country  have  enjoyed 
as  much  real  liberty,  and  experienced  as  great  a  degree  of 
prosperity,  as  were  ever  allotted  to  any  other  people,  during 
equal  number  of  years,  since  nations  have  existed. 

When  the  convention  had  performed  their  duty,  and  the 
constitution  which  they  had  formed,  was  proposed  to  the 


84  ROGER  SHERMAN. 

people  of  the  several  states,  for  their  examination,  and  adop. 
tion,  Mr.  Sherman  was  present  in  the  Connecticut  conven 
tion,  to  which  it  was  submitted.  He  there  used  his  great  influ 
ence  with  much  success,  in  behalf  of  its  adoption  on  the 
part  of  Connecticut.  He  was  returned  a  representative 
from  that  state,  to  the  first  congress  which  met  under  the  con- 
stitution ;  in  the  forming  of  which  he  had  so  important  a 
share.  After  holding  his  seat  in  the  house  of  representatives 
two  years,  he  was  promoted  to  the  senate ;  in  which  body  he 
continued  to  exert  his  useful  talents,  for  the  benefit  of  his 
country,  whose  independence  he  had  proclaimed  fifteen 
years  before,  and  which  he  had  uniformly  labored  to  pro 
mote,  from  the  moment  it  was  declared,  to  the  close  of  his 
virtuous  and  useful  life.  This  event  occurred  on  the  twen 
ty-third  day  of  July,  1793. 

During  his  life,  he  had  sustained  many  offices  of  impor 
tance,  with  uniform  honor,  and  an  untarnished  reputation. 
His  death,  although  it  occurred  when  he  had  passed  his  se 
venty-second  year,  was  felt  to  be  a  great  loss,  as  extensively 
as  he  was  known.  Although  he  was  gathered  to  his  fathers 
in  a  ripe  old  age,  fully  possessed  of  all  his  honors,  which  he 
had  acquired  by  nearly  a  half  a  century  of  active  usefulness, 
he  was  yet  in  full  possession  of  his  mental  powers  unbroken  ; 
and  would  probably  have  been  capable  of  eminent  usefulness 
for  several  successive  years,  had  his  life  been  thus  continued. 
His  loss,  though  deeply  felt,  and  sincerely  mourned  by  the 
country  ;  by  the  people  of  Connecticut,  and  by  the  citizens  of 
New  Haven,  generally,  whose  chief  magistrate  he  had  been 
from  its  city  incorporation  ;  yet,  by  none  was  it  more  sincerely 
lamented  than  the  society  and  church,  of  which  he  was  an 
eminent  and  useful  member. 

Mr.  Sherman  was  twice  married.  At  the  age  of  twenty- 
eight  years,  he  was  first  married  to  Miss  Elizabeth  Hartwell 
of  Staughton,  in  Massachusetts,  for  several  years  the  place 
of  his  father's  residence.  By  her  he  had  seven  children. 
After  her  decease  in  1760,  and  subsequent  to  his  removal  to 
New  Haven,  he  married  Miss  Rebecca  Prescot  of  Danvers, 
also  in  Massachusetts.  By  this  second  marriage  he  had  eight 
children. 

It  would  require  more  room  than  can  be  appropriated,  in 
this  sketch,  to  exhibit  the  character  of  this  truly  great  man,  as 
it  merits.  It  will  therefore  be  closed  with  the  summary, 
yet  comprehensive  inscription,  recorded  on  the  tablet  that 
covers  his  tomb. 


CONNECTICUT.  85 

In  memory  of  the 
HONORABLE  ROGER  SHERMAN,  ESQ. 

Mayor  of  the  city  of  New  Haven,  and  Senator 

of  the  United  States. 

He  was  born  at  Newtown,  in  Massachusetts,  April  19,  1721, 
And  died  in  New  Haven,  July  23d.  A.  D.  1793, 

Aged  LXX1I. 
Possessed  of  a  strong,  clear,  penetrating  mind,  and  singular 

perseverance, 
He  became  the  self-taught  scholar,  eminent  for 

jurisprudence  and  policy. 
He  was  nineteen  years  an  assistant,  and  twenty-three  years 

a  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court,  in  high  reputation. 

He  was  a  delegate  in  the  first  Congress,  signed  the  glorious 

act  of  Independence,  and  many  years  displayed 

superior  talents  and  ability  in  the 

National  Legislature. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  General  Convention,  approved  the 

Federal  Constitution,  and  served  his  country  with 

fidelity  and  honor  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 

and  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

He  was  a  man  of  approved  integrity,  a  cool  discerning 

Judge,  a  prudent  sagacious  politician,  a  true, 

faithful,  and  firm  patriot. 

He  ever  adorned  the  profession  of  Christianity  which  he 
made  in  youth,  and  distinguished  through  life  for  public 
usefulness  ;  died  in  prospect  of  a  blessed  immortality. 


SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON. 

SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON  w-s  descended  from  a  family,  which 
at  an  early  period  of  its  settlement,  arrived  at  Saybrook,  in 
Connecticut.  Like  most  of  those  families,  which  left  their 
native  land  to  avoid  ecclesiastical  and  civil  oppression,  his  an 
cestors  came  to  America  to  enjoy  the  right  of  worshipping 
God,  according  to  what  they  conscientiously  believed  was 
agreeable  to  His  revealed  will.  This  family  was  much  re 
spected  for  piety  and  intelligence.  He  was  the  eldest  son  of 
Nathaniel  Huntington,  who  settled  at  Windham  in  Connecti 
cut,  and  industriously  pursued  the  business  of  a  farmer.  He 

8 


S6  SAMUEL  HUNT1NGTON, 

was  blessed  with  the  inestimable  privilege  of  having  a  pious 
and  intelligent  mother.  As  it  was  the  intention  of  his  father, 
that  his  oldest  son  should  inherit  his  patrimony,  he  gave  him 
no  other  means  and  advantages  for  obtaining  an  education, 
than  the  common  schools  of  Connecticut  at  that  early  period 
supplied  ;  and  these,  limited  as  they  were,  were  deemed  ade 
quate  to  the  object  in  view.  Prompted,  however,  by  the  na 
tive  vigor  of  his  own  mind,  and  perhaps,  by  the  distinction 
which  his  brothers  derived  from  the  advantages  of  a  col 
legiate  education,  he  was  not  contented  to  remain  in  the 
obscurity  of  a  practical  farmer,  however  respectable  the 
business  of  an  agriculturist  was  justly  esteemed.  Being 
possessed  of  a  strong  mind,  and  having  a  relish  for  mental 
cultivation,  he  devoted  much  of  that  portion  of  his  time  which 
was  not  occupied  in  his  agricultural  pursuits,  in  reading  and 
study.  In  this  manner  he  divided  his  time  between  labor  and 
his  books,  lentil  he  was  twenty-two  years  of  age.  Notwith 
standing  the  obstacles  which  were  to  be  surmounted  in  his 
situation,  his  decision  of  character  and  persevering  efforts 
enabled  him  to  surmount  them,  and  achieve  the  object  he 
sought ;  so  that  at  the  age  of  twenty -two,  he  had  acquired 
quite  a  respectable  stock  of  scientific  information. 

He  then  relinquished  his  agricultural  pursuits,  and  com 
menced  the  study  of  law.  Being  conscious  that  such  an  ac 
quaintance  with  the  Latin  language,  as  would  enable  him  to 
comprehend  many  passages  contained  in  law  books,  was  in 
dispensable,  he  acquainted  himself  with  that  language  suffi 
ciently  for  that  purpose. 

Actuated  by  the  laudable  ambition  of  rising  to  distinction 
in  society,  and  of  obtaining  a  competence  by  other  means 
than  labor,  he  began  the  study  of  law  in  a  manner  very  simi 
lar  to  that  pursued  by  his  colleague,  Sherman,  in  a  distant 
part  of  Connecticut.  He  had  not  the  advantages  of  instruc 
tion  by*a  regulaf  practitioner  at  the  bar.  He  borrowed  books 
from  a  member  of  the  profession  in  Windham  county,  who 
obligingly  furnished  him  with  those  necessary  to  his  pursuits. 
Although  this  method  of  studying  was  attended  with  difficul 
ties  of  considerable  magnitude,  they  were  all  obviated  and 
overcome  by  his  perseverance  and  fortitude. 

Being  deemed  qualified,  he  commenced  his  career  as  a 
practising  lawyer  in  Windham,  his  native  town.  At  the  age 
of  twenty-eight  years,  when  his  reputation  was  extending, 
he  removed  from  Windham  to  Norwich,  a  half-shire  town  in 
New  London  county,  where  he  became  more  extensively 


CONNECTICUT.  87 

known  ;  and  his  success  in  business,  and  his  celebrity  as  a 
man  of  talents,  made  rapid  advances.  Even  at  that  early 
period,  after  commencing  his  business,  few  lawyers  obtained 
a  more  extensive  practice,  or  possessed  a  higher  reputation 
among  their  fellow  citizens.  Although  it  may  be  admitted 
that  the  opportunities  for  becoming  learned  in  the  science, 
at  the  time  when  Mr.  Huntington  was  engaged  in  business, 
were  comparatively  small ;  it  must  also  be  admitted,  that 
they  had  in  general  an  equal  bearing  on  him  as  on  others. 
It  is,  therefore,  no  equivocal  evidence  in  favor  of  his  faithful 
improvement  of  them,  and  his  assiduous  application,  as  well 
as  of  his  superior  talents,  that  he  was  early  appointed  king's 
attorney  for  the  county  in  which  he  resided.  His  extensive 
practice,  which  was  the  result  of  a  general  confidence  in  his 
good  sense,  intelligence,  and  probity,  embraced  all  of  the 
most  important  causes  in  his  native  county  and  in  those  ad- 
joining. 

Four  years  after  his  removal  to  Norwich,  he  was  chosen 
to  represent  that  town  in  the  general  assembly  of  Connecti 
cut.  This  was  the  beginning  of  his  political  life.  Ten  years 
from  that  date,  he  was  appointed  an  associate  judge  ot  the 
superior  court  of  the  colony.  And  the  next  year,  he  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  council.  This,  in  Connecticut,  is 
but  another  name  for  senate. 

On  the  second  Thursday  of  October,  in  1775,  he  was  ap 
pointed  a  delegate  ,to  congress,  in  connection  with  Roger 
Sherman,  Oliver  Wolcott,  Titus  Hosmer,  and  William  Wil 
liams,  Esquires.  Having  in  obedience  to  this  call  of  his  fel 
low  citizens,  taken  his  seat  in  that  assembly,  in  January, 
he  was  present  in  July  following,  and  was  called  upon  to 
sign  his  name  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  He 
was  a  member  of  congress  during  that  and  the  three  follow 
ing  years.  In  that  whole  period,  the  most  ominous  which 
the  country  ever  experienced,  he  was  busily  employed  in  the 
business  of  the  public,  and  rendered  services  to  his  fellow 
citizens  of  the  highest  importance.  His  stern  integrity, 
and  unbending  patriotism,  his  sound  judgment,  and  active 
discharge  of  business,  rendered  him  conspicuous  and  at 
tracted  his  full  share  of  employment,  as  a  member  of  many 
important  committees.  So  high  was  his  reputation  in  the 
estimation  of  congress,  that  in  1779,  he  was  appointed  presi 
dent  of  that  body  ;  which  was  at  that  time  the  first  office  in 
the  nation.  In  that  office  he  succeeded  Governor  Jay,  who 
had  received  and  accepted  the  appointment  of  minister  pie- 


88  SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON, 

nipotentiary  to  the  court  of  Spain.  He  was  again  appointed 
to  the  same  place  in  1780.  This  station  he  held,  and  per- 
formed  its  arduous  duties  with  universal  approbation,  until 
the  following  year;  when  in  consequence  of  impaired  health 
and  being  worn  down  by  the  fatigues  of  his  unremitted  ap 
plication  to  the  duties  of  his  office,  he  desired  leave  of  ab 
sence,  that  he  might  by  a  relaxation  from  business  recruit 
his  impaired  constitution.  By  reason  of  a  reluctance  to  dis 
pense  with  his  services,  congress  forbore  to  nominate  his 
successor  for  two  months.  In  consequence,  however,  of  his 
renewed  application,  made  in  a  way  still  more  pressing  and 
urgent,  they  acceded  to  it,  and  chose  a  new  president.  In 
a  few  days  after  his  departure,  they  passed  a  vote  of  thanks 
to  him,  "  in  testimony  of  their  approbation  of  his  conduct  in 
the  chair,  and  in  the  execution  of  public  business." 

On  his  return  to  Connecticut,  he  resumed  his  seat  at  the 
council  board,  and  on  the  bench ;  both  of  which  had  been 
continued  vacant  during  his  absence  in  congress.  This  may 
be  justly  viewed  as  a  signal  evidence  of  the  respect  and 
esteem  which  his  constituents  entertained  for  him  ;  and  these 
were  farther  evinced  by  the  subsequent  promotions  which  he 
experienced. 

In  the  spring  of  1782,  he  was  elected  a  delegate  to  con- 

fress.  But  for  reasons  which  he  deemed  imperative,  he 
id  not  attend  under  that  appointment.  His  health  not  being 
fully  re-established,  and  his  duties  as  a  member  of  the  high 
est  court  in  the  state,  he  viewed  a  sufficient  justification  ol 
his  absence.  In  the  following  year,  however,  having  been 
again  elected,  he  took  his  seat  in  congress,  soon  after  they 
had  removed  to  Princeton,  in  New  Jersey,  in  consequence  of 
a  tumult  that  occurred  in  Philadelphia.  He  retained  his  seat 
till  the  following  November,  when  he  retired  finally  from 
congress.  But,  although  he  had  withdrawn  himself  from 
that  august  assembly,  where  his  public  services  had  been  so 
important,  and  where  he  had  received  the  first  honors  which 
his  country  could  confer  on  him  ;  yet  his  fellow  citizens 
held  a  demand  for  his  talents  to  be  further  employed  in  their 
service.  Soon  after  his  return  to  his  native  state  he  was  ap 
pointed  chief  justice  of  the  superior  court  of  Connecticut. 
Having  held  this  office  one  year,  he  was  chosen  lieutenant 
governor  of  the  state  ;  and,  in  1786,  he  was  chosen  gover 
nor,  as  successor  to  Governor  Griswold.  To  this  office  he 
was  annually  re-chosen,  with  great  unanimity,  till  his  death. 


CONNECTICUT.  89 

This  event  happened  at  Norwich,  on  the  fifth  day  of  January, 
1796,  in  the  sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age. 

Governor  Huntington  was  for  many  years,  a  professor  of 
religion.  In  the  sickness  which  terminated  his  life,  he 
realized  the  consolation  which  a  strong  confidence  in  the 
faithfulness  of  his  Saviour,  in  whom  he  put  his  trust,  was 
calculated  to  inspire.  He  was  a  devout  attendant  on  public 
worship,  and  appeared  uniformly  in  the  Divine  presence, 
with  the  aspect  of  solemn  reverence  and  sincere  devotion.  The 
practice  of  investigating  whatever  subjects  were  presented  to 
his  contemplation,  which  he  adopted  while  yet  a  youth,  pro 
duced  a  habit  of  deep  reflection,  which  he  observed  through 
life.  His  words  were  few ;  and  when  he  delivered  his 
opinions,  it  was  apparent  that  they  were  the  result  of  much 
thinking  and  thorough  deliberation.  Notwithstanding  the 
many  honors  and  high  distinction  which  had  been  conferred 
on  him,  he  never  betrayed  any  feeling  of  that  conscious  supe 
riority,  which  is  wont  to  spring  from  an  indulgence  of  false 
pride.  Indeed  his  modesty,  by  those  not  intimately  ac. 
quainted  with  him,  was  frequently  mistaken  for  haughtiness 
of  spirit.  But  those  who  knew  him  intimately,  formed  a  very 
different  and  far  more  correct  judgment  of  his  motives.  Self- 
possession  was,  at  all  times,  a  prominent  trait  of  his  charac 
ter  ;  and  so  cautious  was  he  in  his  remarks  respecting  his 
fellow  men,  that  a  competent  witness,  who  resided  in  his 
family  more  than  twenty  years,  bore  testimony,  that  during 
that  whole  period,  he  was  not  heard  to  give  utterance  to  one 
remark  that  could  wound  the  feelings  of  another,  or  injure 
the  reputation  of  an  absent  person. 

For  a  considerable  time  previous  to  his  decease,  he  suf 
fered  severely  from  a  dropsy  in  the  chest.  Undoubtedly, 
this,  connected  with  a  complication  of  infirmities,  accelerated 
the  termination  of  his  life. 

In  retracing  the  life  of  Governor  Huntington,  what  an  ani 
mating  and  encouraging  example  does  it  furnish  to  the  young 
men  of  genius  and  enterprise  in  our  free  country  ?  Here  is 
exhibited,  in  the  result  of  his  efforts,  what  may  be  accom 
plished  by  others  who  will  pursue  the  same  course  in  simi 
lar  circumstances.  With  facilities  for  obtaining  early  edu 
cation,  far  inferior  to  those  now  at  the  command  of  youths  in 
Connecticut,  he  rose,  from  the  condition  of  a  common  plough, 
boy,  and  by  his  almost  unaided  exertions,  to  great  respect 
ability  and  distinction. 

He  rendered  services  of  great  utility  to  his  native  state  and 
R* 


90  WILLIAM  WILLIAMS, 

country.  And,  at  length  attained  the  most  honorable  and 
distinguished  offices  which  his  fellow  men  had  in  their  power 
to  bestow.  During  his  whole  progress,  his  life  was  irre 
proachable  ;  and  his  death  such  as  became  the  man  of  virtue 
and  Christian  piety. 


WILLIAM  WILLIAMS. 

WILLIAM  WILLIAMS,  who  inscribed  his  name  on  the  Decla 
ration  of  Independence  of  the  American  colonies,  was  de- 
scended  from  a  respectable  and  pious  ancestry,  who  emi 
grated  from  Wales  in  the  year  1630,  and  settled  at  Roxbury 
in  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  His  grandfather  was 
settled  in  the  gospel  ministry  at  Hatfield,  in  the  county  of 
Hampshire,  in  Massachusetts.  Hatfield  lies  bordering  on  the 
western  shore  of  Connecticut  River.  His  father,  the  Rever 
end  Solomon  Williams,  was  during  more  than  half  a  century, 
pastor  of  the  first  congregational  society  in  Lebanon,  a 
pleasant  agricultural  town  in  Windham  county  in  Connecticut. 
In  this  town  Colonel  Williams  was  born  on  the  8th  day  of 
April,  1731.  He  was  the  fourth  son  of  his  parents,  and  one 
of  a  family  which  consisted  of  eight  children  ;  five  sons  and 
three  daughters.  He  received  his  education  at  Harvard 
university,  which  he  entered  in  1747  when  he  was  sixteen 
years  old  ;  and  graduated  with  honorable  distinction  in  his 
class  in  1751.  Soon  after  he  left  the  university,  he  com 
menced  a  course  of  theological  studies  under  the  direction 
of  his  father;  which  he  pursued  with  assiduity  for  some  time. 
But  in  the  year  1755,  during  "  the  French  war,"  he  went 
with  Colonel  Ephraim  Williams,  a  relative  of  his,  to  Lake 
George,  as  one  of  the  staff  of  his  regiment.  This  brought 
him  into  the  society  of  British  officers  who  were  employed 
in  that  war,  and  gave  him  a  good  opportunity  to  acquaint 
himself  with,  and  to  form  a  correct  estimate  of  their  charac 
ters  ;  and  to  learn  their  dispositions  towards  the  inhabitants 
of  the  American  colonies.  At  the  close  of  the  campaign,  the 
subject  of  this  memoir  left  the  army,  and  returned  to  his  native 
town,  much  disgusted  with  the  British  manners  and  dispositions 
of  the  officers,  who  manifested  a  great  degree  of  haughtiness, 
as  well  as  indifference  for  the  interests  and  welfare  of  the 


CONNECTICUT.  91 

colonies.  Then  and  there  it  was  that  he  imbibed  that  feeling 
of  opposition  to  British  domination  in  this  country,  which 
after  a  few  years  produced  the  war  of  the  revolution,  and 
strengthened  and  confirmed  that  decided  patriotic  resistance 
to  every  encroachment  on  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
colonists. 

Having  returned  to  his  native  residence,  where  he  deter- 
mined  to  take  up  his  abode  for  life,  he  commenced  business 
as  a  merchant  which  he  pursued  until  the  beginning  of  ti  • 
revolutionary  war.  He  early  became  possessed  of  the  confi 
dence  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town,  both  for  his  capacity 
and  integrity.  This  they  manifested  by  choosing  him  town 
clerk  at  the  age  of  twenty-five  years;  and  soon  after  he  was 
chosen  one  of  their  representatives  to  the  general  asssembly 
of  the  colony,  at  a  period  of  life  considerably  earlier  than 
was  customary  in  that  community.  Excepting  the  time  he 
was  absent,  attending  the  duties  of  his  appointment  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  old  congress,  he  was,  during  a  long  life>  almost 
uninterruptedly,  a  member  of  one  of  the  branches  of  the  le 
gislature  of  his  native  state.  He  acted  as  clerk  of  the  gene 
ral  assembly,  and  afterwards  as  speaker,  for  many  years. 
In  1780,  he  was  chosen  an  assistant,  and  was  annually  re- 
chosen  to  that  body  twenty-four  successive  years ;  and  in 
1804,  he  declined  a  re-election,  resigned  all  his  public  offices, 
excepting  that  of  judge  of  probate,  retired  to  his  family,  and 
devoted  himself  to  the  duties  of  private  life. 

Punctuality  was  a  strong  trait  in  the  character  of  Colonel 
Williams.  During  somewhat  more  than  ninety  sessions  of 
the  state  legislature,  which  intervened  between  the  begin 
ning  and  close  of  his  connection  with  that  body,  he  was  sel 
dom  absent  from  his  seat ;  except  when  he  was  called  to  per 
form  his  higher  duties  in  congress. 

He  was  a  judge  of  the  c.ounty  court,  for  Windham  county, 
and  a  judge  of  the  court  of  probate  for  the  district  of  Wind- 
ham,  during  the  long  period  of  forty  years.  He  was  one  of 
the  committee  of  safety  during  the  greatest  part  of  the  war. 
The  meetings  of  that  committee  were  held  daily;  and  business 
of  much  interest  and  importance  was  continually  devolving  on 
them.  It  may,  therefore,  be  truly  said  of  him,  that  he  devoted 
his  whole  life  to  the  service  of  his  fellow  citizens,  in  promoting 
their  welfare  and  prosperity  ;  and  this  with  conscientious  up 
rightness  rarely  equalled. 

In  October,  1775,  he  was  appointed  by  the  general  assem 
bly  of  Connecticut,  a  delegate  to  the  general  congress;  this 
5 


92  WILLIAM  WILLIAMS, 

congress  he  attended.  And  on  this  occasion,  he  resigned  the 
command  of  a  regiment  of  militia,  to  which  he  had  been  ap 
pointed  two  years  hefore  ;  justly  considering  it  incompatible 
to  hold  two  offices,  both  of  which  were,  at  that  era,  highly 
important ;  and  the  duties  of  but  one  of  which  he  could 
perform. 

He  was  re-elected  a  delegate  to  congress  in  the  year  fol 
lowing.  And  this  placed  him  among  those  who  proclaimed 
the  independence  of  their  country ;  and  with  them  he  set  his 
name  to  the  instrument,  which  is  to  insure  him  an  unperish- 
ing  remembrance  to  future  generations. 

Among  the  incidents  of  his  life,  it  is  proper  to  mention  here  ; 
that,  when  the  traitor  Arnold  destroyed  New  London  ;  on 
being  informed  of  his  invasion,  Colonel  Williams  mounted  his 
horse,  and  rode  the  distance  of  twenty-three  miles  in  three 
hours ;  but  was  not  able  to  reach  the  scene  of  destruction, 
until  the  mischief  was  done,  and  the  enemy  was  ready  to 
embark. 

On  another  occasion,  a  short  time  after  the  battle  of  Ger- 
mantown,  he  saved  one  of  his  colleagues,  (Colonel  Dyer) 
from  being  captured  by  the  enemy ;  and  so  much  exposed 
was  he  in  the  enterprise,  that  he  escaped  himself  with  great 
difficulty,  and  much  danger,  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  revolutionary  conflict,  Colonel 
Williams  was  engaged  in  the  business  of  a  merchant  in  his 
native  town.  At  that  period,  he  embarked  with  ardor  in 
the  cause  of  his  country,  and  closed  his  mercantile  business, 
and  settled  up  his  concerns,  that  he  might  experience  no 
embarrassing  interruptions  from  that  source  ;  and  that  he 
might  be  able  to  devote  his  whole  time  and  all  his  exertions 
to  his  country's  service. 

In  summing  up  the  character  of  Colonel  Williams,  it 
will  be  proper  to  look  to  the  basis  on  which  the  whole  super 
structure  was  raised  and  compacted.  This  basis  was  a  firm 
unwavering  belief  in  the  Bible  as  a  divine  revelation  to  men. 
His  faith  in  this  was  in  conformity  to  the  sentiments  of  the 
Puritans  who  first  landed  at  Plymouth,  and  in  accordance 
with  leading  doctrines  of  the  great  reformers  ;  usually  de 
nominated  "  the  doctrines  of  grace." 

At  a  time  during  the  war,  when  the  continental  currency 
would  not  procure  those  services  which  the  necessities  of  the 
country  demanded,  Colonel  Williams  was  in  possession  of 
about  two  thousand  dollars  in  specie.  This  he  exchanged 


CONNECTICUT.  93 

for  the  paper  currency,  to  promote  the  public  service,  and  ulti> 
mately  lost  the  whole  sum. 

As  an  instance  of  his  devotedness  to  the  interest  of  the 
public,  which  will  evince  his  disinterested  patriotism,  may  be 
mentioned  the  fact,  that  when  Lawrence's  legion  was  sta 
tioned  at  Lebanon,  in  the  winter  of  1781,  to  accommodate 
the  officers  with  comfortable  quarters,  he  relinquished  his 
own  house  to  them,  and  removed  his  family  to  another. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  state  convention  which  was 
called  to  decide  on  adopting  the. federal  constitution.  Although 
a  majority  of  the  people  of  Lebanon  were  opposed  to  adopt 
ing  it,  and  although  he  was  an  advocate  for  its  adoption  ; 
they,  notwithstanding,  chose  him  for  their  delegate  ;  and 
when  there,  in  opposition  to  their  opinions,  he  advocated  its 
acceptance  by  the  state.  And  it  was  not  long  before  his 
constituents  expressed  their  gratitude  to  him  for  the  part  he 
took  on  that  occasion  ;  and  convinced  of  his  correctness  and 
their  error,  after  a  little  time  for  reflection,  they  coalesced  in 
the  opinion  he  had  expressed  on  the  momentous  subject. 
^  In  1772,  he  was  united  by  marriage  to  Mary,  the  second' 
daughter  of  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Esq.  of  Lebanon,  who  was 
then  governor  of  Connecticut. 

The  early  death  of  his  oldest  son,  deeply  affected  Colonel 
Williams.  That  afflicting  event  occurred  in  the  year  1810, 
in  the  month  of  October.  Being  now  far  advanced  in  age, 
he  never  recovered  from  the  shock.  His  health  obviously 
declined  from  that  time,  arid  after  an  unbroken  silence  of 
four  days'  continuance,  while  lying  on  his  bed,  he  audibly 
and  with  a  full  and  clear  voice,  pronounced  the  name  of  his 
son,  and  required  him  to  attend  on  his  dying  parent.  Hav 
ing,  thus  spoken  in  that  remarkable  manner,  he  almost  in- 
stantly  expired. 

Thus  lived,  arid  thus  died  the  Hon.  William  Williams,  of 
Connecticut,  on  the  2d  day  of  August,  1811,  in  the  eighty- 
first  year  of  his  age. 


OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 

THE  family  bearing  the  name  of  Wolcott,  was  among  the 
early  settlers  in  Connecticut.  And  there  has  been  no  time 
since  their  distinguished  ancestor,  with  a  few  associates, 
commenced  the  settlement  of  Windsor,  in  that  state,  when 


94  OLIVER  WOLCOTT, 

the  name,  in  some  one  or  more  of  its  branches,  has  not  sus. 
tained  the  reputation  of  possessing  a  full  share  of  talents,  in 
fluence,  and  respectability.  Henry  Wolcott,  the  English  an- 
cestor,  came  from  Tolland,  in  Somersetshire  ;  where  he  was 
born  in  1578.  Having  imbibed  the  principles  of  the  In 
dependents,  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  government,  and  he 
determined  to  leave  his  native  island,  and  repair  to  the  wilds 
of  America.  He  first  arrived  in  New  England  in  1628,  and 
resolving  to  remove  his  family,  he  returned,  and  brought  them 
with  him  in  1630.  He  first  settled  in  Dorchester,  in  Massa 
chusetts,  a  short  distance  from  Boston.  In  1636,  with  a  few 
associates,  he  began  the  settlement  of  Windsor.  Not  only 
some  of  his  descendants,  but  those  of  several  of  his  most  dis 
tinguished  associates,  continue  to  reside  in  that  town  to  this 
day. 

Henry  Wolcott  was  not  only  a  leading  man  in  the  settle 
ment  of  Windsor,  but  he  was  distinguished  among  the  first 
of  those  who  organized  the  government  of  Connecticut,  then 
comprising  the  three  towns,  Windsor,  Hartford,  and  Wethers- 
field  ;  and  assisted  in  forming  their  constitution  of  govern 
ment,  the  principles  of  which  were  incorporated  in  the  char 
ter,  afterwards  granted  by  Charles  II.  to  the  colony  of  Con 
necticut.  He  lived  to  a  good  old  age,  and  died  in  his  seven 
ty. eighth  year.  He  was  a  member  of  the  first  general  assem 
bly  of  Connecticut  in  1639,  and  continued  a  member,  or  held 
some  office  in  the  magistracy  until  his  death  in  1655.  From 
that  time  to  the  present,  some  individuals  of  the  family  have 
almost  constantly  been  members  of  the  assembly,  magistrates, 
judges  of  courts,  or  in  the  executive  chair  ;  and  have  wielded 
a  full  share  of  influence  in  the  state,  with  much  respectability 
and  usefulness. 

Oliver  Wolcott,  a  sketch  of  whose  life  we  are  now  to  give, 
was  the  great-grandson  of  Henry  Wolcott,  and  the  youngest 
son  of  Roger  Wolcott,  who,  though  destitute  of  the  advan 
tages  of  a  public  education,  rose  by  his  own  efforts  to  high 
rank  and  office  both  civil  and  military  in  Connecticut.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  assembly  and  of  the  council.  He  was 
a  major  general,  judge  of  'he  county  court,  judge  of  the  su 
perior  court,  lieutenant  governor,  and  governor  of  the  state 
successively. 

Oliver,  his  youngest  son,  was  born  on  the  26th  day  of  No 
vember,  1726.  He  received  his  education  at  Yale  College, 
where  he  graduated  in  1747.  The  same  year  in  which  lie 
left  college,  he  received  a  captain's  commission  in  the  army 


CONNECTICUT.  95 

He  immediately  raised  a  company  and  marched  them  to  the 
northern  frontier,  to  aid  in  protecting  the  border  settlements, 
against  the  incursions  of  the  Canadian  French  and  hostile 
savages,  until  the  peace  was  settled  at  Aix-la-Chapelle ; 
when  the  regiment,  to  which  he  was  attached,  was  disbanded. 
He  then  returned  to  Connecticut,  and  soon  commenced  the 
study  of  medicine  under  the  instruction  of  his  brother,  Doctor 
Alexander  Wolcott,  a  distinguished  practitioner  in  Windsor. 
He,  however,  did  not  commence  the  regular  practice  of  me 
dicine  ;  for  about  the  time  when  he  was  contemplating  it,  the 
general  assembly  organized  the  county  of  Litchfield,  and  ap 
pointed  him  the  first  sheriff  of  the  county. 

In  1774,  the  freemen  of  Connecticut  chose  him  a  member 
of  the  council,  and  his  election  was  annually  renewed  till 
1786.  During  that  term  he  was  chief  judge  of  the  county 
court  for  Litchfield  county,  and  for  many  years  judge  of  the 
court  of  probate  for  Litchfield  district.  In  the  militia,  he 
rose  from  a  captain  regularly  to  the  rank  of  major  general, 
and  served  in  every  intermediate  grade  of  office. 

In  1775,  congress  appointed  him  one  of  the  commissioners 
of  Indian  affairs  for  the  northern  department.  The  object 
of  this  commission  was,  to  persuade  the  Indians  to  remain 
neutral  in  the  controversy  in  which  the  United  States  were 
engaged  with  the  British.  It  was  an  agency  that  required 
to  be  conducted  with  wisdom,  caution,  and  prudence.  While 
Mr.  Wolcott  was  employed  in  the  objects  of  this  appoint 
ment,  the  controversies  between  Connecticut  and  Pennsylva 
nia,  respecting  boundaries,  and  between  New  York  and  Ver 
mont,  were  in  a  high  state  of  excitement,  and  threatened  to 
produce  much  injury  to  the  American  cause,  by  exposing  the 
people  to  the  seductive  arts  of  British  partizans.  In  settling 
and  composing  these  jarring  elements,  and  in  uniting  the 
citizens  of  the  New  England  class,  who  were  settled  in  the 
controverted  territory,  to  support  the  common  cause,  Mr. 
Wolcott's  influence  was  steadily  and  successfully  exerted. 
Thus,  by  the  wisdom  of  those  commissioners,  was  wrested 
from  the  grasp  of  the  vigilant  British  emissaries,  one  power, 
ful  engine  which  they  were  anxious  to  seize  and  wield  with 
effect,  to  the  great  injury  of  the  American  interest. 

In  the  beginning  of  1776,  he  attended  congress  in  Phila- 
delphia,  and  continued  there  until  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  was  adopted,  and  had  recieved  his  signature  ;  he 
then  returned  to  Connecticut ;  and  by  an  appointment  of 
Governor  Trumbull  and  the  council  of  safety,  he  took  com- 


96  OLIVER  WOLCOTT, 

mand  of  a  detachment  of  Connecticut  mih'ia,  consisting  of 
fourteen  regiments,  which  were  ordered  for  the  defence  of 
New  York.  Having  performed  this  service,  and  the  command 
having  been  transferred  to  other  hands,  he  returned  to  his 
home  ;  and  after  a  short  time,  resumed  his  seat  in  congress 
in  the  month  of  November  of  that  year,  and  retired  with  that 
body  to  Baltimore,  in  the  winter  of  1777,  at  the  time  when 
their  safety  in  Philadelphia  was  menaced  by  the  approach  of 
the  British  army. 

In  the  summer  of  this  year,  he  was  continually  and  very 
assiduously  engaged  in  superintending  the  raising  of  recruits  ; 
organizing  and  despatching  detachments  of  militia  to  aid  th"? 
general  interests  of  the  military  service  of  the  United  States ; 
and  in  carrying  on  an  extensive  correspondence  relative  to 
their  military  concerns ;  and  after  having  forwarded  several 
thousands  of  men  to  the  aid  of  General  Putnam,  on  the  Hud- 
son,  he  took  the  command  of  a  body  of  volunteers,  and  with 
them  proceeded  to  join  General  Gates  and  the  northern  army. 
There,  under  the  command  of  Gates,  he  aided  in  subduing  and 
capturing  the  British  army,  under  Major  General  Burgoyne. 

After  the  capture  of  Burgoyne's  army  had  been  achieved, 
and  the  alarm  of  that  season  was  somewhat  allayed,  by  reason 
of  that  joyful  event,  General  Wolcott  returned  to  the  em 
ployments  of  civil  life  ;  and,  in  February,  1778,  he  took  his 
seat  in  congress  at  Yorktown,  and  continued  with  that  body 
till  July. 

In  the  summer  of  1779,  Connecticut  was  invaded  by  a 
British  force  He  immediately  took  the  command  of  a  divi 
sion  of  the  Connecticut  militia,  for  the  defence  of  their  south 
ern  coast,  where  the  inhabitants  were  imminently  exposed 
to  sudden  attack.  This  called  for  activity  and  fidelity  ;  and 
both  were  promptly  rendered  by  General  Wolcott,  whose 
personal  vigor,  patriotic  integrity,  and  Christian  benevolence, 
admitted  of  no  mediocrity  of  character  or  indecision  of  con- 
duct.  He  continued  to  attend  to  his  various  duties  in  his 
native  state  ;  and  from  1781  to  1783  he  was  occasionally  en 
gaged  in  his  congressional  duties.  In  1784  and  1785,  he  was 
actively  employed  as  one  of  the  commissioners  for  Indian 
affairs  in  the  northern  department.  His  colleagues  were 
Richard  Butler  and  Arthur  Lee.  They  conjointly  prescribed 
the  terms  of  peace  with  the  Six  Nations,  or  Mohawk  Indians 

In  1786,  he  was  elected  lieutenant  governor  of  Connecti 
cut,  and  was  annually  re-elected  until  1796.  In  the  spring 
of  this  year  he  was  chosen  governor  of  the  state,  and  re- 


CONNECTICUT.  9? 

elected  in  1797,  and  he  retained  the  office  till  the  close  of  his 
life.  This  event  occurred  in  December  of  that  year,  and  in 
the  seventy -second  year  of  his  age. 

In  the  character  of  Governor  Wolcott  there  was  an  uni. 
form  consistency  throughout  his  life.  As  a  patriot  he  was 
intelligent,  bold,  active,  inflexible,  and  persevering.  As  a 
statesman,  he  was  capable,  cool,  and  decided.  As  a  man, 
he  always,  and  in  every  situation,  exhibited  a  dignified  mo- 
desty — never  courting  popularity,  but  always  improving  that 
portion  of  favor  gratuitously  bestowed  on  him  by  his  fellow 
citizens,  disinterestedly  for  their  good.  As  a  Christian  he 
embraced  the  orthodox  principles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  of 
New  England.  These  he  adorned  by  an  uniform  life  of 
conscientious  piety,  in  a  conformity  to  the  precepts  of  the 
gospel. 


NEW  YORK. 


WILLIAM  FLOYD. 

WILLIAM  FLOYD,  whose  name,  signed  with  his  own  hand, 
stands  on  the  original  Declaration  of  Independence,  was  the 
grandson  of  a  gentleman  of  respectability,  who  came  to  this 
country  from  Wales,  in  the  year  1680,  and  established  him- 
self,  as  an  agriculturist,  at  Setauket,  on  Long  Island,  in  the 
colony  of  New  York.  He  soon  acquired  considerable  dis 
tinction  among  the  inhabitants,  by  reason  of  his  wealth  and 
public  spirit.  His  second  son,  Nicoll,  the  father  of  William, 
followed  the  employment  of  his  father,  and  confined  himself 
principally  to  the  occupations  and  enjoyments  of  domestic 
life.  He  was  removed,  by  death,  at  an  early  age  ;  and  left 
this,  his  eldest  son,  to  take  the  superintendance  of  his  patri 
monial  estate  into  his  own  hands. 

He  was  born  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  December,  1734. 
His  father,  who  was  a  wealthy  farmer,  gave  him  a  liberal 
education,  which  he  restricted  to  those  branches  of  learning 
that  were  useful,  rather  than  the  more  scientific  and  specula- 

9 


98  WILLIAM  FLOYD, 

tive  studies.  His  academic  course  was  hardly  closed,  before 
his  father's  death  made  it  necessary  for  him  to  take  the  over- 
sight  of  his  patrimonial  estate. 

His  sound  mind,  disciplined  and  enlightened  by  educa 
tion  ;  his  friendly  disposition,  his  kindness,  and  affability,  all 
united  in  rendering  him  popular  in  the  society  where  he  lived, 
and  early  in  life,  designated  him  as  a  leading  man  among  his 
fellow  citizens.  His  fidelity  in  discharging  the  duties  of  the 
minor  offices  which  they  conferred  on  him,  prepared  them  to 
promote  him  to  those  of  more  importance ;  and  thus  he  was 
introduced  to  an  acquaintance  with  many  of  the  distinguished 
public  men  in  different  parts  of  the  province. 

The  controversy  between  Great  Britain  and  her  American 
colonies  early  engaged  his  attention.  As  in  its  progress,  it 
assumed  a  more  serious  and  threatening  aspect,  he  took  a  de 
cided  stand  in  opposition,  and  manifested  a  patriotic  zeal  and 
an  increasing  ardor,  in  favor  of  the  cause  of  the  colonies. 
In  this  he  became  early  conspicuous.  In  all  his  public  em 
ployments,  his  conduct  had  fully  justified,  in  the  estimation 
of  the  people,  the  confidence  they  had  reposed  in  him ;  and 
his  zealous  and  uniform  opposition  to  the  usurpations  of  the 
British  parliament,  having  rendered  him  extensively  popular, 
constituted  the  grounds  for  his  being  appointed  a  delegate  to 
the  first  continental  congress,  from  New  York.  In  that  body, 
he  was  associated  with  statesmen  and  patriots,  who  may  be 
said  to  have  given  birth  to  a  nation. 

The  principal  measures  which  immediately  demanded  the 
attention  of  that  congress,  were,  to  enlighten  the  people  re 
specting  the  controversy  in  which  they  were  soon  to  be  uni 
versally  interested,  to  a  degree,  as  it  respected  them,  unpre 
cedented.  To  direct  their  attention  to  the  leading  points  on 
which  their  opposition  to  the  parent  government  rested  ;  to 
rouse  the  languid,  that  they  might  be  prepared  for  action  of 
that  decisive  character  which  the  crisis  demanded  ;  and  to  de 
cide  and  confirm  the  wavering,  that  they  might  not,  in  the 
time  of  trial,  be  found  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy  ;  were  the 
great  objects  of  attention. 

It  may  be  questioned  whether  any  deliberative  assembly 
of  men,  collected,  as  the  first  continental  congress  was,  from 
different  provinces,  trained  up  under  governments  somewhat 
dissimilar,  placed  in  such  a  situation,  in  such  trying  circum 
stances,  called  to  act  not  only  for  those  then  living,  but  for 
posterity,  almost  without  the  lights  of  experience  to  guide 
them,  ever  evinced  more  consummate  wisdom,  prudence,  and 


NEW  YORK.  99 

sound  discretion,  than  the  first  American  continental  con- 
gress,  which  convened  in  Philadelphia,  in  1774. 

On  his  return  from  the  session  of  the  first  congress,  he 
learned  that  Long  Island  was  threatened  with  an  invasion,  by 
a  naval  force  which  had  collected  in  Gardiner's  Bay,  near 
the  east  end  of  the  island.  He  had  been  appointed  to  the 
command  of  the  militia  of  Suffolk  county,  previous  to  his  at- 
tending  in  congress ;  and  being  informed  of  the  threatened 
invasion,  and  that  a  landing  had  been  effected  by  them,  he 
assembled  the  militia,  put  himself  at  their  head,  and  promptly 
marched  to  the  scene  of  danger  to  drive  them  from  the  island. 
They  had,  however,  no  occasion  to  try  their  courage,  as  the 
intelligence  of  their  approach  had  effected  the  object,  without 
having  occasion  to  expose  their  lives  in  action.  The  informa 
tion  so  intimidated  the  invading  force,  that  they  abandoned 
their  design,  and  returned  to  their  ships. 

He  was  again  appointed  to  congress  in  1775,  and  met  with 
his  colleagues  early  in  the  session,  and  continued  assiduously 
employed  in  the  discharge  of  his  momentous  duties  more 
than  two  years.  This  period  embraces  the  time  when  the 
great  question  of  our  national  independence  was  divided.  On 
that  memorable  occasion,  General  Floyd's  heart  and  hand 
were  in  unison  with  those  of  his  associates. 

On  the  journals  of  that  congress  are  recorded  the  numer 
ous  committees  of  which  he  was  a  member,  and  the  impor 
tant  services  his  intelligence  and  active  habits  enabled  him 
to  render,  in  promoting  the  common  cause.  But  it  is  deemed 
unnecessary  to  insert  them  particularly  here  ;  since  they 
were  similar  to  those  which  have  been  recorded  of  others, 
who  were  his  coadjutors. 

Few  of  those  leading  patriots,  who  acted  a  conspicuous 
part  in  opposing  the  British  in  the  revolutionary  conflict, 
were  more  exposed  to  their  ravages,  or  suffered  more  severe 
ly  by  their  depredations,  than  General  Floyd.  His  estate 
was  on  Long  Island.  It  was  a  fine  plantation,  well  stocked 
with  an  abundance  of  fruit  trees  of  various  kinds,  and  very 
excellent  quality.  This,  together  with  large  forests  of  timber 
and  firewood,  lying  contiguous  to  the  New  York  market,  ren 
dered  it  of  great  value.  All  these,  with  his  splendid  mansion 
house,  and  the  stock  on  his  farm,  were  exposed  to  become  a 
prey  to  his  vindictive  foes,  as  soon  as  they  should  be  able  to 
establish  themselves  on  the  island.  This  event  took  place 
during  his  attendance  in  congress.  The  American  troops 
found  it  necessary  to  evacuate  the  island,  and  the  British 


100  WILLIAM  FLOYD, 

took  possession.  By  reason  of  this  event  his  family  were 
turned  out  of  their  house,  and  exiled  from  their  home  and 
their  property.  The  produce  and  stock  of  his  estate  were 
seized  by  the  enemy,  to  furnish  provisions  for  their  army ; 
and  his  mansion  house  was  used  as  a  rendezvous  for  a  party 
of  horse.  Thus,  for  seven  years,  he  derived  no  benefit  from 
his  property,  while  he  and  his  family  were  driven  from  their 
home,  to  find  safety  and  shelter  in  Connecticut.  This  expo 
sure,  though  it  subjected  him  to  great  inconvenience  and  se 
rious  loss  of  property,  as  well  as  much  anxiety  on  account 
of  his  family,  did  not  cause  any  abatement  in  the  ardor  of 
his  patriotism,  nor  call  forth  regrets  for  the  active  part  he  had 
taken  in  opposition  to  the  enemies  of  his  country. 

After  the  Declaration  of  Independence  had  been  proclaimed, 
the  state  of  New  York,  in  conformity  to  the  recommendations 
of  congress  to  the  states,  called  a  convention,  and  formed  a 
constitution  of  government  for  the  state,  as  an  independent 
sovereignty.  General  Floyd  was  elected  a  senator  in  the 
first  legislative  body  that  was  convened  under  that  constitu 
tion.  This  election  took  place  while  he  was  yet  busily  em 
ployed,  in  performing  his  duty  in  congress.  Very  important 
duties  devolved  on  the  first  legislature  that  met,  in  conformity 
to  the  state  government.  It  became  necessary  for  them  to 
organize  the  new  government,  and  adopt  a  code  of  laws,  suited 
to  their  new  condition  as  a  sovereign  state.  General  Floyd 
was  a  member  of  that  assembly,  and  rendered  important  aid 
in  putting  the  new  system  of  government  in  operation.  With 
an  exception  of  some  short  intervals,  he  attended  and  was  ac 
tively  engaged  more  than  a  twelvemonth.  Nearly  two 
months  before  he  finished  his  services  in  the  state  legislature, 
he  was  again  elected  a  delegate  to  congress.  He  took  his 
seat  in  January,  1779,  and  continued  busily  engaged  in  pro 
moting  the  public  interests  till  the  June  following,  when  he 
obtained  leave  of  absence,  and  returned  to  the  state  of  New 
York,  where  his  services  were  again  demanded  in  the  legis 
lature. 

The  paper  currency  had  at  that  time  become  so  much  de 
preciated,  that  great  alarm  pervaded  the  whole  community ; 
and  loudly  called  for  the  adoption  of  some  measure  which 
would  check  its  declining  progress ;  and  as,,  far  as  might  be 
practicable,  remedy  the  evils  already  incurred.  This  delicat'o 
and  difficult  subject  was  referred  to  a  joint  committee  of  the 
two  houses,  of  which  General  Floyd  was  a  member  from  the 
senate.  In  his  report  to  that  body,  which  he  rendered  in 


NEW  YORK.  101 

September,  are  contained  those  correct  financial  principles, 
the  application  of  which  soon  began  to  produce  a  beneficial 
change  ;  and  when  he  retired  from  public  life,  he  had  the  sa 
tisfaction  of  witnessing  the  happy  results,  in  the  truly  prosper 
ous  condition  of  the  finances  of  the  state.  The  state  had  thus 
been  rescued  from  a  condition  verging  on  bankruptcy,  and 
raised  to  one  of  prosperity  almost  unparalleled. 

About  this  time,  speculators  had  begun  an  extensive  prac 
tice  of  purchasing  provisions,  with  a  view  to  a  monopoly. 
They  carried  it  to  such  an  extent,  that  a  famine  was  threaten 
ing  the  country.  It  was  well  known  that  the  public  must 
have  provisions  for  the  army,  at  any  price  that  holders  pleased 
to  demand.  In  these  circumstances,  a  convention  of  dele 
gates  from  several  states  was  appointed  to  meet  in  New  Eng 
land,  to  adopt  some  regulations  respecting  public  supplies. 
The  delegates  from  New  York  were  William  Floyd,  John 
Sloss  Hobart,  and  Ezra  L.  Hommedieu.  To  attend  that 
service  they  were  appointed  on  the  14th  day  of  October, 
1779.  Three  days  previous  to  this  appointment,  General 
Floyd  was  re-elected  a  delegate  to  congress ;  where  he  took 
his  seat  on  the  second  day  of  December  following.  By  this 
congress  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  two  of  the  most  im 
portant  executive  boards  then  recognized  in  the  government ; 
the  treasury  and  the  admiralty.  He,  however,  soon  asked 
permission  to  be  discharged  from  the  treasury  board  ;  finding 
his  health  too  much  impaired  by  his  incessant  employments, 
to  enable  him  to  attend  on  the  services  which  both  demanded. 
Indeed,  his  health  had  become  impaired  to  such  a  degree,  by 
his  constant  employments,  as  made  another  recess  from  pub 
lic  service  indispensable.  Consequently,  on  the  first  of  April, 
1779,  he  asked  for,  and  obtained  leave  of  absence.  But  the 
demands  of  the  public  for  his  service  did  not  suffer  him  to 
enjoy  that  relaxation  from  active  duties,  which  the  state  of  his 
health  required.  In  the  month  of  May  following  his  retire 
ment  from  congress,  the  senate  of  New  York  was  convened ; 
and  by  their  direction  their  clerk  notified  him,  that  his  at 
tendance  in  his  place  was  required  without  delay.  In  com 
pliance  with  that  notification  he  repaired  to  their  place  of  ses 
sion,  and  appeared  in  his  seat.  He  was  immediately  placed 
on  a  committee,  to  which  was  submitted  a  resolution  of  con 
gress,  which  embraced  all  the  most  important  relations  sub 
sisting  between  congress,  as  the  government  of  the  country, 
and  that  of  the  state.  On  these  relations  they  were  to  delib 
erate,  and  make  their  report  to  the  senate.  At  that  session  thi 

9* 


102  WILLIAM  FLOYD, 

question  of  making  bills  of  credit  a  legal  tender  was  introdu 
ced.  This  subject  had  begun  to  agitate  the  country,  and  was 
justly  producing  much  warmth  of  feeling.  It  was  urged  on 
the  one  part,  as  a  necessary  expedient,  growing  out  of  the 
existing  exigencies  of  the  country.  Genera!  Floyd,  however, 
strenuously  opposed  its  sanction  by  the  state  government, 
though  unsuccessfully.  He  was  fully  persuaded  that  the  evils 
which  would  result  from  its  adoption,  would  far  more  than 
counterbalance  any  temporary  benefits  which  could  accrue 
from  it  to  the  general  government.  The  correctness  of  his 
sentiments  on  that  subject,  has  long  since  been  settled  by 
the  sanction  of  the  whole  community. 

He  was  one  of  those  who  clearly  perceived,  and  early  ad- 
vocated,  the  importance  of  so  organizing  the  general  govern 
ment,  as  that  it  should  be  empowered  by  other  means  than 
requesting  and  petitioning  the  several  members  of  the  confed 
eracy,  to  draw  on  them  for  their  proportion  of  aid  to  the  com 
mon  cause,  in  order  that  the  requisite  supplies  for  the  public 
service  should  be  more  promptly  rendered.  Hence,  in  the 
egislature  of  New  York,  he  reported  in  favor,  and  advocated 
the  forming  of  a  confederation  of  the  several  states,  in  order 
hat  this  indispensable  power  should  be  vested  in  congress. 

In  April,  1780,  he  was  once  more  elected  a  delegate  to 
congress,  but  he  continued  his  attendance  in  the  state  senate 
till  the  autumn  following,  and  took  his  seat  in  congress  in  De 
cember.  In  this  session  he  was  much  occupied  on  two  subjects 
of  great  interest  to  the  state  of  New  York;  one  was  the  cession 
of  the  western  territory  to  the  general  government,  and  fix 
ing  the  western  limits  of  the  state  ;  the  other,  the  controversy 
with  New  Hampshire,  respecting  their  mutual  claim  to  that 
territory'  which  is  now  the  state  of  Vermont.  He  was  suc 
cessively  chosen  to  represent  the  state  in  congress  till  17S3, 
when  peace  having  taken  place,  the  independence  of  his 
country  acknowledged  by  Great  Britain,  and  the  country 
conducted  safely  through  that  long  and  arduous  struggle,  by 
which  their  freedom  had  been  achieved,  he  joyfully  returned 
with  his  family  to  his  own  house,  after  an  exile  of  seven  years  ; 
nnd  his  return  to  reside  with  them,  in  peace  and  tranquillity, 
was  hailed  with  numerous  demonstrations  of  the  pleasure 
which  the  event  occasioned. 

As  might  have  been  expected,  when  he  re-occupied  his 
estate,  he  found  it  in  a  state  of  dilapidation,  and  almost  ruined. 
Having  taken  such  a  conspicuous  stand  in  support  of  the 
cause  of  his  country's  independence,  and  having  been  so 


NEW  YORK.  103 

prominent  an  actor  in  opposition  to  the  British  domination,  he 
was  marked  by  the  tories  as  an  object  of  especial  vengeance  ; 
and  his  property,  wherever  it  was  accessible,  as  legitimate 
plunder.  Hence,  the  naked  soil  was  almost  the  only  thing 
that  remained  without  marks  of  destruction.  In  consequence 
of  the  state  of  his  private  affairs  he  declined  a  re-election 
to  congress ;  but  continued  to  serve  his  native  state  in  their 
senate  till  1788. 

Upon  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution,  when  the 
general  government  was  to  be  new  organized,  he  was  re 
turned  a  member  of  the  first  congress,  wj^ich  was  convened 
in  the  city  of  New  York,  on  the  fourth  *ay  of  March,  1789. 
Having  served  during  that  congress,  he  de-dined  being  again 
a  candidate  for  the  office. 

The  very  numerous  instances  of  popular  favor  which  were 
conferred  on  General  Floyd,  during  a  term  of  more  than  half 
a  century,  will  indicate,  with  sufficient  clearness,  the  estima 
tion  in  which  he  was  held  by  his  constituents  ;  and  the  up 
rightness  and  integrity  with  which  he  discharged  the  duties 
assigned  him,  are  evinced  by  their  long  continued  approbation. 

In  1784,  he  purchased  a  tract  .of  land  on  ihe  PtlohaAvk 
River.  It  was  then  in  a  state  of  nature,  without  inhabitants, 
and  without  culture.  As  he  was  now  freed  from  public  de 
mands  on  his  time,  he  undertook  to  improve  it ;  and  in  a 
few  years,  transformed  it  from  a  wilderness  into  a  number  of 
flourishing  and  productive  farms.  As  the  western  part  of 
this  state  had  already  begun  to  attract  the  attention  of  set 
tlers,  the  beauty  of  the  country,  and  the  productiveness  of  the 
soil  induced  him  to  transfer  his  residence  thither  in  1803,  at 
the  age  of  sixty-nine. 

In  1800,  he  was  appointed  an  elector  of  president  and  vice 
president  of  the  United  States.  In  the  year  following  he 
was  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  convention  that  was  called  for 
revising  the  constitution  of  New  York.  He.  served  after 
this  repeatedly  as  a  presidential  elector — the  last  time  the 
year  before  his  death.  Subsequently  he  was  chosen  to  the 
senate  of  that  state.  With  some  few  exceptions,  he  had  en 
joyed  sound  health,  till  a  short  period  previous  to  his  decease. 
His  mental  powers  seemed  to  have  retained  their  pristine 
vigor  to  the  close  of  his  iife.  That  event  occurred  on  the 
fourth  day  of  August,  1821,  and  at  the  age  of  eighty-seven 
years. 

His  life  was  long,  active,  and  useful  to  the  public.  He 
was  a  man  of  business,  rather  than  a  debating  politician. 


104  PHILIP  LIVINGSTON, 

Having  once  formed  his  opinions,  he  set  himself  about  ac 
complishing  his  purposes  ;  and  often  encountered  and  sur 
mounted  obstacles,  where  men  of  less  decision  of  character 
would  have  yielded,  and  given  over  the  pursuit,  as  a  hopeless 
enterprise.  His  patriotism  was  undeviating  ;  his  integrity 
inflexible  ;  and  his  name,  inscribed  on  the  national  charter, 
will  descend  to  posterity,  in  connection  with  others,  as  one  of 
the  veterans  who  contributed  to  establish  that  independence 
of  the  United  States,  which  they  so  magnanimously  asserted 
and  proclaimed  to  the  world. 


PHILIP  LIVINGSTON. 

PHILIP  LIVINGSTON  was  descended  from  a  respectable  an 
cestry,  and  his  family  name  has  long  been  distinguished  in 
New  York.  H.s  grandfather,  John  Livingston,  was  a  minister 
of  the  gospel  in  the  Scotch  church,  who  lived  an  exemplary 
life,  and  in  a  manner  consistent  with  his  public  character.  In 
663,  he  left  Scotland,  and  emigrated  to  Rotterdam.  There 
ne  ended  his  life  and  ministry  in  1672.  Robert  Livingston, 
his  son,  soon  after  his  father's  decease,  came  to  America, 
and  obtained  a  grant  of  the  manor  of  Livingston,  in  what 
was  then  the  colony  of  New  York.  He  had  three  sons, -of 
whom  Philip  was  the  oldest  ;  and  was  consequently  heir  to 
the  manor.  His  brother  Robert  was  grandfather  of  Chan 
cellor  Livingston,  and  his  youngest  brother  Gilbert,  was 
grandfather  of  the  Reverend  Doctor  John  Livingston,  late 
president  of  Rutgers'  College,  at  New  Brunswick,  N.  Jersey, 
now  deceased.  Philip,  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  was  the 
fourth  son  of  his  father,  to  whom  he  gave  his  own  name. 
He  was  born  in  Albany,  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  January,  1716. 

At  the  time  when  his  preparatory  education  was  sufficiently 
advanced  for  him  to  become  a  member  of  a  college,  there 
were  no  flourishing  schools  of  a  high  order  existing  in  the 
province  of  New  York ;  and  those  intended  for  the  elementary 
instruction  were  few  and  inferior. 

To  obtain  the  advantages  of  a  collegiate  education  the 
father  of  Mr.  Livingston  sent  him  to  Yale  College,  at  New 
Haven,  in  Connecticut,  where  he  graduated  in  1737. 


NEW  YORK.  105 

Soon  after  he  returned  from  college  he  engaged  in  com. 
merce,  and  was  soon  concerned  in  extensive  business.  His 
views  were  comprehensive  ;  and  an  established  character  for 
integrity,  sagacious  management,  and  uprightness  in  his 
dealings,  laid  a  foundation  for  prosperity,  which  was  amply 
realized  in  the  success  that  attended  his  enterprise.  He 
established  himself  in  the  city  of  New  York ;  and  in  1754, 
when  the  city  contained  less  than  eleven  thousand  souls,  he 
was  elected  an  alderman  of  the  east  ward  of  the  city.  This 
was  his  commencement  in  public  life.  To  that  office  he  was 
annually  re-elected  for  nine  successive  years ;  and  he  per- 
formed  the  duties  which  his  office  required  to  the  universal 
approbation  of  his  constituents. 

Sir  Charles  Hardy,  governor  of  the  colony  of  New  York, 
having  been  appointed  a  rear  admiral  in  the  navy,  resigned 
his  office,  and  the  government  devolved  on  Lieutenant  Go- 
vernor  Delancey.  On  the  occurrence  of  this  change  in  the 
administration,  he  dissolved  the  general  assembly  of  the  co 
lony,  and  a  new  election  of  members  was  consequently  made. 
Although  the  compensation  of  the  members  was  at  that  time 
a  mere  trifle,  their  elections  were  contested  with  a  zeal  and 
in  a  manner  very  similar  to  the  choice  of  members  of  parlia 
ment  in  England.  To  that  assembly  he  and  one  of  his 
brothers  were  members.  The  population  of  the  whole  colony 
was  about  100,000. 

The  meeting  of  that  assembly  was  during  what  is  well 
known  in  this  country  by  "the -French  war."  Mr.  Living 
ston's  superior  education,  and  activity  as  a  man  of  business, 
rendered  him  conspicuous  among  his  colleagues,  and  made 
him  a  leading  member  of  the  house.  Much  of  the  important 
business  which  that  assembly  had  to  act  upon  related  to  the 
war  operations  in  the  north.  Mr.  Livingston  was  forward  in 
devising  and  maturing  those  measures,  which,  in  conjunction 
with  the  efforts  of  the  other  colonial  governments  and  the 
mother  country,  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga, 
Crown  Point,  Niagara,  and  Quebec,  and  shortly  after  in  the 
subjugation  of  the  whole  of  Canada. 

Previously  to  the  revolution,  each  of  the  American  colonies 
had  its  agent  in  Great  Britain,  wrho  was  employed  to  pay 
particular  attention  to  their  interests  in  the  parliament.  Ro- 
bert  Charles,  Esq.  had  been  an  agent  for  the  province  ot 
New  York.  On  his  decease,  the  renowned  Edmund  Burke 
was  employed  to  fill  that  office.  A  special  committee  was 
appointed,  as  a  standing  body,  to  hold  correspondence  with 


106  PHILIP  LIVINGSTON, 

their  agent ;  and  Mr.  Livingston  being  on  that  committee  at 
.he  time  of  Mr.  Burke's  engagement,  he  was  in  constant  corres. 
pondence  with  him.  It  is  supposed  that  this  correspondence 
of  Mr.  Livingston,  was  one  principal  source  from  whence  Mr. 
Burke  derived  his  enlightened  and  correct  views  of  the  policy 
which  he  so  strenuously  supported  in  favor  of  the  Americans 
in  opposition  to  the  ministry.  Mr.  Livingston  early  imbibed 
principles  of  determined  resistance  to  all  the  measures  of  hos 
tility  against  the  rights  of  the  Americans,  which  ministers  at- 
tempted,  insidiously  and  by  circumvention,  to  enforce.  In 
this  respect  he  anticipated  most  of  the  public  men  in  that 
province.  This  remark  is  confirmed  by  a  reported  answer 
to  the  speech  of  the  acting  governor,  Golden,  on  whom,  as 
president  of  the  council,  the  administration  devolved,  on  the 
decease  of  the  lieutenant  governor.  The  reported  answer 
was  rendered  in  1784,  after  Mr.  Golden  had  been  appointed 
lieutenant  governor  of  New  York.  It  was  drawn  up  by  Mr. 
Livingston,  and  breathed  sentiments  much  more  consonant 
with  the  spirit  that  had  then  begun  to  operate  in  Fanuiel  Hall, 
han  the  government  house  of  New  York.  From  those  senti 
ments  he  never  swerved ;  but  boldly,  and  with  an  animating 
eloquence,  sustained  them  in  the  provincial  assemblies,  and  in 
the  continental  congress,  to  the  close  of  his  honorable  life 
With  him  were  associated  George  Glinton,  Pierre  Van  Gort- 
land,  General  Philip  Schuyler,  Abraham  Ten  Broeck. 
Charles  De  Witt,  and  Henry  Wisner.  These  men,  of  whom 
the  mention  of  their  names  is  sufficient,  placed  Philip  Living, 
ston  as  their  leader,  and  they  enlisted  under  his  banner.  They 
were  all  members  of  the  general  assembly  that  was  elected 
when  Sir  Henry  Moore  was  governor,  to  succeed  one  which 
he  had  dissolved,  on  his  accession  to  the  office. 

When  the  assembly  met  in  October,  1768,  Mr.  Livingston 
was  chosen  speaker  by  twenty  members,  when  the  house 
consisted,  if  all  were  present,  of  but  twenty-seven.  This  fact 
will  show  how  great  was  the  comparative  strength  of  the 
whig  party  in  the  assembly  at  that  period.  But  this  subse 
quently  was  so  diminished,  that  the  governor  could  command 
a  majority  who  were  subservient  to  his  views  and  purposes, 
during  several  years.  From  that  time  he  did  not  take  a 
seat  in  the  provincial  assembly. 

He  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  first  congress  that  met 
September  5th,  in  Philadelphia,  in  1774.  He  was  ap 
pointed  on  a  committee,  to  prepare  an  address  to  the  people 
of  Great  Britain. 


NEW  YORK.  107 

The  spirit  of  opposition  having  now  risen  to  a  height  that 
precluded  all  hope  and  prospect  of  a  compromise,  while  the 
assembly  contained  a  majority  who  were  creatures  of  the  royal 
governor,  the  counties  of  New  York,  Albany,  Dutchess,  Ul 
ster,  Orange,  Westchester,  Kings,  and  Suffolk,  united  in 
choosing  deputies  to  a  provincial  convention,  which  was  held 
at  New  York,  in  April,  1775.  That  convention  appointed 
Philip  Livingston,  George  Clinton,  James  Duane,  John  Alsop, 
Simon  Boerum,  William  Floyd,  John  Jay,  Henry  Wisner, 
Philip  Schuyler,  Lewis  Morris,  Francis  Lewis,  and  Robert  R, 
Livingston,  delegates  to  the  congress,  which  had  adjourned  on 
the  26th  of  October  preceding,  to  meet  again  in  May,  1775. 

The  convention  authorized  any  five  of  these  delegates,  to 
act  for  them  ;  and  gave  them  full  powers  to  concert  with  dele 
gates  from  other  colonies,  and  determine  upon  and  adopt  such 
measures,  as  should  be  deemed  most  effectual  for  a  restoration 
of  the  rights  of  Americans,  for  securing  their  preservation  in 
future,  and  for  restoring  harmony  with  Great  Britain. 

It  was  this  congress  which  declared  the  independence  of 
the  United  States  ;  and  Mr.  Livingston,  with  his  colleagues, 
William  Floyd,  Francis  Lewis,  and  Lewis  Morris,  was  pre 
sent  to  subscribe  his  name  to  the  much  admired  and  memo 
rable  state  paper.  On  the  ninth  of  the  same  month,  their  act 
received  the  unanimous  sanction  of  the  convention  of  New 
York,  then  in  session  at  White  Plains. 

On  the  15th  day  of  the  month,  which  gave  birth  to  the 
American  nation,  congress  appointed  Mr.  Livingston  a  mem 
ber  of  the  treasury  board  ;  and  of  the  marine  committee  in 
the  following  April. 

The  American  Independence  having  been  declared  and 
proclaimed,  congress  recommended  to  the  several  states  to 
adopt  each  a  government  for  itself,  that  their  acts  might  have 
the  sanction  of  laws,  by  authority  derived  from  the  people. 
In  compliance  with  that  recommendation,  a  new  government 
was  formed  by  a  convention  of  delegates,  chosen  by  the  peo 
ple  of  New  York  ;  and  after  it  had  been  adopted  by  the  peo 
ple,  Mr.  Livingston  was  chosen  a  senator  under  it.  That 
was  the  first  senate  of  the  state  of  New  York.  Their  first 
meeting  was  on  the  10th  day  of  September,  1777,  and  on  the 
2d  of  October  following,  he,  James  Duane,  Francis  Lewis, 
William  Duer,  and  Governeur  Morris,  were  elected  the  first 
delegates  to  congress  by  authority  of  the  state  government. 

In  1778,  at  the  most  gloomy  period  of  the  contest,  after 
the  British  had  obtained  possession  of  Philadelphia,  con 


108  PHILIP  LIVINGSTON, 

gress  had  to  retreat  to  York,  in  Pennsylvania  for  their  own 
safety.  Their  situation  was  most  critical  and  dishearten, 
ing.  Mr.  Livingston,  then  in  poor  health  and  quite  feeble, 
in  compliance  with  a  request  of  the  state  government,  con 
sented  to  leave  his  family,  and  take  his  seat  in  congress. 

In  view  of  his  precarious  state  of  health,  he  had  a  presenti 
ment  that  he  should  not  return  ;  and  under  that  impression, 
previous  to  taking  his  departure,  he  visited  his  friends  in  Al 
bany  for  the  last  time.  On  his  return  to  his  family,  (then  in 
Kingston)  he  addressed  to  them  a  valedictory  letter,  express 
ing  his  belief  that  he  should  not  see  them  any  more.  The 
same  opinion,  in  reference  to  his  own  family,  he  expressed, 
when  prepared  for  his  journey  to  congress ;  and,  on  taking 
his  departure,  he  bade  them  a  final  farewell.  This  took  place 
in  May/  1778  ;  and  on  the  12th  of  June  following,  the  melan 
choly  event,  so  truly  anticipated  by  him,  and  so  ardently  de 
precated  by  his  family  and  friends,  was  realized.  He  had  la 
bored  under  a  dropsy  in  the  chest,  for  a  considerable  time  ; 
and  well  assured  of  the  fatal  termination  of  that  disease,  he 
would  have  chosen  to  remain  in  the  quiet  'of  domestic  life, 
and  to  have  yielded  up  his  life  in  the  midst  of  his  family.  But 
his  duty  called  him  to  leave  them,  for  the  benefit  of  his  coun- 
ry  ;  and  a  call  of  duty  was  imperative  with  him.  Thus,  as 
.ie  anticipated,  death  met  him  at  a  distance  from  home,  de 
prived  of  the  consolations  and  the  society  of  all  his  family, 
except  his  son  Henry,  then  but  eighteen  years  of  age.  This 
youth  was  then  residing  in  the  family  of  General  Washington. 
On  being  informed  of  his  father's  illness,  he  immediately  re 
paired  to  him,  to  perform  for  him  the  last  duties  which  were 
prompted  by  filial  piety  and  affection. 

When  intelligence  of  his  decease  was  announced  to  con 
gress,  they  immediately  took  the  necessary  measures  for 
having  his  funeral  obsequies  attended  with  such  testimonials 
of  respect,  as  became  the  occasion  ;  and  put  on  the  usual 
badge  of  mourning,  to  be  worn  by  them  during  the  term  of 
one  month. 

Thus  terminated  the  life  of  Philip  Livingston,  one  of  the  fa 
thers  of  the  American  republic  ;  a  life  usefully  and  patriot 
ically  devoted  to  the  good  of  his  fellow  men,  with  untarnished 
honor  to  himself,  and  extensive  usefulness  to  his  country  ;  and 
what  reflected  a  peculiar  lustre  over  his  character  was,  he 
was  a  Christian.  He  honored  its  institutions  in  his  life  ;  and 
left  the  world  with  a  joyful  anticipation  of  those  inestimable 


NEW  YORK.  109 

blessings  in  the  life   to  come,  which  the   gospel   assures  to 
every  true  believer. 

He  was  a  liberal  patron  of  several  institutions  for  public 
benefit.  He,  and  several  associates  of  a  kindred  spirit,  about 
the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  were  accustomed  to 
hold  weekly  meetings  of  a  social  and  friendly  nature,  in  the 
city  of  New  York.  At  one  of  those  meetings  the  plan  of  a 
public  library  was  suggested.  It  was  promptly  adopted,  and 
carried  into  execution  ;  this  was  the  beginning  of  what  is  now 
the  New  York  city  library  ;  and  his  name  is  mentioned  in  the 
act  of  incorporation,  as  one  of  those  who  set  on  foot  a  sub 
scription  for  its  establishment. 

He  was  one  of  the  first  governors  of  the  New  York  hospi 
tal,  which  received  a  charter  in  1771.  He  was  also,  one  of 
the  founders  of  the  chamber  of  commerce  ;  and  he  actively 
promoted  the  establishment  of  what  was  then  called  "  Kings,'' 
(but  now  Columbia  College.)  He  took  much  pleasure  in  pro 
moling  commerce,  and  agriculture,  as  the  then  leading,  and 
most  sure  sources  of  the  country's  wealth  and  prosperity. 

His  patriotism  was  pure,  ardent,  and  undeviating.  Evi 
dence  of  this  has  already  been  furnished,  in  the  progress  of 
this  sketch ;  another  may  be  added  with  propriety.  Indeed 
it  is  too  honorable  to  his  character  to  be  withheld.  A  short 
time  previous  to  his  death,  and  with  a  full  presentiment  of  the 
approach  of  that  event,  he  sold  a  part  of  his  property,  to  help 
sustain  the  public  credit,  which  was  then  much  depressed, 
and  in  a  suffering  condition. 


FRANCIS  LEWIS. 

FRANCIS  LEWIS,  whose  life  was  chequered  with  many  in 
cidents,  was  a  native  of  the  island  of  Great  Britain,  born  in 
the  principality  of  Wales  in  1713,  in  the  town  of  Landaff. 
His  father  was  a  minister  of  the  episcopal  church  in  that 
town.  His  mother  was  the  daughter  of  another  clergyman  of 
the  same  standing  and  profession  in  North  Wales.  Francis 
was  the  only  child  of  his  parents  ;  and  he  was  deprived  of 
them  by  death,  when  he  was  but  four  or  five  years  old.  Being 
thus  left  at  that  early  age  an  orphan,  he  was  taken  by  a  ma 
ternal  aunt,  who  was  unmarried,  and  who  took  the  best  possi- 

10 


110  FRANCIS  LEWIS, 

ble  care  of  him  in  her  power.  She  took  pains  to  have  him 
taught  fully  to  understand  his  native  language ;  and  he  also 
jearned  the  Gaelic  tongue  in  Scotland,  whither  he  was  sent 
while  young  to  a  family  o£  relatives  in  the  Highlands.  These 
languages  he  retained  for  many  years,  perhaps  to  the  close 
of  his  life. 

At  a  suitable  age  he  was  taken  by  an  uncle,  who  was 
Dean  of  St.  Paul's  in  London,  and  put  to  the  celebrated  West- 
minster  school,  where  he  finished  his  classical  education,  and 
left  it  with  the  reputation  of  a  good  scholar.  On  leaving 
school,  he  was  put  an  apprentice  to  a  merchant  in  London, 
and  served  in  his  compting  room  a  regular  clerkship  ;  and 
.here  became  qualified  for  the  business  of  his  future  life. 

Having  at  the  age  of  twenty. one  years  come  into  posses 
sion  of  a  sum  of  money,  he  vested  it  in  articles  of  merchan- 
disc,  and  with  it  embarked  for  New  York.  As  the  market 
In  that  city  was  comparatively  small,  and  not  sufficient  to  de 
mand  his  whole  cargo,  he  formed  a  partnership  with  a  Mr. 
Annesley ;  left  a  part  of  it  with  him,  and  went  with  the 
residue  to  Philadelphia.  After  spending  about  two  years 
in  that  city,  he  returned  to  New  York,  and  made  it  his  future 
place  of  business  and  abode.  He  entered  extensively  into 
navigation  and  foreign  commerce.  He  now  became  more 
intimately  connected  with  his  partner  in  trade,  by  marrying 
his  sister ;  by  her  he  had  seven  children,  three  only  survived 
infancy. 

His  commercial  pursuits  called  him  much  abroad  ;  in  pro 
secuting  his  business,  he  travelled  extensively  in  Europe. 
Twice  he  went  to  Russia,  and  pushed  his  trade  in  all  her  sea 
ports  from  St.  Petersburgh  to  Archangel ;  he  was  also  in  the 
northern  isles  of  Scotland  ;  and  two  several  times  was  ship 
wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Ireland.  He  took  an  active  part  in 
the  "  old  French  war,"  and  was  with  his  friend  Colonel  Mer 
sey,  (or  Mercer,)  in  the  fort  of  Oswego,  as  a  purchaser  of 
supplies  for  the  British  troops,  when  Montcalm  reduced  the 
fortress,  and  imprisoned  the  garrison.  Colonel  Mersey  having 
command,  Mr.  Lewis  served  as  his  aid.  Mersey  was  killed, 
and  Lewis  was  captured,  and  taken  to  Canada.  From  thence, 
after  some  time,  he  was  sent  to  France,  and  regularly  ex 
changed.  At  the  close  of  that  war,  the  British  government 
gave  Mr.  Lewis  five  thousand  acres  of  land  as  a  compensa 
tion  for  his  military  services. 

After  Mr.  Pitt  became  minister,  Mr.  Lewis  began,  with 


NEW  YORK.  Ill 

other  patriots,  to  oppose  the  encroachments  of  the  English 
government  on  the  colonial  rights,  and  undeviatingly  persist 
ed  in  his  opposition  till  the  revolution. 

When  the  house  of  representatives  of  Massachusetts  recom 
mended  a  congress  of  delegates,  from  all  the  colonies,  to  be 
held  in  New  York,  in  1765,  after  the  information  of  the  stamp 
act  having  passed  had  reached  this  country,  Mr.  Lewis  was 
a  delegate  to  that  congress  for  New  York.  He  entered  fully 
into  the  measures  which  were  adopted  by  that  body,  and  gave 
them  his  cordial  support.  When  an  attempt  was  made  to 
put  that  odious  law  into  operation,  Mr.  Lewis  retired  from 
business  to  a  country  residence  which  he  owned  on  Long 
Island,  where  he  resided  until  1771.  He  then  recommenced 
business,  with  a  view  of  establishing  his  eldest  son,  and 
formed  a  partnership  under  the  firm  of  "  Francis  Lewis  and 
Son."  But  he  again  relinquished  trade  on  the  commencement 
of  hostilities,  in  1775. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  April,  1775,  by  a  convention  of 
delegates  from  several  counties  in  the  province  of  New  York, 
which  convened  in  that  city,  Mr.  Lewis  was  appointed  a  dele 
gate  to  the  continental  congress.  And  in  December  follow, 
ing,  he  was  continued  by  the  provincial  congress  of  New 
Y^ork,  a  member  for  1776.  His  conduct  and  that  of  his 
colleagues,  in  voting  for  and  signing  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  was  fully  sanctioned  by  a  convention  of  the  state 
representatives,  which  fhet  at  White  Plains  on  the  9th  of  July, 
the  same  month  in  which  they  had  given  their  sanction  to  the 
act. 

When  the  representatives  of  New  York  met  in  May,  1777, 
at  Kingston,  Mr.  Lewis  received  a  public  vote  of  thanks  of 
the  convention,  for  his  long  and  faithful  services  rendered  to 
the  colony  and  state  of  New  York ;  and  in  October  of  the 
same  year,  he  was  again  chosen  to  a  seat  in  the  continental 
congress.  A  year  after  that  election,  he  was  chosen  a  fourth 
and  last  time  to  represent  New  Y'ork  in  that  national  assem 
bly. 

While  he  was  in  congress,  he  acted  in  various  capacities ; 
for  which  his  extensive  knowledge  of  commercial  business 
eminently  qualified  him.  He  was  always  active,  always  in 
telligent,  always  patriotic,  and  always  upright.  He  was 
employed  in  purchasing  clothing  for  the  army,  in  contracting 
for  provisions,  for  importing  arms  and  ammunition,  and  in 
secret  services  for  the  government.  He  was  also,  on  the 
committee  of  claims,  which  was  instituted  for  putting  the 


112  LEWIS  MORRIS, 

accounts  of  the  continent  in  a  condition  for  settlement.  He 
acted  on  many  other  committees,  the  duties  of  which,  though 
not  splendid,  were  nevertheless  of  much  importance.  It  is 
deemed  needless  to  enumerate  them  all.  He,  with  Messrs. 
Sherman  and  Gerry,  was  appointed  to  repair  to  head  quarters, 
near  New  York,  to  inquire  into  the  state  of  the  army,  and  to 
devise  the  best  means  for  supplying  its  wants. 

Not  long  after  his  retirement  from  congress,  that  body  was 
not  unmindful  of  his  valuable  services,  and  they  appointed 
him  a  commissioner  for  the  board  of  admiralty  ;  that  office  he 
accepted. 

The  British  wasted  his  property,  they  plundered  what  they 
could  remove,  and  destroyed  all  that  was  immovable ;  inso 
much,  that  at  the  termination  of  the  war,  he  had  but  little 
more  left  than  sufficient  to  pay  his  debts  contracted  before  the 
war  began.  But  they  carried  their  resentment  still  farther  ; 
they  took  Mrs.  Lewis  a  prisoner,  and  confined  her  in  a  close 
prison  for  several  months,  without  a  bed,  and  without  a  change 
of  raiment.  She,  after  immense  suffering,  was  exchanged 
through  the  agency  of  General  Washington.  But  she  came 
from  her  severe  confinement  with  a  ruined  constitution,  and 
in  about  two  years  paid  the  debt  of  nature. 

Mr.  Lewis  survived  his  wife  until  1802,  dying  in  December 
of  that  year,  in  the  ninetieth  year  of  his  age.  He  left  behind 
him  an  unsullied  character. 


LEWIS  MORRIS. 

LEWIS  MORRIS,  of  whom  we  now  speak,  was  born  in  Mor- 
risania,  in  his  paternal  mansion,  in  the  year  1726.  Being 
the  oldest  of  several  sons  he  of  course  became  proprietor 
of  the  manorial  estate. 

After  having  prosecuted  the  usual  preparatory  studies  to 
qualify  him  for  admission  to  college,  he  entered  Yale  College 
at  the  age  of  sixteen  years,  where  he  prosecuted  his  studies, 
under  the  presidency  of  the  Reverend  T.  Clapp.  At  the 
end  of  four  years,  the  usual  period  of  the  academic  course  in 
that  seminary,  he  graduated,  receiving  "  the  honors  of  col- 
lege"  at  twenty  years  of  age.  From  college  he  returned  to 
his  estate,  and  devoted  his  attention  to  the  business  of  agricul 


NEW  YORK.  113 

ture.  Possessing  in  a  pre-eminent  degree  those  personal 
attractions,  which  are  usually  estimated  at  their  full  value, 
abounding  with  wealth  and  having  a  social  disposition,  he 
was  the  universal  favorite  in  every  circle  ;  and  at  an  early 
age  he  became  very  popular  throughout  the  colony.  Though 
thus  formed  to  adorn  polite  society,  such  as  concentrates  in 
commercial  cities,  he  notwithstanding  devoted  himself  to  the 
endearments  of  domestic  life,  and  his  favorite  pursuits  of 
agriculture. 

Thus  was  Lewis  Morris  situated,  in  possession  of  every 
property  which  could  contribute  to  a  pleasurable  life  ;  blessed 
with  a  numerous  offspring,  esteemed  by  a  large  circle  of 
warm  hearted  friends,  with  whom,  at  his  mansion,  he  shared 
his  hospitality,  it  would  appear  that  he  could  have  no  induce 
ment  to  encounter  the  effects  of  any  change  in  the  condition 
of  his  country.  Much  he  had  to  lose  ;  and  nothing  to  gain. 

When  the  time  arrived,  in  which  it  was  deemed  necessary 
to  choose  his  side  of  the  great  question  about  to  be  discussed, 
had  he  felt  disposed  to  delay  and  equivocate,  he  had  the  coun 
tenance  of  numerous  and  distinguished  examples  in  the  colony, 
to  sustain  him  in  such  a  war;  but  he  was  not  compounded 
of  such  materials  as  would  allow  him  to  hesitate.  Like 
some  others  in  that,  and  in  several  of  the  other  colonies, 
he  was  among  the  first  to  perceive,  what  the  ultimate 
resort,  and  the  final  termination  of  that  dispute,  which  was 
the  first  attempt  by  parliament  to  assert  their  sovereign  right 
to  impose  taxes  on  the  colonies,  without  their  consent,  would 
produce.  He  also  descried  what  must  be  the  condition  ot 
these  colonies,  should  that  principle  be  carried  into  effect, 
and  become  an  established  precedent,  as  it  would,  if  the  stamp- 
act,  and  others  which  followed,  embracing  the  same  princi 
ple,  were  put  in  force  without  opposition.  Looking  with  a 
discerning  eye  to  the  end  of  the  contest,  he  perceived  the 
indispensable  necessity  of  a  determined  resistance  to  that 
claim. 

While  many  of  his  friends  were  cheering  their  hearts  with 
the  delusive  hope,  held  forth  in  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act, 
and  some  other  gleams  of  a  fairer  prospect,  which  occasion 
ally  broke  through  the  impending  cloud,  and  partially  bright 
ened  this  western  hemisphere,  with  a  prospect  of  reconcilia 
tion,  Morris,  like  Hawley,  J.  and  S.  Adams,  Hancock,  and 
others  in  Massachusetts  and  in  other  colonies,  clearly  per 
ceived  that  this  would  not  be  realized.  He  saw  that  nego 
tiation,  petitions,  and  remonstrances  would  all  fail,  and  that 

10* 


114  LEWIS  MORRIS, 

"  after  all  we  must  fight."  From  this  conclusion,  early 
formed,  he  never  varied.  In  the  course  it  indicated  he  never 
faultered  ;  and  for  the  safety  of  his  country,  and  for  se 
curing  the  rights  and  liberty  of  her  inhabitants,  he  felt  deeply 
the  necessity  of  entering  on  a  system  of  measures  for  placing 
her  in  the  best  possible  posture  for  resisting  invasion. 

He  was  a  patriot  that  knew  not  how  to  temporize.  Although 
not  precipitate,  he  was  determined ;  and  his  determination 
was  of  that  calm,  deliberate  kind,  which  results  from  convic 
tion.  Hence  it  was  that  in  his  views,  he  was  far  in  advance 
of  many  of  the  influential  men  in  that  colony.  His  circum 
stances  shielded  him  against  any  suspicion  of  espousing  the 
American  cause  with  a  view  to  sinister  objects.  He  was 
not  ambitious  or  aspiring.  He  might  have  office  if  he  desired 
it.  His  domestic  life  and  comforts  silenced  every  suggestion 
that  selfish  motives  might  have  urged  upon  him.  He  could 
gain  nothing.  He  might  sacrifice  all,  by  resisting  the  parent 
government.  Yet  he  chose  to  resist ;  and  he  did  resist. 

When  the  act  of  parliament  was  made  known,  which  re 
quired  a  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  colony  of  New  York, 
and  others  in  other  colonies,  to  furnish  additional  articles  for 
the  king's  troops  quartered  among  them,  it  gave  rise  to  feel 
ings  of  strong  displeasure  among  the  colonists  at  large.  But 
»n  no  one  were  they  more  general  and  decided  than  in  New 
jfork.  The  law  was  entirely  partial,  operating  exclusively 
)n  the  inhabitants  of  those  places  where  the  troops  were  sta 
tioned. 

In  New  York  it  was  determined  to  resist  the  law,  and  pre 
sent  its  being  executed.  Mr.  Morris,  although  a  private 
citizen,  did  not  hesitate  about  declaring  openly  and  on  any 
occasion,  that  the  law  was  unconstitutional  and  tyrannical, 
and  that  it  was  not  to  be  submitted  to  unless  by  compulsion. 
The  legislature  refused  to  comply  with  the  requisition  ;  and 
although  compelled  to  submit  by  a  superior  force,  he  never 
wavered  in  his  sentiments,  nor  in  his  exertions  to  rouse  the 
people  to  prepare  for  the  conflict  which  he  saw  approaching. 

The  tragic  scenes  which  were  acting  in  New  England,  and 
especially  in  Massachusetts,  about  this  time,  combined  their 
influence  in  convincing  the  colonies  generally,  that  to  pro- 
tept  themselves,  and  preserve  their  liberty,  it  was  necessary 
to  act  in  concert.  This  conviction  *led  to  the  establishment 
of  committees  of  correspondence,  committees  of  safety,  and 
to  the  general  congress  of  1774.  To  all  these  patriotic  mea 
sures  Mr.  Morris  gave  his  countenance  openly  and  without 


NEW  YORK.  115 

reserve.  At  this  era,  when  many  even  of  his  friends  and 
fellow  citizens  clung  to  the  hope  that  an  amicable  adjustment 
of  the  dispute  would  yet  be  effected,  and  the  tranquil  state  ot 
the  colonies  be  no  further  disturbed,  he  saw  no  medium  where 
he  could  indulge  such  a  hope.  With  him  the  alternatives 
were — persist  decidedly,  or-submit  to  tyranny  ;  fight,  and 
conquer  your  enemies ;  or  yield  to  slavery  on  yourselves  and 
posterity.  Between  these  he  would  not  hesitate. 

When  the  delegates  to  the  first  congress  were  chosen,  few 
comparatively,  even  among  the  best  informed  and  decidedly 
patriotic,  contemplated  war  as  the  result  of  the  dispute  be 
tween  the  colonies  and  England.  The  object  sought  and 
desired  from  the  deliberations  of  that  assembly,  was  a  settle 
ment  in  a  pacific  manner,  of  all  the  existing  difficulties,  and 
a  preservation  of  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  colonists,  and 
yet  continue  connected  with  the  parent  government. 

Mr.  Morris  was  too  decided  and  frank  in  expressing  hiss 
opinions,  to  be  selected  by  the  people  of  New  York,  with  their 
feelings,  for  a  member  of  that  congress.  His  sentiments  in 
favor  of  the  rights  of  the  colonies  were  too  decided  and  ar- 
dent;  and  his  avowed  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  conduct  of 
ihe  British  parliament,  was  too  bold  and  unaccommodating  to 
ake  a  part  in  the  deliberations  of  an  assembly,  whose  views 
extended  no  farther  than  loyal  addresses,  remonstrances,  and 
petitions. 

But  the  time  was  near,  and  soon  arrived,  when  men  of 
other  views,  and  other  feelings,  were  required  to  take  the 
.ead,  and  give  a  direction  to  the  course  to  be  pursued  in  fu 
ture.  Although  the  congress  of  1774,  contained  a  number  of 
hat  character,  there  were  others,  whose  resolution  wa 
vered,  and  whose  hopes  withered,  when  contemplating  an 
open  resistance  of  the  power  of  Great  Britain.  The  period 
between  the  first  and  second  congress  had  disclosed  occur 
rences,  and  presented  facts,  which  wrought  a  great  change 
in  the  sentiments  of  the  people  at  large  ;  and  prepared  them 
to  commit  their  cause  to  the  management  of  men,  whose 
views  and  feelings  corresponded  with  those  which  Mr.  Mor 
ris  had  long  and  openly  avowed.  He  was  now  elected  a 
delegate  from  the  province  of  New  York.  In  that  assembly 
he  found  men  of  kindred  spirits,  and  possessing  views  corre 
sponding  with  his  own.  He  was  elected  in  April,  and  took 
his  seat  in  congress,  in  May,  1775. 

With  such  sentiments  as  he  had  long  entertained,  respect 
ing  the  nature  and  design  of  the  contest,  and  the  great  object 

6 


116  LEWIS  MORRIS, 

the  English  government  had  in  view,  relative  to  the  American 
colonies,  on  the  one  part,  and  the  necessity,  and  the  extent  of 
resistence,  by  the  colonies,  on  the  other,  he  entered  the  hall 
of  congress,  and  he  was  already  prepared  to  enter  on,  and 
prosecute  to  the  greatest,  extent,  and  the  fullest  effect,  such 
measures  of  defence,  and  of  resistence,  to  every  invasion  of 
his  country's  just  rights,  as  congress  might  command. 

Before  the  session  closed,  he  went  to  the  westward,  on 
the  difficult  service  of  endeavoring  to  dissuade  the  Indians 
from  joining  the  British,  and  to  induce  them  to  unite  with  the 
Americans.  On  this  mission  he  was  absent  in  Pittsburgh, 
until  the  setting  in  of  winter,  constantly  employed  in  promo 
ting  the  views  of  congress,  and  in  regular  correspondence 
with  the  government,  on  the  business  in  which  he  was  en- 
gaged.  In  truth,  he  was  employed,  either  in  congress  or  out, 
continually,  in  providing  for  the  defence,  and  safety  of  his 
country,  whose  cause  he  had  espoused,  with  the  fullest  con 
viction  of  its  rectitude,  and  with  a  determination  to  sustain  it 
till  victory  should  perch  on  the  banner  of  liberty,  or  to  be 
buried  in  its  ruins. 

The  reluctance  with  which  the  great  body  of  citizens,  and 
also  the  provincial  congress  of  New  York,  approached  the 
subject  of  declaring  independence,  even  after  it  had  been 
noarly,  if  not  fully  resolved  on  by  congress,  was  a  serious 
embarrassment  to  the  proceedings  of  their  delegation.  They 
were  fully  convinced  of  its  indispensable  necessity,  to  a  suc 
cessful  resistance  of  England,  and  a  vigorous  prosecution  of 
the  war;  and  they  were  strangely  impressed  with  the  great 
importance  of  having  the  measure  sustained  by  an  unani 
mous  vote,  if  practicable,  at  least  by  a  majority  in  the  dele 
gation  from  the  several  states.  But  this  awkwardness  on  the 
part  of  the  people,  and  the  congress  of  that  province,  lay  as  a 
heavy  weight  on  their  delegates,  while  the  cannon  of  General 
Howe  roused  them  from  their  lethargy,  and  in  a  few  days, 
advanced  them  to  a  point  of  decision,  which  some  other  colo 
nies  had  attained  six  months  before. 

It  cannot  be  surprising  that  the  inhabitants  of  New  York 
should  feel  some  reluctance,  when  agitating  the  proposal  of 
declaring  independence.  They  had  the  desolation  of  the 
town  of  Falmouth,  and  some  other  places,  presented  before 
them,  the  sufferings  inflicted  on  Boston  by  the  occupation  of 
a  British  army  ;  and  their  peculiar  exposure  to  a  bombard 
ment  by  the  British  fleet  then  on  the  coast,  as  solemn  admo 
nitions  of  what  they  might  expect  would  soon  be  dealt  ont 


NEW  YORK.  117 

to  them,  in  their  defenceless  condition.  But,  in  all  their 
danger,  Mr.  Morris  shared  as  amply  as  any  other  individual 
of  the  province.  His  elegant  mansion,  his  fine  estate,  his 
valuable  timber,  then  growing  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city,  and 
the  exposed  situation  of  his  family — all  these  presented  con 
siderations  of  much  weight  to  his  mind,  and  all  tending  power- 
fully,  to  repress  his  ardor  in  favor  of  adopting  such  a  bold 
and  irrevocable  measure,  as  that  of  renouncing  allegiance  to 
the  royal  government.  But  he  acted  not  from  selfish  mo 
tives  in  this  instance.  A  high  principle,  a  disinterested  re 
gard  for  the  happiness  of  the  country  in  all  future  time,  which 
he  believed  would  be  secured  by  it,  impelled  him  to  advocate 
the  measure  at  the  moment  when  his  own  dwellings  and  fa 
mily  were  within  reach  of  the  guns  of  an  English  squadron, 
then  riding  at  anchor  opposite  to  his  residence. 

It  is  not  easy  to  contemplate  a  situation  attended  with  con 
siderations  more  strongly  tending  to  excite  and  quicken  the 
feelings  of  a  selfish  heart,  than  that  in  which  Mr.  Morris  was 
placed  at  the  time  when  the  question  of  independence  was 
discussed  on  the  floor  of  congress.  But  he  was  unmoved  by 
them.  He  was  stedfast ;  and  moved  directly  forward  to  the 
point;  and  without  hesitation  sanctioned  by  his  vote  and  sig 
nature,  that  measure,  which  devoted  his  establishment  to 
havoc  and  desolation,  himself  to  the  peculiar  vengeance  of 
the  enemy,  and  his  family  to  dangers  and  sufferings  severe 
and  numerous,  but  which  rescued  his  country  from  vassalage. 

The  result  proved  those  sufferings  to  have  been  as  many  and 
severe,  as  the  most  gloomy  imagination  with  all  its  fore 
bodings  could  have  anticipated.  His  house  was  ruined,  and 
his  farm  wasted.  His  cattle  were  driven  off,  and  appro 
priated  to  the  subsistence  of  the  invaders.  His  beautiful 
forest,  of  more  than  a  thousand  acres,  given  up  to  "  havoc 
and  spoil."  His  family  driven  into  exile,  and  his  whole  estate 
subjected  to  all  the  desolating  effects  of  an  enraged  soldiery, 
urged  on  in  their  work  of  destruction  by  feelings  of  vengeance 
toward  the  man  who  had  boldly  renounced  allegiance.  But 
the  patriotism  of  his  family,  like  his  own,  induced  them  to 
submit  without,  murmuring  to  all  the  privations  and  sufferings 
they  were  called  to  endure,  in  the  combat  which  was  to  de 
cide  the  future  condition  of  their  country. 

His  three  eldest  sons  took  up  arms,  and  entered  the  field 
in  defence  of  their  country.  They  served  with  reputation  in 
UfTerent  capacities,  and  received,  as  they  had  merited,  the 
Approbation  of  congress. 


ll»  RICHARD  STOCKTON, 

Mr.  Morris  relinquished  his  seat  in  congress  in  1777,  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  brother,  Governeur  Morris,  and  on 
his  retirement,  the  same  convention  which  elected  his  brother 
to  supply  his  vacancy, .passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  him  and  his 
colleagues,  "  for  their  long  and  faithful  services  rendered  to 
the  colony  and  state  of  New  York." 

He  continued  to  serve  his  native  state  in  her  legislature, 
and  as  an  officer  of  her  militia  until  independence  was  ac 
knowledged,  peace  restored,  and  the  country  was  settled  un 
der  the  federal  constitution. 

After  the  restoration  of  peace,  he  returned  to  his  dilapidated 
estate  ;  and  resumed  his  former  employment  of  agriculture. 
In  this  he  spent  his  declining  years  with  that  serenity 
which  is  derived  from  a  consciousness  of  having  devoted  his 
life  and  talents  in  promoting  the  interest  and  happiness  of  his 
fellow  men. 

He  died  in  January,  1798,  in  the  seventy-second  year  of 
his  age.  He  was  buried  in  the  family  vault  at  Morrisania, 
with  many  tokens  of  respect  from  his  fellow  citizens,  and 
with  the  military  honors  due  to  his  rank  of  major  general  of 
the  militia  of  New  York. 


NEW  JERSEY* 


RICHABD   STOCKTON. 

THIS  gentleman  was  descended  from  an  English  ancestry. 
His  great  grandfather  came  from  England  between  the  years 
1660  and  1670,  and  took  up  his  residence  a  few  years  on 
Long  Island,  in  the  vicinity  of  New  York.  He  is  reported 
to  have  been  possessed  of  a  large  property.  A  few  years 
after  he  was  settled  on  Long  Island,  he  turned  his  attention  to 
New  Jersey  ;  and  about  1680,  he  purchased  a  tract  of  land  in 
that  colony,  near  to  Princeton,  a  beautiful  town,  containing  a 
respectable  and  flourishing  seminary  of  learning,  Nassau  Hall 

Two  or  three  years  after  making  the  purchase,  he  with  a 
few  associates  commenced  the  first  settlement  which  had 
been  begun  by  any  Europeans  in  that  district.  There  he 


NEW  JERSEY.  119 

Qved  in  1705.  His  name  was  Richard.  To  a  son,  bearing 
the  same  name,  he  bequeathed  the  principal  part  of  his  landed 
estate,  in  conformity  with  the  existing  custom  in  England,  and 
the  law  of  primogeniture.  He,  however,  at  his  decease  in 
1720,  devised  the  family  seat  to  his  youngest  son,  whose 
name  was  John.  He  was  a  patron  of  science  ;  held  several 
public  offices  ;  and  was  an  upright  and  strictly  religious 
man.  In  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  Princeton  College  was 
established  near  to  his  estate  ;  and  possessing  both  the  means 
in  an  ample  fortune,  and  the  disposition,  he  was  a  liberal 
contributor  to  its  funds.  After  a  well-spent  life,  he  expired 
in  1757,  leaving  to  his  eldest  son,  the  subject  of  this  memoir, 
abundant  means  for  procuring  the  best  education  which  could 
be  obtained  in  the  country. 

Richard  Stockton,  who  signed  the  Declaration  of  American 
Independence,  was  born  at  his  paternal  residence  in  Somer 
set  county,  near  to  Princeton,  New  Jersey,  in  the  year  1730, 
on  the  first  day  of  October. 

He  commenced  his  education  under  the  tuition  of  the  Rev. 
Lemuel  Finley  of  West  Nottingham,  in  the  then  province  of 
Maryland.  That  was  the  seat  of  an  academy,  which  at.  that 
early  period,  was  one  of  the  most  flourishing  seminaries 
south  of  New  England.  Having  spent  about  two  years  in 
that  school  pursuing  his  preparatory  studies,  he  was  placed 
in  New  Jersey  College,  in  Newark,  then  the  seat  of  that  insti 
tution.  He  graduated  in  1718,  at  its  first  annual  commence 
ment. 

After  leaving  college,  he  entered  on  the  study  of  law,  under 
the  instruction  of  the  Hon.  David  Ogden  of  Newark,  a  dis 
tinguished  barrister,  and  the  most  eminent  lawyer  in  that 
province.  Under  the  tuition  of  that  gentleman,  Mr.  Stockton 
enjoyed  the  best  advantages  to  be  obtained  at  that  early  age 
of  the  country.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  August,  1754, 
and  four  years  after,  to  the  grade  of  counsellor  at  law.  He 
returned  to  his  paternal  residence,  and  rose  with  unusual 
rapidity,  to  the  first  rank  of  his  profession  ;  and  in  a  short 
time  he  became  confessedly  the  first  lawyer  in  New  Jersey, 
in  reputation  and  employment.  In  1763,  he  received  tho 
degree  of  sergeant  at  law,  a  distinction  established  in  the  Eng 
lish  courts,  and  then  recognized  in  their  American  colonies. 

Wishing  to  enjoy  an  opportunity  for  improving  his  mind, 
by  means  not  to  be  procured  in  America,  he  relinquished 
business  during  two  years  ;  and  embarked  at.  New  York  in 
June,  1766,  for  London  ,  wlnre,  after  a  pleasant  voyage,  he 


120  RICHARD  STOCKTON, 

safely  arrived.  He  was  received  and  treated  with  a  flatter, 
ing  distinction,  by  some  of  the  most  eminent  men  in  the  king 
dom  ;  and  even  had  the  honor  (then  considered  a  mark  of 
great  respect  and  distinction,)  of  being  presented  to  the  sove 
reign  by  one  of  the  ministers  of  state.  During  his  visit 
in  Great  Britain,  he  procured  much  patronage  to  the  infant 
college ;  of  whose  honors  he  was  one  of  the  first  recipients. 
His  services  in  behalf  of  that  institution  were  recognized  on 
his  return  to  New  Jersey,  in  a  manner  highly  creditable  to  the 
board  of  trustees,  and  honorable  to  himself,  in  a  public  vote 
of  thanks. 

At  that  date,  the  affairs  of  the  American  colonies  had  begun 
to  assume  an  interesting  attitude  in  England  ;  insomuch  that 
some  of  the  most  distinguished  men  in  the  kingdom  had 
become  partizans,  for  and  against  the  colonies.  He  was 
consulted  on  the  state  of  American  affairs  by  the  Marquis  of 
Rockingham,  by  whom  he  was  kindly  and  hospitably  received, 
and  entertained  at  his  country-seat,  during  a  week  he  spent 
at  the  mansion  of  his  lordship. 

After  passing  some  time  in  England,  in  prosecution  of  the 
objects  of  his  visit  to  that  country,  he  went  to  the  north  of  the 
kingdom,  and  visited  Edinburgh,  where  he  was  treated  with 
marked  civility  and  attention,  by  the  most  distinguished  gen- 
tlemen,  nobles,  and  civilians  in  North  Britain.  The  Earl  of 
Leven  was  very  particular  in  his  polite  civilities  to  Mr.  Stock 
ton.  He  was  received  by  the  citizens  of  Edinburgh  with 
much  respect,  visited  by  the  lord  provost  of  the  city,  invited 
to  a  public  dinner,  provided  as  a  compliment  to  him,  addressed 
by  the  lord  provost  on  that  occasion,  and  had  the  freedom  of 
the  city  conferred  on  him  by  an  unanimous  vote  of  the  city 
government,  as  a  testimony  of  their  respect. 

On  that  occasion  he  visited  Doctor  Witherspoon,  at  his  resi 
dence  in  Paisley,  who  had  been  a  short  time  previously  cho 
sen  president  of  Princeton  College.  Doctor  Witherspoon  had 
declined  accepting  the  office,  much  to  the  regret  of  the  trus 
tees  and  others,  who  were  interested  in  the  prosperity  of  that 
college  ;  and  by  their  request,  Mr.  Stockton  waited  upon  Dr. 
Witherspoon,  to  try  to  prevail  with  him  to  reverse  his  first 
decision.  And  probably,  his  exertions  had  their  desired 
effect.  For  a  few  months,  subsequent  to  his  visit,  Doctor 
Witherspoon  announced  his  acceptance  of  the  appointment. 

In  his  progress  through  the  united  kingdom,  Mr.  Stockton 
visited  Ireland,  ;;nd  received  marked  demonstrations  of  respect 
from  distinuished  jrt-'iiJiemen  of  Dublin. 


NEW  JERSEY.  121 

Indeed,  civilities  and  respectful  attentions,  highly  grateful 
to  his  feelings,  seem  to  have  been  rendered  to  him  by  the 
people,  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom  that  he  visited. 

During  the  time  he  spent  in  Great  Britain,  he  experienced 
two  providential  escapes,  when  his  life  had  been  exposed  to 
imminent  danger;  once  by  an  attack  of  a  robber  in  Edinburgh, 
and  the  other  by  shipwreck.  After  engaging  his  passage 
across  the  Irish  channel  in  a  packet,  his  baggage  having  been 
left  behind,  he  was  in  consequence  of  that  mistake  prevented 
from  embarking,  and  remained  on  shore.  This  proved  the 
cause  of  his  preservation,  for  the  packet  was  lost  in  a  violent 
storm,  and  every  person  on  board  perished.  This  interposi 
tion  of  Divine  Providence  in  his  behalf,  made  a  deep  and  last- 
ing  impression  on  his  mind.  He  often  spoke  of  the  event  with 
emotions  of  solemnity,  and  with  lively  gratitude  to  his  Great 
Preserver. 

While  Mr.  Stockton  was  in  London,  he  attended  at  West 
minster  Hall,  and  closely  observed  the  various  forensic  elo 
quence  of  the  most  distinguished  barristers  then  living.  At 
the  same  time,  the  decisions  of  the  learned  judges  of  their 
high  courts,  were  attended  to  by  him,  with  a  view  to  his  own 
improvement  as  an  orator,  and  to  enlarge  his  stock  of  legal 
science.  Even  the  theatre  was  not  wholly  neglected  by  him  ; 
as  he  correctly  believed  that  he  might  derive  benefit  from  the 
unrivalled  talents  of  Mr.  Garrick ;  although  in  principle 
opposed  to  visiting  theatres  simply  for  amusement.  He  re 
turned  to  his  home,  with  his  mind,  originally  brilliant,  en 
riched  and  improved  with  benefits  derived  from  these  vari 
ous  sources  of  instruction.  He  also,  while  in  Ireland,  became 
deeply  impressed  from  actual  observation,  with  the  evils  that 
would  result  to  his  country,  by  continuing  in  a  colonial  rela 
tion  with  Great  Britain. 

Having  been  absent  from  his  family  and  friends  more 
than  a  twelvemonth,  and  having  left  the  charge  of  his  busi 
ness  in  the  hands  of  others,  he  hastened  to  close  his  concerns 
abroad,  and  prepared  for  his  return  to  the  endearments  of 
home.  He  reached  America  in  September,  1767 ;  and  his 
arrival  was  greeted  by  his  friends  and  neighbors  with  much 
pleasure  ;  which  they  evinced,  by  escorting  him  from  the  port 
where  he  arrived  to  his  residence. 

In  1768,  the  year  after  his  return  from  England,  he  com 
menced  his  public  life.  He  was  elevated  to  a  seat  in  the  su 
preme  royal  legislative,  judiciary,  and  executive  council  of 
that  province.  In  1774,  he  was  placed  on  the  bench  of  the 

11 


122  RICHARD  STOCKTON, 

supreme  court ;  where,  for  a  time,  he  sat  by  the  side  of  his 
early  friend,  and  preceptor,  the  Honorable  Mr.  Ogden. 

He  had  received  marks  of  personal  respect,  esteem,  and 
confidence,  from  the  king,  and  many  of  the  distinguished 
statesmen,  besides  the  several  offices  which  had  been  given 
to  him.  He  respected  the  private  character  of  the  king,  but 
thought  him  influenced  by  bad  advisers  in  his  policy  respect. 
ing  the  American  colonies.  Besides  the  motives  arising  out 
of  these  considerations,  he  had  others  which  might  very  natu 
rally  incline  him  to  favor  the  royal  cause.  His  own  fortune 
was  ample.  This,  in  the  event  of  an  open  conflict,  would  be 
liable  to  suffer  depredations ;  his  family  would  be  exposed  to 
many  privations,  if  not  immediate  dangers,  in  case  an  inva 
sion  ensued ;  and  he  must  be  necessitated  to  separate  from 
numerous  personal  friends,  and  thus  sacrifice  strong  and  en 
deared  attachments.  But  all  these,  weighed  in  opposition  to 
the  welfare  of  his  country,  were  not  suffered  to  influence  his 
determination.  He  had  used  his  best  exertions  to  prevent  the 
anticipated  crisis,  while  in  Great  Britain,  but  without  success. 
After  his  return,  he  discovered,  as  he  believed,  a  fixed  and 
determined  purpose,  on  the  part  of  the  parliament,  to  prose- 
cute  the  system  of  measures  they  had  begun,  until  they  had 
forced  the  Americans  to  acquiesce  in  their  domination.  He 
could  discover  no  prospect  of  closing  the  breach  already 
made,  consistently  with  the  civil  rights  and  liberty  of  his  coun 
trymen  ;  and,  when  the  time  of  preparation  came,  he  girded 
on  his  armor,  and  breasted  himself  for  the  storm. 

In  June,  1776,  the  provincial  congress  of  New  Jersey 
elected  Mr.  Stockton  a  member  of  the  general  congress,  at 
that  time  in  session,  at  Philadelphia.  The  instructions  given 
to  him  and  his  colleagues,  by  the  provincial  congress,  were 
so  ample,  and  of  such  a  nature,  that  they  were  authorized  to 
unite  with  delegates  from  other  colonies,  to  take  the  most 
vigorous  measures  for  supporting  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
America;  and  if  necessary  for  the  attainment  of  these  objects, 
to  concur  in  declaring  the  united  colonies  independent  of 
Great  Britain ;  and  adopt  such  other  measures  as  that  step 
would  render  indispensable  for  framing  a  confederate  govern 
ment,  negotiating  treaties  with  foreign  powers,  for  aid  for 
commerce,  and  all  other  requisite  acts,  which  the  emergency 
might  make  it  necessary  to  adopt.  Although  thus  instructed 
and  empowered;  and  although  he  foresaw  it  must  ultimately 
come  to  that  result ;  notwithstanding  he  had  long  weighed  the 
important  subject  with  much  reflection  ;  yet,  when  the  proposal 


NEW  JERSEY.  123 

.-  -  •>.,'•<  "v 

was  discussed  by  congress,  he  deliberately  listened  to  all  the 
arguments  presented  in  the  debate.  It  had  been  supposed, 
that  at  the  beginning  of  the  discussion,  he  entertained  some 
doubts  as  to  the  expediency  of  an  immediate  Declaration  of 
Independence.  But  before  it  was  closed,  having  attentively 
listened  to  all  the  arguments  urged  for  and  against  it ;  on 
hearing  the  remarks  of  Mr.  John  Adams,  his  mind  was  con 
clusively  determined  in  favor  of  adopting  the  momentous 
measure,  without  further  delay ;  and  when  the  measure  was 
carried,  he  signed  the  declaration. 

In  September  of  the  same  year  that  he  voted  for,  and  set 
his  signature  to  the  Declaration  of  American  Independence, 
he  became  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  governor  of  New 
Jersey,  under  the  new  constitution  of  the  state.  His  com 
petitor  was  William  Livingston.  On  counting  the  ballots,  the 
vote  was  equal.  The  friends  of  Mr.  Stockton,  however, 
were  induced  to  concur  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Livingston,  for 
urgent  reasons  then  operating  on  their  minds ;  but  he  was 
immediately  chosen  chief  justice  of  the  state,  by  an  unani 
mous  vote.  He,  however,  declined  the  appointment.  In  the 
November  following  he  was  re-chosen  a  delegate  to  congress. 
He  continued  an  active  and  very  useful  member  of  congress 
during  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1776,  attending  to  his  ar 
duous  duties,  until  in  September,  when  he  was  deputed  with 
Mr.  Clymer  of  Pennsylvania,  on  a  committee,  to  visit  and  in- 
spect  the  northern  army,  then  under  the  command  of  Gene 
ral  Schuyler ;  the  powers  with  which  they  were  invested  were 
ample  ;  of  great  importance  ;  and  of  a  very  delicate  charac 
ter.  Yet  they  were  managed  with  so  much  wisdom,  pru 
dence,  and  sound  discretion  ;  and  the  result  was  so  beneficial 
to  the  cause,  that  the  report  of  the  services  they  performed, 
when  rendered  to  congress,  received  the  entire  appro 
bation  of  that  body.  On  the  termination  of  that  mission 
he  immediately  resumed  his  seat  in  congress.  His  duty  to 
his  family,  however,  soon  called  his  attention,  and  required 
his  exertions  to  secure  them  from  being  captured  by  the  ene 
my,  who  were  then  triumphantly  marching  through  New  Jer 
sey.  His  family  residence  lay  in  the  supposed  rout  of  their 
march ;  and  the  American  army  was  so  reduced,  and  in 
such  a  suffering  condition,  that  it  could  afford  no  protection  to 
the  inhabitants.  The  families  of  those  who  had  signed  the 
instrument  which  severed  the  colonies  from  the  parent  state, 
were  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  the  British  forces ;  and  Mr. 
Stockton  was  constrained  to  retire  from  congress  to  convoy 


124  RICHARD  STOCKTON, 

his  own  to  a  place  of  safety.  After  having  conducted  them 
into  the  county  of  Monmouth,  about  thirty  miles  from  his 
residence,  he  resided  with  Mr.  Covenhoven,  a  patriotic 
friend  of  his;  and  he,  together  with  Mr.  Covenhoven,  was  sur 
prised,  and  made  a  prisoner,  by  a  party  of  refugees,  who  had 
been  informed  of  the  place  of  his  temporary  residence,  by  a 
treacherous  wretch.  They  were  dragged  from  their  beds  at 
a  late  hour  of  the  night ;  stripped  and  plundered  of  their  pro 
perty,  and  conducted  to  New  York.  They  first  conveyed 
him  to  Amboy,  shut  him  in  the  common  goal,  exposed  him, 
thus  destitute,  to  severe  suffering  by  the  cold  weather  ;  and  in 
New  York,  he  was  subjected  to  a  similar  confinement,  and 
extreme  suffering.  The  severities  he  endured,  during  his 
imprisonment  in  Amboy  and  New  York,  laid  the  foundation 
for  the  disease  which  closed  his  life  not  long  after.  While 
in  the  latter  place,  the  enemy  withheld  from  him,  not  only  the 
comforts,  but  even  the  necessaries  of  life  ;  and  this,  not 
withstanding  his  respectability  of  character  and  standing  in 
life,  and  a  very  delicate  state  of  health.  At  one  time  he  was 
left  absolutely  without  food  more  than  twenty-four  hours ;  and 
afterwards  supplied  with  that  which  was  coarse  in  quality, 
and  scanty  in  amount.  This  treatment  of  Mr.  Stockton,  by 
the  British,  engaged  the  attention  of  congress,  and  General 
Howe  was  informed,  if  Mr.  Stockton  was  not  treated  in  a  man 
ner  becoming  his  condition,  and  in  conformity  to  the  dictates 
of  humanity,  which  had  been  observed  by  the  Americans  to 
wards  their  prisoners,  and  which  the  established  rules  of  mo 
dern  warfare  demanded,  he  might  expect  a  practical  retalia 
tion  on  those  of  the  British  who  might  fall  into  the  power  of 
the  Americans. 

The  complicated  sufferings  he  endured  wrhile  in  captivity, 
the  burning  of  his  papers  and  fine  library,  the  plundering 
of  his  property,  particularly  of  his  stock  of  horses  and  cattle ; 
the  general  depredations  committed  on  his  estate,  real  and 
personal,  wherever  it  was  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  an 
incensed  foe,  and  the  losses  he  sustained  by  reason  of  thfc 
ruinous  depreciation  of  the  continental  paper  currency,  left 
him  only  the  remnants  of  a  large  fortune,  exhausted  so  entirely 
that  it  seemed  to  him  only  a  mass  of  ruins  ;  and  finding  him 
self  so  destitute  of  the  means  for  providing  comfortably  foi 
his  family,  he  was  compelled  to  resort  to  friends  for  a  tem 
porary  accommodation,  to  procure  the  absolute  necessaries  of 
life.  This  caused  a  depression  of  spirits,  out  of  which  he 
never  fully  rose  ;  and  aggravated  a  lingering  disease  which 


NEW  JERSEY.  125 

terminated  his  life.  He  languished  for  a  considerable  time 
under  this  calamity  which,  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  was 
much  increased  by  a  cancer  in  his  neck,  whose  insidious  and 
fatal  approaches  are  always  clearly  perceived,  without  the 
least  hope  of  remedy.  He  died  on  the  twenty-eighth  day  of 
February,  1781,  in  the  fifty-first  year  of  his  age. 

A  minute  delineation  of  character,  does  not  comport  with 
the  design  or  limits  of  this  work  ;  on]y  a  brief  summary  can 
be  given.  The  character  of  Mr.  Stockton  as  a  patriot,  inflexi 
bly  devoted  to  the  liberty,  rights,  and  independence  of  his 
country,  may  be  easily  understood  by  what  has  been  already 
stated.  He  not  only  pledged  "  his  life,  his  fortune,  and  his 
sacred  honor,"  for  the  attainment  of  his  country's  indepen 
dence  ;  but  he  fully  redeemed  the  pledge  by  becoming  a 
martyr  to  her  cause.  His  life  was  a  sacrifice  ;  his  fortune 
was  nearly  so  ;  and  his  sacred  honor  attended  him  to  his 
grave;  and  remains  behind  him  an  untarnished  legacy  to 
his  posterity  and  his  country.  As  a  lawyer,  he  was  learned 
and  upright.  He  falsified  the  charge  sometimes  alledged 
against  "  all  lawyers,"  that  they  will  espouse  any  cause  for 
the  pecuniary  reward.  He  would  not  engage  to  defend  or 
advocate  a  case  which  he  was  not  persuaded  was  just ;  and 
he  often  defended  the  widow,  the  fatherless,  and  the  poor, 
gratuitously,  when  by  engaging  against  them,  an  ample  com- 
pensation  would  have  been  given  him.  In  this  respect,  he 
was  strictly  conscientious  and  exemplary.  His  eloquence 
was  of  a  superior  kind;  pleasing,  chaste,  forcible,  and  per 
suasive.  As  a  judge  on  the  bench,  he  was  upright,  perspi 
cuous,  and  impartial ;  and  withal,  so  clear,  that  his  decisions 
were  generally  satisfactory  to  the  interested  parties. 

As  a  member  of  the  community  in  which  he  resided,  he  was 
in  many  respects  a  benefactor.  He  was  dignified  in  his  de- 
portincnt  ;  affable,  kind,  and  condescending  to  his  inferiors 
a.nd  dependents  ;  a  patron  of  science  ;  an  uniform  promoter 
of  virtues  and  honorable  enterprise,  but  an  enemy  to  every 
thing  dishonest,  hypocritical,  and  disingenuous.  And,  as  a 
Christian,  he  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  evangelical  doctrine 
of  the  gospel;  regulated  his  life  by  its  precepts  and  injunc 
tions,  in  a  consistent  and  exemplary  manner ;  and  in  a  pro 
tracted  and  very  painful  disease,  he  was  sustained  by  a  hope 
derived  from  its  promises  of  attaining  through  death,  to  that 
rest  which  remains  for  the  pious,  beyond  the  grave. 

U* 


120  JOHN  WITHERSPOON, 


JOHN  WITHERSPOON. 

THIS  venerable  gentleman,  who  was  eminently  distinguish- 
ed  for  his  piety,  learning,  and  a  strong  and  powerful  mind, 
as  a  divine,  a  president  of  a  seminary  of  learning,  and  a 
statesman  ;  and  whose  name  stands  enrolled  among  those  who 
signed  the  Declaration  of  American  Independence,  was  born 
at  Tester,  a  parish  in  the  vicinity  of  Edinburgh,  in  Scotland, 
on  the  fifth  day  of  February,  1722.  He  was  lineally  descended 
from  the  celebrated  John  Knox,  the  great  and  intrepid  leader 
of  the  Reformation  in  Scotland.  His  father  was  a  respectable 
minister  in  the  church  of  Scotland,  settled  in  the  parish  of 
Tester ;  and  was  much  respected  and  beloved  by  the  people 
of  his  pastoral  charge.  He,  as  might  have  been  expected 
from  such  a  father,  bestowed  much  care  and  watchful  attention 
upon  the  early  instruction  of  his  son,  to  pre-occupy  his  infant 
mind  with  moral  and  religious  impressions,  before  it  should 
De  engrossed  with  those  of  an  opposite  character.  Being 
convinced  that  it  is  much  easier,  by  beginning  right,  to  im 
press  the  infant  mind  with  right  principles,  as  fast  as  it  opens 
o  receive  them,  and  thus  shut  out  wrong  ones,  than  it  is  to 
eradicate  the  latter,  after  they  have  obtained  admission  through 
neglect.  And  he  was  not  disappointed.  It  was  his  early  wish 
lhat  his  son  might  be  fitted  for  the  gospel  ministry  ;  and  he 
was  gratified  in  eventually  realizing  the  object  of  his  wishes. 
For  this  care  and  wisdom  of  his  father,  in  choice  of  the  object 
for  which  he  wished  to  educate  his  son,  and  the  fidelity  with 
which  he  attended  to  its  accomplishment,  Doctor  Witherspoon 
felt,  and  often  expressed  a  pious  gratitude  towards  his  vene 
rable  parent. 

At  an  early  age  he  was  placed  at  the  public  school  in 
Haddirigton,  where  he  soon  was  distinguished  for  his  assidu 
ous  application  to  study,  for  his  superior  native  powers  of 
mind,  and  uncommon  attainments  in  learning.  Nor  was  he 
less  distinguished  for  a  discriminating  power  and  quickness 
of  perception,  which  comprehended  whatever  subject  engaged 
his  attention.  With  such  native  talents,  thus  faithfully  im 
proved,  he  was  prepared  for  an  early  transfer  from  the  pre 
paratory  academic  school  to  the  higher  seminary,  where  he- 
was  to  finish  his  literary  course ;  qualified  to  commence  his 
professional  studies.  He  was  removed  from  Haddington 


NEW  JERSEY.  12? 

school  to  the  university  of  Edinburgh,  at  fourteen  years  of 
age.  There  great  credit  was  awarded  him,  for  his  diligence 
and  attainments  in  the  various  branches  of  learning,  taught  in 
that  eminent  seat  of  science  ;  and  at  an  early  stage  of  his  the 
ological  studies,  he  gave  indications  of  talents  in  sacred  criti 
cism,  which  characterized  him  in  all  his  future  life.  He 
prosecuted  his  professional  course  in  the  theological  hall  at 
the  university,  and  left  it  at  twenty-one  years  of  age,  a  licen 
sed  preacher  of  the  gospel. 

Such  was  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  in  the  place  of 
his  nativity  that  the  people  of  his  father's  parish,  invited  him 
to  settle  with  them  as  an  assistant  minister  with  him,  stipulat 
ing  for  the  right  to  succeed  him  in  the  charge  after  his  father's 
decease.  But  having  received  another*  invitation  from  the 
west  of  Scotland,  to  settle  in  the  parish  of  Beith,  he  gave  the 
latter  his  preference ;  and  was  ordained  there,  with  the  univer 
sal  approbation  of  that  congregation.  In  Beith  he  labored 
faithfully  in  the  ministry  several  years,  enjoying  the  esteem 
and  affections  of  a  grateful  and  attentive  people. 

When  the  battle  of  Falkirk  was  fought,  he  with  several 
others  had  the  curiosity  to  be  present,  that  they  might  wit 
ness  the  contest.  Although  they  were  near  the  scene  of 
action,  they  took  no  part  in  the  contest ;  but,  after  the  victory 
was  decided  in  favor  of  the  rebels,  these  persons  paid  rather 
a  dear  price  for  gratifying  their  curiosity.  They  were  taken 
prisoners,  and  confined  in  the  castle  of  Doune.  Several  of 
them  effected  an  escape  at  a  great  risk  of  their  lives.  One 
lost  his  life  in  consequence  of  the  attempt;  but  Doctor  With- 
erspoon  seeing  the  disaster  of  his  companion  in  the  attempt, 
being  the  last  of  the  number,  concluded  to  remain  till  regu 
larly  liberated. 

After  attending  faithfully  to  the  duties  of  his  ministry  at 
Beith  for  several  years,  he  was  transferred  to  the  large  manu 
facturing  town  of  Paisley.  He  resided  there,  ministering  to 
an  affectionate  people,  and  enjoying  the  respect  and  esteem  of 
the  surrounding  country;  when  an  application  was  made  to 
him  to  come  to  America,  and  take  the  presidency  of  the  col 
lege  of  New  Jersey.  While  he  resided  in  Paisley  he  was 
invited  to  Dublin,  in  Ireland;  to  Dundee,  in  Scotland,  and  to 
Rotterdam,  in  Holland  ;  to  take  the  pastoral  charge  of  a  large 
congregation  in  each  of  those  places,  besides  the  application 
from  the  board  of  directors  of  New  Jersey  College.  But  he 
declined  them  all.  To  the  latter  ho  was  invited  in  3766,  by 
an  unanimous  vote  of  the  trustees  of  the  institution,  and  was 


128  JOHN  WITHERSPOON, 

informed  of  it  by  Richard  Stockton,  Esq.  who  was  then  in 
London.  The  trustees  addressed  a  letter  to  Mr.  Stockton, 
requesting  him  to  visit  Paisley,  and  personally  inform  Doctor 
Witherspoon  of  their  request,  and  solicit  his  acceptance  of 
the  appointment.  Little  did  either  of  them  anticipate  at  that 
time,  that  they  would  become  colleague  members  of  the  Ame 
rican  congress,  and  act  together  in  declaring  the  independence 
of  the  American  colonies,  and  setting  their  names,  side  by 
side,  on  the  instrument  by  which  that  act  was  proclaimed  to 
the  world.  Yet  that  event  occurred  in  ten  years  from  that 
date.  Doctor  Witherspoon  declined  this  application  for  two 
seasons.  There  were  considerations  respecting  the  then  ex 
isting  condition  of  the  college,  which  decided  him  to  give  a 
negative  reply  to  the  application.  But  Mrs.  Witherspoon 
felt  an  unwillingness  to  leave  the  land  of  her  nativity,  and  the 
residence  of  her  connections,  and  this  strengthened  and  con 
firmed  his  decision  at  that  time.  Happily,  however,  both  of 
these  impediments  in  the  way  of  his  acceptance  were  re- 
mo\ed,  at  a  subsequent  and  no  very  distant  period.  Despair 
ing  of  obtaining  him,  the  trustees,  about  two  months  previous 
to  their  being  informed  by  Mr.  Stockton,  that  the  obstacles  to 
Doctor  Witherspoon's  acceptance  were  removed,  had  made 
choice  of  Doctor  Samuel  Blair  ;  but  they  immediately  re- 
elected  Doctor  Witherspoon  ;  and  Doctor  Blair,  on  being  in 
formed  that  Doctor  Witherspoon  would  now  accept,  imme 
diately  tendered  his  resignation.  By  that  noble  act  of  gene 
rosity  and  disinterestedness  of  Doctor  Blair,  the  trustees  were 
relieved  from  a  perplexing  embarrassment,  and  the  services 
of  Doctor  Witherspoon  were  secured  to  the  seminary,  to  the 
great  gratification  of  its  friends  and  patrons. 

Doctor  Witherspoon  arrived  at  Princeton  in  August,  1768, 
accompanied  by  his  family.  On  his  arrival  being  announced,  a 
special  meeting  of  the  board  of  trustees  was  called,  which  met 
on  the  seventeenth  day  of  that  month,  and  inaugurated  him 
as  president  of  Princeton  College.  For  some  time  previous 
to  his  arrival,  the  reputation  of  that  college,  once  justly  high, 
had  been  on  the  wane.  His  entering  on  his  office  as  presi 
dent  marked  a  new  era  in  its  prosperity.  His  reputation  had 
been  widely  diffused  before  he  left  Scotland,  and  had  given 
rise  to  high  anticipations  in  this  country.  On  his  arrival,  and 
taking  upon  himself  the  charge  of  presiding  over  its  interests, 
the  effect  in  the  country  to  revive  its  prosperity,  was  almost 
immediately  beneficial.  The  number  of  students  who  sought 
instruction  in  that  college  increased  rapidly.  He  brought 


NEW  JERSEY.  129 

with  him,  and  incorporated  in  the  system  of  instruction, 
now  revised,  all  the  recent  improvements  that  had  taken 
place  in  the  older  seminaries  of  Great  Britain,  so  far  as  was 
practicable  in  that  comparatively  feeble  and  infant  institution. 
Indeed  his  acceptance  of  the  presidency  of  Princeton  College, 
conferred  an  important  benefit  on  the  cause  of  literature  and 
science  in  America.  Immediately  after  he  entered  on  the  du 
ties  of  his  office,  the  party  feuds  and  dissensions  that  had  ex 
isted  in  the  board  of  trustees,  by  his  influence  and  prudence 
speedily  subsided.  The  funds  of  the  college,  which  were  in  a 
low  condition,  and  still  sinking,  were  in  a  short  time  aug. 
merited  by  the  active  exertions  made  use  of  in  various  parts 
of  the  country ;  and  the  province  of  New  Jersey,  which  had 
done  nothing  for  the  benefit  of  the  institution  previously  to  that 
time,  was  induced  to  lend  some  aid  in  promoting  its  prosper 
ity.  But  his  learning  and  his  judicious  and  advantageous 
system  of  managing  the  establishment,  were  not  among  the 
greatest  advantages  resulting  from  the  accession  of  Doctor 
Witherspoon  to  the  presidency.  Although  the  study  of  the 
ology  had  occupied  much  of  his  time  and  attention,  that  he 
might  be  thoroughly  furnished  for  a  faithful  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  his  pastoral  office,  yet  he  was  far  from  limiting  his 
reading  to  works  on  theology.  Sensible  that  a  knowledge 
of  every  valuable  science  would  contribute  and  enlarge  the 
sphere  of  his  usefulness  to  mankind,  he  applied  himself  to 
other  branches  of  science,  and  became  possessed  of  a  know 
ledge  of  almost  every  subject  embraced  in  the  circle  of  the 
sciences.  He  was  well  informed  respecting  the  grounds  of 
the  controversy  between  Great.  Britain  and  her  American 
colonies  ;  arid  early  after  his  arrival  in  this  country,  became 
a  decided  advocate  of  the  latter.  Hence,  when  the  college 
of  Princeton  was  broken  up  by  the  incursions  of  the  enemy, 
the  citizens  of  New  Jersey  turned  their  attention  to  him  to 
represent  them  in  the  general  congress.  By  an  election  to  a 
seat  in  that  council  of  the  nation,  he  was  called  to  exercise 
his  talents  on  a  new  theatre,  where  the  variety  of  his  learning 
and  the  vigorous  powers  of  his  mind  were  so  happily  displayed 
as  to  gather  fresh  lustre  to  his  already  extended  reputation. 

iTe  was  caTTe^B5^he~-triti7rCTis-oi'-New  Jersey,  to  assist 
them  in  framing  a  new  constitution  of  government  for  that 
state,  in  1776.  And  when  he  appeared  in  that  body,  and 
exhibited  his  knowledge  of  legislative  science,  those  present 
who  had  made  politics  the  object  of  their  principal  researches, 
were  not  a  little  surprised  at  the  readiness  and  intelligence 


130  JOHN  W1THERSPOON, 

with  which  he  investigated  every  subject  which  was  discussed 
in  that  convention. 

He  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  general  congress,  on  the 
twenty-first  of  June.  1770,  by  the  provincial  congress  of  New 
Jersey  ;  and  he  took  his  seat  in  that  body,  a  few  days  before 
the  fourth  of  July,  the  memorable  birth  day  of  the  American 
nation.  He  had  deliberated  on  the  great  question  which 
was  then  to  be  settled  forever,  in  domestic  retirement  ;  and 
when  he  was  introduced,  to  take  a  part  in  the  discussions  of  con 
gress,  on  that  important  subject,  he  at  once  gave  evidence  of 
his  preparation. 

Before  his  election,  he  had  taken  an  active  and  decided 
part  in  the  conventions,  and  revolutionary  committees  of  New 
Jersey  ;  and  had  manifested  his  superior  qualifications  to 
conduct  the  interests  of  the  state  in  a  higher  station. 

The  maturity  and  decision  of  his  judgment,  on  the  great 
question  of  the  independence  of  this  nation,  is  shown  in  the 
laconic  reply  he  gave  to  a  remark  made  by  a  distinguished 
member  of  congress  ;  "  That  the  people  were  not  ripe  for  a 
Declaration  of  Independence,"  Doctor  Witherspoon  observed, 
"  In  my  judgment,  sir,  we  are  not  only  ripe,  but  rotting." 

Doctor  Witherspoon  was  continuad_n  representative_of 
New"  Jersey,  in  congress,during  the  years  1776,  1777,  1778^ 
tTe'was  so  "constantly  attentive  to  his 


duties,  that  it  was  a  very  unusual  fact  that  he  was  absent  from 
his  seat,  during  the  whole  period  of  his  appointment,  for  a 
single  day.  And  he  regarded  the  importance  of  sustaining 
his  ministerial  character  in  such  a  prominent  point  of  view, 
that  he  never  consented  to  substitute  his  clerical  dress,  for 
another  more  consonant  with  civil  employment.  This  was 
done  by  some  ministers  who  were  also  members  of  that 
body.  But  he  considered  it  correct  for  himself,  always  to 
appear,  wherever  he  might  be,  and  however  employed,  in  the 
insignia  of  his  professional  character,  and  strictly  adhered  to 
his  views  of  propriety.  It  is  proper  in  this  place  to  remark, 
that  he  never,  during  his  civil  employments,  lost  sight  of  his 
ministerial  duties,  but  embraced  every  opportunity  that  pre 
sented,  for  preaching  the  gospel  to  his  fellow  men. 

It  is  deemed  needless  to  specify  particularly  the  various 
services,  which  he  rendered  as  a  member  of  congress.  It  is 
well  known,  that  most  of  the  important  business  transacted 
in  that  body,  was  submitted  to  special  committees,  to  investi 
gate,  and  report  their  views  to  the  house.  The  superior  in 
telligence  of  Doctor  Witherspoon  on  all  the  great,  subjects  to 


NEW  JERSEY.  131 

be  decided  by  congress,  presented  him  as  a  member  pre 
eminently  qualified  to  be  placed  on  most  committees  of  great 
responsibility.  His  services  were  incessant,  arid  unremitted  ; 
and  they  were  also  of  immense  advantage  to  the  cause  of  the 
country's  liberty  and  independence. 

He  took  a  firm  stand  in  opposition  to  the  ruinous  sysipm 
of  emitting  a  paper  currency,  alter  its  excess  had  caused  a 
considerable  depreciation  in  its  value.  In  communicating 
his  views  on  that  subject,  which  he  maintained  consistently  to 
the  end,  he  astonished  his  contemporaries  by  the  extent  of 
his  financial  knowledge,  and  minute  and  particular  acquaint 
ance  with  that  intricate  science.  He  also  opposed  the  waste- 
ful  system  which  had  been  adopted,  for  supplying  the  conti- 
nental  army,  by  allowing  a  commission  to  the  contractors,  on 
all  the  moneys  they  paid  out,  instead  of  the  system  of  forming 
special  contracts,  which  he  advocated,  arid  which  has  since 
been  adopted. 

^ji  debatiniiiJiis  usual  practice  was  to  listen  attentively  to 
the  remarks  of  others  ;  take  minutes  of  what  he  wished  to  no 
tice  particularly  ;  compose  his  speech  ,  commit  it  to  memory, 
which  he  did  with  much  facility  ;  and  when  he  appeared  on 
the  floor,  he  began  with  an  exordium,  in  which  he  disposed  of 
what  had  just  been  delivered,  and  then  proceeded  with  his 
prepared  speech,  with  so  much  regularity  in  noticing  the 
several  points  brought  forward  in  the  course  of  the  debate,  in 
such  regular  order,  and  with  so  much  force  of  argument,  as 
both  surprised  and  delighted  those  who  heard  him.  His 
mind  was  quick  in  apprehending,  and  his  memory  powerful 
in  retaining,  what  he  read  or  heard.  It  was  so  much  so,  that 
his  common  method  of  preparing  for  the  desk  was,  to  com 
pose  his  sermon,  read  it  over  three  times  only,  leave  his  manu 
script  at  home,  and  go  and  address  his  audience  from  memory. 

While  he  was  a  member  of  congress,  he  acted  a  conspicu 
ous  part,  in  the  board  of  war,  and  the  board  of  finance.  H« 
was  also  one"  of  a  commission,  appointed  by  congress,  on  a 
request  from  New  York  and  New  Hampshire,  to  repair  to 
Vermont,  and  adjust,  if  practicable,  the  disputes  which  had 
arisen  between  the  settlers  on  the  Green  Mountains  ;  the  juris 
diction  over  which  was  claimed  by  both  of  these  states,  and 
disallowed  by  the  settlers.  The  duty  assigned  him  he  per 
formed  ;  but  it  was  without  the  desired  result ;  nor  was  it 
finally  settled  until  Vermont  was  acknowledged  as  an  inde 
pendent  state,  and  became  united  to  the  confederacy. 

Doctor  Witherspoon  voluntarily  retired  from  congress  at 


132  JOHN  WITHERSPOON, 

the  close  of  the  year  1779,  although  he  was  again  called 
Upon  to  renew  his  important  labors  in  that  assembly.  At  the 
time  of  his  retirement,  he  applied  himself  to  the  object  of 
reviving  the  institution  over  which  he  presided,  which  had 
fallen  into  decay  during  the  British  invasion  of  New  Jersey. 
The  more  active  part  of  recommencing  the  course  of  instruc 
tion  was  committed  to  his  son-in-law,  Vice  President  Smith  ; 
while  he  sought  some  relaxation  in  a  retirement  to  his  own 
country-seat,  about  a  mile  from  the  college.  But  the  in 
fluence  of  his  name  and  character,  in  connection  with  the 
college,  was  not  withdrawn,  but  continued  to  be  felt  with  a 
benign  effect,  on  its  reviving  prosperity  ;  and  its  former  re 
putation  was  soon  restored. 

Soon  after  the  preliminaries  of  peace  were  settled  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  in  1783,  on  the  urgent 
request  of  the  trustees  of  that  college,  but  contrary  to  his 
own  judgment,  he  crossed  the  Atlantic  to  England,  to  try  to 
obtain  funds  in  behalf  of  that  seminary,  in  the  country  from 
which  this  had  but  just  then  been  severed  for  ever  ;  and  while 
the  feeling  of  resentment  was  still  warm  in  England  on  that 
account.  He  predicted  that  the  enterprise  would  probably 
prove  unsuccessful :  and  thus  it  did  in  fact  prove.  He  ob 
tained  but  little  more  than  sufficient  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  the  visit.  On  this  excursion  he  was  absent  about  nine 
months.  On  his  return  to  New  Jersey,  he  immediately  en 
tered  upon  his  retirement,  in  which  he  spent  the  remainder  of 
his  life,  as  far  as  was  consistent  with  the  duties  he  was  requir 
ed  to  perform  to  the  college,  by  reason  of  his  office  of  presi 
dent,  and  those  belonging  to  his  ministerial  profession. 

If  Doctor  Witherspoon  is  viewed  as  a  composer  of  ser 
mons,  he  must  be  placed  among  the  first  rank  of  orthodox 
divines,  in  this  or  any  other  country.  His  printed  sermons 
published  in  his  works,  in  four  vols.  8vo.  are  alone  sufficient 
to  confirm  this  opinion.  But  the  public  voice  has  already 
decided  this  as  his  character.  And  it  is  believed  that  no  ju 
dicious  person,  who  reads  his  works,  will  dissent  from  the 
judgment  of  the  public  in  this  particular. 

His  manner  in  the  pulpit  was  grave,  solemn,  and  deeply 
impressive.  He  engaged  the  attention  of  his  audience  at 
the  beginning  of  his  sermon,  and  it  was  continued  unabated 
to  the  end.  He  was  for  some  years  occasionally  subject  to 
spasmodic  convulsion  fits,  which  were  supposed  to  be  of  the 
apoplectic  kind ;  and  these  were  connected  with  a  peculiar 
nervous  susceptibility  and  a  dizziness,  which  were  wont  to 


NEW  JERSEY.  133 

he  produced  if  he  yielded  to  that  ardency  of  manner,  which 
his  natural  warmth  of  feeling  strongly  urged  him.  But  having 
been  subject  to  that  calamity  from  an  early  period  of  his 
life  he  found  it  indispensable  to  his  own  safety,  to  adopt  a 
grave  solemn  manner  of  delivery,  in  his  public  addresses,  and 
carefully  to  discipline  his  natural  ardor  into  a  more  safe  and 
moderate  manner.  It  was  difficult  to  hear  him  without  being 
both  instructed  and  benefitted  by  his  discourses.  He  possessed 
a  strength  of  thought,  and  a  force  of  expression,  happily 
adapted  to  usefulness  in  a  preacher  of  the  gospel,  rarely 
equalled,  and  still  more  rarely  surpassed. 

About  two  years  before  his  decease  he  lost  his  eyesight. 
But  this  affliction  did  not  make  him  relinquish  his  ministerial 
duties.  After  he  was  unable  to  see  his  own  way,  he  was 
often  conducted  into  the  pulpit  by  the  hand  of  another,  both 
at  home  and  abroad.  And  when  there,  standing  in  the  pre 
sence  of  Him,  who  is  the  God  of  the  sanctuary,  with  his 
own  eyes  shut  in  perpetual  darkness,  and  precluded  from  the 
light  of  the  sun,  he  presented  to  the  beholders,  one  of  the 
most  impressive  scenes  imaginable.  A  venerable  minister 
of  the  gospel,  more  than  seventy  years  of  age,  himself  blind, 
addressing  to  an  assembly  of  accountable  beings,  the  message 
)f  their  Creator  and  Judge,  concerning  the  most  weighty  sub 
jects  that  can  be  imagined  with  a  feeling  of  deep  and  ten 
der  concern  for  their  welfare,  with  unabated  earnestness, 
and  with  the  grave  solemnity  of  one  who  stood  on  the  verge 
of  eternity,  hastening  to  finish  his  work,  and  preparing  to  give 
an  account  of  his  stewardship.  If  any  combination  of  circum 
stances  could  produce  salutary  impressions  on  the  heart,  we 
might  naturally  look  for  them  in  a  case  like  that  just  mentioned. 

As  a  writer,  Doctor  Witherspoon  possessed  a  great  versa 
tility  of  Talent,  which  he  could  successfully  apply  to  any  sub 
ject  he  chose  to  handle.  His  talent  for  wit  and  satire  was 
almost  unrivalled  ;  a  weapon  which  he  knew  how  to  apply 
with  irresistible  force  against  an  antagonist.  Perhaps  these 
remarks  were  never  more  fully  verified,  than  in  his  "  Eccle 
siastical  Characteristics."  He  could  on  a  proper  occasion, 
exercise  his  pen  with  the  ease  and  graceful  pleasantry  of 
Addison. 

He  possessed  a  gigantic  mind  ;  he  wrote  and  published  on 
many  subjects ;  and  on  each  he  gave  the  impress  of  his  pow 
erful  intellect. 

His  essay  on  the  "  nature,  value,  and  uses  of  monej^-is  ac 
knowledged  as  one  ol"  the  best  that  ever  appeared  in  this  country 

12 


134  JOHN  WITHERSPOON, 

and  produced  a  happy  influence  on  the  minds  of  the  commu 
nity,  on  that  intricate  subject.  Indeed,  he  never  composed 
an  essay  for  publication,  without  he  had  something  important 
to  communicate  ;  and  he  never  published  his  views,  without 
producing  a  good  effect  on  the  minds  of  his  readers. 

His  "  Serious  Enquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Effects  of  the 
Stage,"  evinces  a  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  subject,  a 
minute  investigation  of  its  influence  and  consequences  on  so 
ciety,  and  a  deep  and  intimate  knowledge  of  the  human 
heart. 

T^t  ajnnn^rjiig  \unrjffi.,  ti\ose^on  theological  subjects  held  the 
pre-eminence.  And  of  these,~may  be  selected,  as  ariiong~TlTe 
happfest  of  his  efforts,  his  essay  on  "justification  by  free 
grace,  through  Jesus  Christ;"  and  on  "the  nature,  and  ne 
cessity  of  regeneration  ;"  and  that  on  "  the  importance  of 
truth  in  religion,"  or  "  the  connection  that  subsists  between 
sound  principle  and  a  holy  practice."  These  several  pro 
ductions  are  not  surpassed  by  any  writings  on  those  sub 
jects,  hitherto  published  in  the  English  language. 

As  a  manager  in  civil  and  ecclesiastical  politics,  he  wa^ 
eminently  skilful,  wise,  and  successful.  This  he  evinced  be 
fore  he  left  his  native  country,  in  the  controversy  between 
"  moderate,"  and  "  orthodox"  parties,  into  which  that  branch 
of  the  Scottish  church  was  divided ;  and  which  called  forth 
the  "  Ecclesiastical  Characteristics,"  before  mentioned.  Al 
though  for  a  time  he  was  in  the  minority,  by  his  address 
and  prudent,  management,  without  resorting  to  any  unwor 
thy  or  improper  measures,  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  ma 
jority  to  co-operate  with  him,  and  in  securing  a  complete  tri. 
umph  of  the  cause  which  he  believed  to  be  just ;  in  which  be 
lief  many  of  the  wisest  and  most  upright  ministers  and 
dignitaries  of  the  English  church,  fully  concurred.  In  the 
presbyterian  church  of  the  United  States,  his  character  and 
jrifluence  were  justly  held  in  high  respect  and  estimation. 
In  their  judicatories  he  was  eminently  useful,  by  his  know 
ledge  of  the  general  subjects  which  came  before  them,  by 
his  acquaintance  with  the  correct  rules  of  conducting  them, 
and  the  facility  with  which  he  disentangled  the  intricacies  and 
embarrassments,  with  which  they  were  sometimes  encum 
bered.  "  He  was  clear  and  conclusive  in  reasoning ;  and  \ 
from  a  peculiar  soundness  of  judgment  and  a  habit  of  busi-  1 
aess,  skillful  in  conducting  every  discussion  to  the  most  speedy  / 
^ind  decisive  termination."  And  when  he  was  taken  away' 


NEW  JERSEY.  135 

by  death,   it  might  have  been  said  with  truth,  that  a  great 
man  had  fallen. 

At  length,  bodily  infirmities,  which  had  been  creeping  upon 
him  for  years,  and  gradually  undermining  his  constitution, 
attacked  him  with  an  accumulated  force,  which  was  increas 
ed  by  the  loss  of  his  sight.  His  regular  bodily  exercise  was, 
by  this  affliction,  necessarily  greatly  diminished,  by  reason  of 
which  his  health  suffered  ;  and  it  was  apparent  that  his  useful 
life  was  fast  approaching  to  a  close.  He  endured  his  suffer, 
ings  with  a  patience  and  cheerfulness  becoming  the  charac 
ter  of  a  Christian  minister,  when  called  to  exemplify  the  gospel 
he  had  preached  to  others,  in  the  closing  scene  of  life.  He 
was  released  from  his  labors,  trials,  and  sufferings,  on  the  fif 
teenth  day  of  November,  1794,  in  the  seventy-third  year  of 
his  age. 

Doctor  Witherspoon  was  twice  married.  His  first  wife 
was  a  Scottish  lady,  a  Miss  Montgomery,  to  whom  he  was 
united  in  early  life.  She  was  a  pious,  benevolent,  exemplary 
Christian. 

•.His  posterity,  (all  by  his  first  marriage,)  consisted  of  three 
sons  and  two  daughters.  Ann,  the  eldest,  was  married  to  the 
Reverend  Samuel  Stanhope  Smith,  his  successor  in  the  presi 
dency  of  the  college.  Frances  was  married  to  Doctor  David 
Ramsey,  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  the  historian  of  the 
American  revolution.  Her  interesting  memoirs,  written  by 
her  husband,  have  been  extensively  read  and  admired  by  the 
pious,  throughout  the  United  States. 


FRANCIS  HOPKINSON. 

FRANCIS  HOPKINSON  was  born  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  year 
1737.  His  parents  were  English  people  of  respectable  stand 
ing  in  their  native  country,  whence  they  emigrated  while 
young,  and  settled  in  Philadelphia.  His  mother's  name  was 
Johnson,  a  niece  of  the  then  Bishop  of  Worcester.  Mr. 
Hopkinson  and  his  wife  appear  to  have  been  well  educated  ; 
and  to  have  been  connected  with  literary  and  polite  society  in 
England  ;  and  they  maintained  a  corresponding  standing  in 
Philadelphia. 

Mr.  Thomas  Hopkinson,  the  father  of  Francis,  was  the 


136  FRANCIS  HOPKINSON, 

personal  friend  of  Doctor  Franklin,  and  was  associated  with 
him  in  some  of  his  philosophical  experiments, 

Mr.  Hopkinson  did  not  continue  long  to  benefit  and  adorn 
society.  He  was  removed  by  death  in  the  prime  of  life  ;  and 
he  left  his  amiable  and  excellent  wife  a  widow,  with  a  large 
family  of  children,  with  but  a  moderate  income  for  their  sup 
port  and  education.  At  the  time  of  his  father's  death,  his  son 
Francis  was  but  fourteen  years  old  ;  but  he  was  blessed  with 
a  good  mother. 

She  devoted  herself  to  the  early  education  and  moral  and 
religious  instruction  of  her  children  ;  superintending  them 
herself,  until  their  religious  principles  were  so  formed  and 
established,  that  they  might  be  trusted  away  from  her  imme 
diate  inspection,  which  was  requisite  for  finishing  their  edu 
cation.  To  this  interesting  employment  Mrs.  Hopkinson 
devoted  herself,  denying  herself  every  indulgence  and  enjoy 
ment  which  interfered  with  this  her  first  of  earthly  duties. 
To  the  formation  of  their  manners  and  character,  on  correct 
principles  of  morality  and  religion,  she  applied  herself  with 
care  and  assiduity,  until  she  deemed  it  safe  to  send  Francis  to 
a  literary  seminary.  She  then  sent  him  to  the  college  of 
Philadelphia,  in  the  first  class  of  which  he  was  a  graduate. 

On  his  leaving  that  school,  he  commenced  the  study  of  law, 
in  which  science  he  made  rapid  proficiency.  After  having 
finished  his  studies  as  a  pupil,  and  been  admitted  to  the  bar  as 
a  practitioner  of  law,  in  the  year  1765,  he  took  a  voyage  to 
England  to  visit  his  relatives,  and  to  improve  his  mind.  There 
he  spent  about  two  years  ;  after  which  he  returned  in  1768, 
to  his  native  land,  and  soon  after  he  was  united  by  marriage 
to  Miss  Ann  Borden,  of  Bordentown,  in  New  Jersey. 

The  incidents  to  be  recorded  of  Mr.  Hopkinson's  public 
life  are  few  ;  he  represented  the  state  of  New  Jersey  in  con 
gress,  in  1776,  and  set  his  signature  to  the  Declaration  of  In 
dependence,  with  the  other  patriots  who  adopted  that  most 
important  measure  in  the  name  of  their  country.  He  had  the 
appointment  of  loan  officer  for  a  number  of  years,  the  duties 
of  which  he  discharged  with  fidelity.  On  the  decease  of 
George  Ross,  Esq.,  he  received  an  appointment  to  the  office 
of  judge  of  admiralty  for  the  state  of  Pennsylvania;  which 
office  he  held  until  1790,  when  President  Washington  ap 
pointed  him  district  judge  of  the  same  state.  He  discharged 
the  duties  of  both  these  offices  with  fidelity  and  ability. 

During  the  time  of  his  entire  life  parties  ran  high,  both  iu 
Pennsylvania  and  in  the  United  States.  A  man  of  his  warm 
feelings  and  ardent  patriotism,  who  had  embarked  his  fortune 


NEW  JERSEY.  137 

and  exerted  his  best  efforts  to  secure  the  benefits  of  the  revo 
lution,  it  was  not  to  be  supposed  would  be  idle,  or  an  indiffe 
rent  spectator,  looking  quietly  on  without  becoming  a  decided 
partizan.  He  was  a  firm  whig  in  the  revolution,  a  decided 
republican  in  principle,  and  in  politics  a  federalist.  Mr.  Hop- 
kinson  was  an  able,  sagacious,  and  efficient  advocate  of  the 
principles  of  the  party  he  espoused.  He  had  a  great  talent 
for  humor  and  satire.  His  country  will  long  remain  indebted 
to  his  writings,  the  fruits  of  his  peculiar  genius  for  their  effects 
in  the  revolutionary  conflict.  His  numerous  publications, 
happily  adapted  to  the  times  when  they  appeared,  were  very 
popular,  were  read  with  great  avidity  ;  and  they  produced  in 
a  great  degree,  the  effects  he  wished,  in  cheering  and  anima 
ting  his  countrymen,  when  public  disasters  had  a  tendency  to 
produce  public  despondency. 

His  literary  acquirements  were  various  ;  and  he  appears  to 
have  possessed  the  talent,  not  very  common,  of  handling 
any  subject  to  which  he  gave  his  attention,  with  peculiar 
facility.  And  all  his  native  powers  and  various  acquisitions 
he  devoted  to  the  good  of  his  country,  with  a  peculiarly  happy 
adaptation  to  the  occasions  when  he  exerted  them.  His  hu 
mor  was  refined  and  chaste  ;  always  giving  pleasure,  without 
wounding  or  offending  any  person.  This  rendered  him  a 
pleasing  companion  in  every  social  circle  in  which  he  min 
gled. 

The  effect  of  his  writings  on  the  occasions  which  called 
them  forth,  was  powerful  and  decisive.  Although  several  of  his 
tracts  were  as  ephemeral  as  the  occasion  which  elicited  them, 
having  answered  the  end  designed,  they  have  passed  away 
with  the  pleasure  which  they  afforded  to  their  interested  rea 
ders.  But  there  are  some  of  his  effusions  which  will  remain, 
to  perpetuate  his  reputation  to  a  remote  age,  at  least,  so  long 
as  men  are  pleased  with  pure  wit  and  genuine  humor.  Among 
several,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  particularize  "  The  battle  of  the 
kegs"  and  his  "  Essay  on  the  properties  of  a  salt  box. " 

He  had  been  for  several  years  subject  to  the  gout,  which 
at  length  was  of  that  kind  that  is  denominated  misplaced  by 
medical  writers.  It  frequently  attacked  him  in  the  head ; 
and  though  he  had  experienced  a  considerable  respite  from 
those  attacks  for  some  time  previous  to  his  decease,  at  length 
he  was  seized  with  an  apoplectic  fit,  which  caused  his  death 
in  the  course  of  two  hours,  in  the  filly-third  year  of  his  age. 

He  left  behind  him  a  widow  and  five  children  ;  two  sons 
and  three  daughters. 

12* 


138  JOHN  HART, 


JOHN  HART. 

THE  gemieman  whose  life  we  are  now  to  sketch,  was  one 
who  could  be  induced  by  no  sinister  motives  to  assume  the 
posture  of  resistance.  He  had  nothing  to  hope  for  which 
could  add  to  or  increase  his  domestic  comfort  and  enjoyment. 
Although  not  affluent,  yet  he  possessed  a  farm  sufficiently 
large  and  productive,  to  furnish  all  the  means  necessary  for 
the  support  and  education  of  his  numerous  family.  This 
farm,  lying  in  Hunterdon  county,  New  Jersey,  he  superin 
tended  and  cultivated ;  his  house  was  the  seat  of  hospitality, 
charity,  and  piety.  Surrounded  by  a  promising  family,  arid 
in  the  midst  of  a  neighborhood,  who  by  common  consent 
gave  him  the  deserved  and  most  honorable  title  of  "  Honest 
John  Hart,"  and  respected  by  all  for  his  consistency  of  charac 
ter,  and  loved  for  his  moral,  social,  and  religious  virtues  ;  what 
more  had  this  man  to  wish  for  ?  What  had  he  not  to  hazard, 
and  not  improbably  to  sacrifice,  by  resisting  the  authority  of 
Great  Britain,  and  the  laws  of  the  English  parliament  ?  He 
sought  not  for  honor ;  he  desired  not  office ;  he  felt  no  eager 
ness  for  emolument ;  happy  in  his  family  and  neighbors  ; 
contented  with  his  possessions,  and  desirous  of  no  change  in 
his  circumstances  ;  what  could  influence  him  to  rebel  against 
a  government  that  never  had  oppressed  him  ;  and  which,  if  it 
established  its  claims,  and  carried  them  into  practical  opera 
tion,  would  never  subject  him  to  any  pecuniary  burden  de 
serving  a  moment's  regard?  His  motive  was  the  maintenance 
of  a  principle  imbibed  in  childhood,  that  liberty  was  his  ina 
lienable  right,  which  he  was  under  an  indispensable  obligation 
to  deliver  unimpaired  to  his  children,  and  to  defend  against 
tyranny  and  usurpation  at  the  hazard  of  life  and  fortune. 

His  father,  from  whom  he  inherited  considerable  patri 
mony,  was  Edward  Hart,  of  Hopewell  township,  in  Hunter 
don  county,  New  Jersey.  He  raised  a  volunteer  corps, 
called  "  The  Jersey  Blues,"  with  whom  he  inarched  to  Que 
bee,  and  arrived  there  in  season  to  share  in  the  victory, 
and  witness  the  fall  of  General  Wolfe,  in  the  "  Old  French 
war."  From  that  corps  the  title  of  Jersey  Blues  has  been 
continued,  and  handed  down,  with  honorable  distinction  to 
the  present  time.  His  son  John  took  no  active  part  in  the 
military  achievements  and  enterprises  of  that  period.  In 


NEW  JERSEY.  139 

dulging  his  domestic  predilections,  he  remained  at  home,  cul- 
tivating  his  farm  with  his  own  hands.  In  possession  of  every 
thing  which  this  world  could  furnish  to  render  him  contented 
he  remained  with  his  family;  but  at  the  same  time  he  kept, 
his  eye  steadily  fixed  on  the  proceedings  of  parliament  in 
relation  to  the  colonies,  and  was  one  of  the  first  to  become 
persuaded  of  the  direct  tendency  and  certain  consequence 
of  the  principle  set  forth  in  the  stamp  act ;  and  was  convinced 
that  nothing  short  of  absolute  slavery  would  be  the  condition 
of  the  colonists,  unless  they  resisted  the  claim  of  taxing  them 
without  their  consent.  There  he  early  took  his  stand,  and 
uniformly  maintained  it,  in  accordance  with  the  principle  he 
avowed,  that  an  imposition  of  taxes  on  a  people,  without  their 
concurrence  by  representation,  was  despotism  ;  and  to  this 
he  resolved  never  to  submit.  Hence  he  cordially  united 
with  others  in  electing  delegates  to  the  first  general  con 
gress,  which  convened  in  the  city  of  New  York,  in  the  au 
tumn  of  1765. 

The  repeal  of  the  "  Stamp  act,'"'  and  the  dismissal  of  the 
Duke  of  Bedford  and  Mr.  Grenville  from  the  ministry,  and 
ihe  appointment  of  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  afforded 
cordial  satisfaction  throughout  the  colonies ;  and  the  people 
of  New  Jersey  participated  in  the  general  pleasure  in  full 
proportion  with  the  other  colonists.  They  flattered  them 
selves  that  the  design  of  parliament,  which  had  caused  so 
much  alarm,  and  produced  such  a  general  excitement  through 
out  the  provinces,  was  now  laid  aside,  not  to  be  renewed. 
What  strengthened  this  confidence  greatly  was  the  popularity 
of  the  new  minister  in  America,  who  was  supposed  to  favor 
the  claims  of  the  colonies,  and  to  entertain  friendly  feelings 
toward  them  generally. 

While  some  viewed  "the  declaratory  act,"  as  it  was  called, 
as  intended  to  sooth  the  feelings  of  those  lofty  spirited  men 
who  had  upheld  the  Grenville  administration,  there  were  not 
a  few  who  were  better  acquainted  with  the  disposition  of  the 
men  from  whom  the  king  would  select  his  cabinet ;  and 
whatever  they  might  hope,  their  fears  still  prevailed  that 
it  was  a  secret  reserve  to  be  called  into  operation  whenever 
the  parliament  should  deem  it  expedient.  These,  of  course, 
carried  their  views  forward,  anticipating  the  time  when  the 
claim  of  a  right  to  impose  taxes  on  the  colonists  with 
out  their  consent  would  be  insisted  on  again.  Nor  were 
they  deceived.  For  when,  in  1767,  Charles  Townsend 
brought  the  plan  of  revenue,  including  a  number  of  articles 


140  JOHN  HAKT, 

on  which  a  duty  was  to  be  paid  on  their  being  impoited  into 
the  British  American  colonies,  the  whole  community  took 
alarm  again,  and  were  fully  convinced  that  the  repeal  of  the 
stamp  act  was  only  a  lure  to  deceive  them,  and  quiet  their 
former  apprehensions.  Perhaps  no  man  felt  this  spirit  of  re 
sistance  more  uniformly  or  with  a  more  inflexible  determina 
tion  than  Mr.  Hart.  He  resolved  not  to  yield  the  principle 
but  with  life.  To  this  determination  he  adhered  without 
wavering,  until  the  revolutionary  war  was  closed,  and  the 
object  for  which  it  was  maintained  had  been  achieved.  In 
the  prosecution  and  progress  of  that  war  few  individuals  suf 
fered  more  in  pecuniary  losses  and  personal  afflictions  than 
himself. 

He  cheerfully  and  with  the  utmost  cordiality  united  in  the 
non-importation  agreement,  and  promoted  it  with  his  utmost 
influence.  The  oppressive  measures  of  the  ministry  were 
sustained  by  parliament,  as  has  been  often  mentioned  in  this 
volume.  The  partial  repeal  of  Townsend's  revenue  system 
still  left  the  duty  on  tea.  The  opposition  to  its  importation 
into  the  colonies  became  universal ;  and  the  situation  of  that 
brought  into  Boston  and  New  York  is  well  known  to  every 
reader  in  the  least  degree  conversant  with  the  history  of  the 
poriod.  The  destruction  of  the  tea  in  Boston  produced  the 
retaliation  of  the  parliament  in  the  Boston  port  bill ;  and  this, 
together  with  preceding  measures,  brought  together  the  con 
gress  of  1774.  Of  that  venerable  and  ever  to  be  respected 
body,  Mr.  Hart  was  a  member. 

From  congress,  when  it  adjourned,  he  returned  to  his  do- 
mestic  pursuits,  awaiting  the  result  of  the  measures  which 
they  had  adopted. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  following  year,  he  was  again  ap 
pointed  a  delegate  to  congress  by  the  general  assembly  of 
New  Jersey,  and  attended  in  his  seat  in  the  May  following. 

"  The  Lexington  Battle"  having  intervened  between  hi? 
election  in  January,  and  the  meeting  of  congress  in  May, 
1775,  a  spirit  of  resentment  was  roused  throughout  the  pro 
vinces,  and  pervaded  congress  as  well  as  their  constituents. 
Mr.  Hart  being  then  about  sixty  years  of  age,  was  found  to 
be  very  useful,  by  the  influence  which  he  exerted  in  modera 
ting  the  more  youthful  delegates,  especially  those  from  the 
southern  colonies. 

As  congress  before  their  adjournment  had  adopted  such 
measures  of  defence  as  the  situation  of  the  country  demanded, 
so  far  as  the  means  within,  their  power  would  justify,  an  ad 


NEW  JERSEY.  141 

journment  took  place  ;  when  Mr.  Hart  again  resumed  his  do 
mestic  employments,  with  that  simplicity  and  singleness  of 
mind  which  he  had  evinced  in  every  situation  where  he  harf 
been  called  to  act.  He  now  found  that  the  concerns  of  his  fa  mi. 
ly  and  his  estate  demanded  his  care  and  attention  ;  and  feeling 
convinced  that  his  presence  was  less  needed  in  congress  than 
at  home,  he  requested  the  assembly  which  elected  him,  foi 
reasons  he  assigned,  to  accept  his  resignation,  which  he  then 
tendered.  This  was  accepted,  and  he  in  a  great  measure 
withdrew  for  a  short  period  from  public  business.  During  that 
time,  however,  he  continued  a  member,  and  was  vice  presi 
dent  of  the  colonial  assembly. 

At  that  time,  the  royal  authority  having  ceased  in  the  pro 
vince,  the  assembly  gave  place  to  a  convention  of  deputies 
from  several  counties,  which  consisted  exclusively  of  whigs 
of  decided  character.  This  convention  exercising  the  execu 
tive  and  legislative  powers  of  the  province,  immediately  re 
solved  to  put  in  requisition  Mr.  Hart's  services,  which  they 
deemed  too  valuable  to  the  interests  of  the  country  to  be  dis 
pensed  with;  and  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  February,  1776, 
reappointed  him  a  delegate  to  the  general  congress.  Impress 
ed  with  the  importance  which  was  attached  to  the  election, 
he  again  took  his  seat  in  that  national  council,  when  it  came 
together.  With  great  promptness  and  unanimity,  the  conven 
tion  instructed  their  delegates  to  unite  with  the  delegates 
from  other  provinces,  to  consent  and  agree  to  what  ever  rnea- 
sures  congress  might  deem  necessary,  for  the  defence  and 
security  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  American  colonies  ; 
and  pledged  themselves  as  the  legal  representatives  of  New 
Jersey,  to  execute  whatever  measures  congress  might  adopt, 
with  their  utmost  power. 

Although  the  language  of  their  instructions  would  have 
justified  the  delegates  in  uniting  at  once,  in  dissolving  their 
allegiance  to  the  king  and  parliament  of  Great  Britain,  and 
the  state  would  have  stood  pledged  to  approve  of  arid  support 
their  decision  ;  yet  it  is  more  than  probable,  that  few  if  any 
of  their  leading  men,  at  that  time,  even  contemplated  such  a 
measure  being  presented  for  the  consideration  of  congress. 
It  appears  evident  that  all  hope  of  a  reconciliation  with  Great 
Britain  was  not  then  extinguished  ;  but  as  in  the  adjoining  pro 
vince  of  Pennsylvania,  so  in  New  Jersey,  a  few  months  only 
produced  a  general  and  entire  revolution  of  feeling  and  sen 
timent  on  that  subject,  throughout  New  Jersey,  and  the  peo 
ple  were  ripe  for  an  entire  separation  from  the  parent  govern- 


142  JOHN  HART, 

ment.  In  producing  this  revolution,  the  information  which 
was  received,  that  England  was  in  treaty  with  some  of  the 
German  princes,  to  obtain  mercenary  troops  to  assist  them  in 
subduing  the  colonies,  had  much  influence  to  induce  their  re 
presentatives  in  congress  to  harmonize  in  sentiment  with  the 
people.  It  was  deemed  all  important  that  their  delegates  should 
not  nn^y  truly  represent  the  feelings  of  the  people,  but  that  they 
sh  i  do  it  unanimously.  The  provincial  congress  therefore 
pro  -eded  to  effect  the  changes  necessary  for  these  objects. 
In  this  new  choice,  while  some  of  the  existing  delegates  were 
omitted,  and  others  substituted,  Mr.  Hart,  whose  views  and 
sentiments  had  been  uniform,  and  were  well  known,  was 
retained  in  his  office.  This  was  effected  subsequently  to  the 
introduction  to  congress  by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  the  reso 
lution,  which  brought  the  question  of  declaring  the  indepen 
dence  of  the  colonies  immediately  into  discussion.  This  placed 
him  among  the  bold  advocates  and  signers  of  that  declara 
tion,  which  was  decided  on  the  memorable  fourth  of  July, 
1776,  and  gave  him  a  passport  to  immortality. 

It  has  been  mentioned  before,  that  in  the  event  of  open 
hostilities,  the  situation  of  Mr.  Hart's  estate  would  peculiarly 
expose  him,  his  family,  and  property,  to  the  ravages  and 
desolations  of  the  enemy.  The  time  had  now  arrived  when 
he  was  to  realize  the  full  measure  of  the  evils  which  he  had 
anticipated. 

It  may  be  remembered,  that  all  those  patriots  who  advo 
cated  the  independence  of  the  colonies,  were  pre-eminently 
the  objects  of  British  resentment,  and  when  their  names  were 
disclosed  by  the  publication  of  the  declaration,  they  were  im 
mediately  pointed  out  to  the  soldiery,  to  be  captured  and  se 
cured  if  possible,  as  victims  of  royal  and  military  vengeance. 

The  invasion  of  New  Jersey  by  the  British,  as  was  clearly 
anticipated,  placed  Mr.  Hart  in  that  condition  in  each  of  these 
particulars.  His  family,  by  a  timely  and  distant  retreat  from 
their  dwelling,  were  saved  from  personal  violence.  His 
farm  was  ravaged,  his  stock,  which  was  large  and  valuable, 
became  the  enemy's  spoil;  and  Mr.  Hart  himself  compelled 
to  find  lodging  where  he  might,  never  deeming  it  safe  to  remain 
under  the  same  roof  two  nights  in  succession.  This  condi 
tion  of  himself  and  family  continued  until  General  Washing 
ton's  successful  march  upon  Trenton,  and  capture  of  the  Hes 
sians  posted  there,  compelled  the  foe  to  evacuate  New  Jersey. 

Although  he  did  not  live  to  see  the  war  terminated  by  an 
acknowledgment  of  American  Independence,  yet  he  survived 


NEW  JERSEY.  J43 

long  enough  to  see  a  brighter  prospect  open  to  his  country, 
giving  strong  indications,  if  not  assurance,  that  the  object  for 
which  he  had  suffered  and  sacrificed  so  much,  would  b*> 
achieved.  Contemplating  with  pleasing  anticipations  the 
opening  prospect  of  a  political  regeneration  of  the  nations 
and  steadily  pursuing  the  way  of  holiness,  by  a  faithful  cli? 
charge  of  his  daily  duties  to  God,  and  his  fellow  men,  h< 
calmly  waited  for  the  summons,  which  he  daily  expected  to 
call  him  home.  At  length  that  summons  arrived,  and  found 
him  prepared.  Tn  the  year  1780  he  closed  his  useful  and 
honorable  life. 

.-,«©©  e«~- 


ABRAHAM  CLARK. 

The  gentleman  whose  name  stands  at  the  head  of  this  arti 
cle,  was  a  native  of  New  Jersey,  born  in  the  borough  of  Eli- 
zabethtown,  on  the  fifteenth  of  February,  1726.  He  was  the 
only  child  of  his  parents,  who  were  farmers  ;  and  to  him  their 
patrimony  descended  regularly  from  his  first  American  ances 
tor,  who  settled  upon  it.  He  was  educated  to  the  business  of 
agriculture,  which  his  predecessors  had  followed ;  but  having 
a  slender  constitution,  he  did  not  pursue  it. 

He  devoted  his  early  years  to  study,  and  became  a  practi 
cal  surveyor;  and  was  employed  in  the  business  of  surveyor 
and  conveyancer.  He  also  paid  considerable  attention  to  the 
study  of  law.  He  did  not  enter  professionally  into  the  prac 
tice  of  law  ;  but  by  his  acquaintance  with  the  science,  he  be 
came  very  useful  as  a  counsellor  among  his  neighbors;  and 
his  services  which  were  much  sought  after,  were  rendered 
gratuitously.  For  this  he  was  highly  esteemed  by  his  neigh 
bors,  and  it  procured  him  the  enviable  title  of  the  "  poor  man's 
counsellor." 

Under  the  colonial  government,  Mr.  Clark  had  held  the  of 
fice  of  sheriff  of  the  county  of  Essex,  and  also  that  of  clerk  of 
the  general  assembly.  Of  the  various  offices  which  he  held 
in  the  province,  while  it  was  under  the  royal  government,  he 
discharged  the  several  duties  with  fidelity.  But  when  the 
question  was  presented  for  his  consideration,  either  to  submit 
to  the  oppressive  measures  of  the  parent  government,  or  to 
resist,  and  stand  boldly  in  defence  of  the  just  constitutional 
rignts  of  the  colonies,  his  patriotic  love  of  country  left  him  no 


144  ABRAHAM  CLARK, 

grounds  for  hesitation.  He  felt  the  allegiance  which  was 
due  to  his  country  ;  and  he  decided  to  espouse  its  cause,  and 
stand  or  fall  with  it.  He  devoted  the  remainder  of  his  life  to 
the  public  interests.  He  stepped  forward  in  the  rank  of  her 
first  citizens,  and  became  one  of  the  chief  actors  in  the  impor 
tant  scenes,  which  appalled  many  less  firm  and  resolute  men, 
whose  wishes  were  on  the  side  of  the  country. 

After  the  state  of  the  country  became  so  alarming,  that  it 
was  deemed  necessary  to  institute  committees  of  vigilance 
and  public  safety,  and  to  resort  to  other  means  of  protection 
against  the  influence  of  the  existing  royal  governments,  and 
their  adherents,  the  tories,  Mr.  Clark  was  placed  by  his  fellow 
citizens  on  several  such  committees,  but  especially  on  that 
of  public  safety  ;  as  a  member  of  which  he  soon  became  dis 
tinguished  for  his  activity  and  watchfulness.  He  omitted  no  ex 
ertions  for  promoting  the  rising  spirit  of  opposition  among  the 
people,  and  for  increasing  that  patriotic  energy,  which  was 
essential  for  ensuring  success  to  the  cause  in  which  he  was 
engaged. 

His  distinguished  activity  and  important  services  in  promo 
ting  the  common  interest,  attracted  the  attention  of  the  com 
munity,  and  pointed  him  out  as  worthy  of  their  confidence,  to 
serve  them  on  a  more  conspicuous  theatre.  Consequently 
in  1776,  he  was  appointed  together  with  Hart,  Hopkinson 
and  Witherspoon,  to  represent  New  Jersey  in  the  general 
congress.  Their  instructions  were  ample,  and  caused  them 
no  embarrassment  when  the  question  of  independence  came 
up  for  decision ;  for  that  subject  was  explicitly  recognized  in 
them,  giving  therm  full  power  to  unite  with  the  delegates  from 
other  colonies,  in  effecting  a  separation  from  the  government 
of  Great  Britain.  To  that  memorable  act  he  gave  his  cor 
dial  assent ;  and  in  doing  it  committed  to  the  hazard  of  an  un 
certain  result,  his  life,  his  family,  and  his  property.  His  first 
appointment  to  congress  was  in  June,  and  his  second  in  No 
vember,  of  1776  ;  and  he  was  annually  returned  a  member  of 
that  body  until  1783,  with  a  single  exception  only.  During 
that  long  term  of  service,  he,  like  all  his  fellow  patriots  of 
that  assembly,  was  actively  employed  in  the  service  of  the 
country,  which  was  then  struggling  for  political  existence. 

After  the  return  of  peace,  he  seems  to  have  retired  from 
congress  for  some  years.  But  in  1788,  he  was  again  brought 
forward  by  his  countrymen,  and  took  his  seat  again  in  the 
general  congress. 


NEW  JERSEY.  145 

During  the  time  of  his  absence  from  congress,  he  was 
a  member  of  the  state  legislature,  in  which  he  maintained  a 
leading  influence. 

After  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war,  when  the  nation 
was  almost  without  a  government,  popular  commotions  were 
excited  in  New  Jersey,  of  a  kindred  spirit  with  those  in  Mas 
sachusetts,  although  they  did  not  extend,  as  in  the  latter  state, 
to  insurrection  and  civil  war.  Against  these,  and  the  claims 
of  those  who  favored  them,  Mr.  Clark,  at  the  hazard  of  his 
personal  safety,  opposed  his  influence  in  an  open  and  decided 
manner. 

He  opposed  also  the  commutation  of  pay  to  the  officers  of 
the  army.  The  act  of  congress  proposing  it,  caused  great 
popular  commotion  through  the  whole  country,  and  excited 
strong  opposition  to  the  measure.  On  the  propriety  of  it, 
eminent  men  were  found  on  both  sides  of  the  question.  The 
objection  to  it  probably  arose  from  the  impoverished  condition 
of  the  people,  who  had  been  drained  of  their  means  of  subsist 
ence  by  the  long  and  burdensome  war  of  the  revolution.  Mr. 
Clark  was  honest  and  conscientious  in  the  course  he  took. 

He  early  saw  the  insufficiency  of  the  old  confederation 
for  the  necessities  of  the  country  in  a  time  of  peace,  and 
exerted  himself  to  procure  a  more  efficient  government,  better 
adapted  to  the  national  wants.  One  thing  which  especially 
urged  him  to  this,  was  the  conduct  of  the  legislature  of 
New  York,  in  passing  laws  for  levying  duties,  and  collecting 
revenue  on  vessels  of  other  states,  which  visited  her  ports. 
When  a  convention  was  resolved  upon  to  frame  a  new  constitu 
tion,  in  1787,  he  was  chosen  a  delegate  for  New  Jersey,  but 
did  not  join  that  assembly,  having  been  prevented  by  ill 
health.  He  was  opposed  to  the  constitution,  as  it  came  from 
the  convention  ;  but  subsequent  amendments  having  removed 
his  objections,  he  became  its  friend,  and  advocated  its  adoption. 

He  was  a  -candidate  for  election  to  the  first  congress  un 
der  the  new  constitution,  but  failed.  He  was  then  appointed 
by  the  legislature,  a  commissioner  for  settling  the  accounts 
of  the  state  with  the  United  States  of  America,  which  had 
been  contracted  during  the  war.  This  was  an  arduous  ser 
vice.  He  held  the  office,  and  discharged  its  duties,  until  the 
next  choice  of  representatives  to  congress  ;  when  being  a 
candidate,  he  was  elected,  arid  took  his  seat  in  the  second 
congress  under  the  federal  government,  and  under  the  presi- 
dency  of  General  Washington.  He  was  re-elected  to  the 
same  office  until  near  the  close  of  his  life. 

13 


146  ABRAHAM  CLARK, 

Constitutionally  Mr.  Clark  was  ardent.  He  zealously  sup 
ported  whatever  he  conscientiously  believed  was  right.  But 
his  ardent  temperament  predisposed  him  to  be  a  warm  parti- 
zan ;  and  such  he  manifested  to  be  himself  on  several  occasions. 
He  zealously  favored  "  Mr.  Madison's  discriminating  resolu 
tions"  in  favor  of  French  commerce,  which  he  introduced 
into  congress  a  short  time  previous  to  the  nomination,  by 
President  Washington,  of  Mr.  Jay,  as  minister  to  Great  Bri 
tain.  He  also  laid  a  resolution  before  congress  for  suspend 
ing  all  intercourse  with  Great  Britain,  until  she  had  made 
compensation  to  American  citizens  for  injuries  they  had  sus 
tained  by  the  British  cruisers,  and  delivered  up  the  western 
posts,  according  to  the  stipulation  of  the  treaty  of  peace. 
But  neither  of  those  measures  was  sanctioned  by  congress, 
though  warmly  discussed,  according  to  the  party  feelings  of 
that  period,  which  the  French  revolution  had  occasioned  in 
the  United  States.  The  wisdom  of  the  president  suggested 
a  different  course  ;  and  Mr.  Jay  having  successfully  pursued 
it,  by  negotiating  a  treaty  with  England,  the  United  States 
were,  for  that  time,  saved  from  the  evils  of  a  war  with  which 
they  were  threatened. 

During  his  public  life,  Mr.  Clark  seems  to  have  acted  with 
honest  conviction,  and  disinterested  motives.  He  had  two 
sons,  who  held  commissions  in  the  American  army,  who 
were  captured  by  the  British,  and  confined  in  the  Jersey 
Prison  Ship,  during  a  part  of  their  captivity;  and  their  suffer 
ings  were  severe ;  but  a  representation  to  congress,  by  caus 
ing  a  retaliation  on  a  British  officer,  soon  produced  a  miti 
gation  of  their  severity. 

Mr.  Clark  retired  from  public  life  when  congress  adjourned 
in  June,  1794,  and  in  the  autumn  fell  a  victim  to  a  stroke  of 
the  sun,  of  which  he  died  in  the  sixty-ninth  year  of  b'0}  age 
and  was  buried  in  the  church  yard  of  Rahway. 

Thus  closed  the  life  of  a  man,  who 

"  Firm  and  decided  as  a  patriot, 
Zealous  and  faithful  as  a  friend  to  the  public 

He  loved  his  country, 
And  adhered  to  her  cause 
In  the  darkest  hours  of  her  struggles 
Against  oppression."* 

*  Jn«r»Tpt.i(.-n  on  his  monument. 


PENNSYLVANIA.  147 


PENNSYLVANIA. 


ROBERT   MORRIS. 

THE  gentleman,  on  whose  memoirs  we  now  enter,  in  the 
important  services  he  rendered  to  this  country  in  her  struggle 
for  establishing  her  liberty  and  independence,  stands  second 
only  to  Washington.  Indeed,  it  might  almost  be  doubted, 
whether  the  contest  could  have  been  brought  to  a  successful 
close,  if  the  nation  had  not  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  his  active 
and  powerful  mind,  and  his  extraordinary  financial  talents. 
His  wisdom,  skill,  arid  activity,  in  a  short  period,  raised  the 
desponding  spirit  of  the  states  from  a  depression  verging  on 
despair,  to  a  reviving  prosperity,  and  a  cheering  prospect  of 
ultimate  success,  which  appeared  at  the  time  almost  miracu 
lous.  He  seems  to  have  been  qualified  for  that  particular 
juncture,  and  entirely  educated  for  the  sphere  he  occupied. 
And  it  may  be  repeated,  without  fear  of  contradiction,  that 
the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  are  under  greater  obliga 
tions  to  Robert  Morris,  than  to  any  other  individual,  except 
the  Father  of  his  country. 

Robert  Morris  was  a  native  of  England,  born  in  Lanca 
shire,  in  January,  1733.  His  father  was  a  respectable  mer 
chant  in  Liverpool,  who  was  extensively  engaged  in  the  co 
lonial  trade,  particularly  the  American.  He  came  to  this 
country  while  his  son  was  but  a  child,  and  established  himself 
in  Oxford,  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  leaving 
his  son  in  the  care  of  his  grandmother.  After  he  had  become 
settled,  he  sent  to  England  for  his  son,  who  arrived  at  his 
father's  residence,  when  he  was  but  thirteen  years  of  age. 
His  advantages  for  obtaining  an  education  were  very  limited. 
He  was  placed  at  a  school  in  Philadelphia.  But  the  qualifi 
cations  of  his  instructor  were  imperfect,  and  his  advantages 
for  improvement  were,  consequently,  of  an  inferior  grade. 
On  one  occasion,  having  been  reproved  by  his  father,  for  his 
fc'iow  progress  in  learning,  he  replied  "  Why,  Sir,  I  have 
Larned  all  that  he  could  teach  me." 

Young  Morris  was  left,  like  his  colleague  Ciymor,  an  or 


148  ROBERT  MORRIS 

phan  early  in  life.  His  father  was  '.at  off  in  the  midst  of 
his  prosperity  in  the  following  manner.  He  had,  on  the  ar- 
rival  of  a  ship  from  Liverpool,  of  which  he  was  appointed  an 
agent  by  the  foreign  owner,  invited  a  large  party  of  his 
friends  to  dine  on  board  of  her.  Just  as  he  was  prepared  to 
leave  the  scene  of  festivity,  to  return  on  shore,  the  commander, 
to  honor  the  occasion,  fire-d  a  salute.  A  wad  from  one  of  the 
guns  struck  Mr.  Morris  on  his  arm,  which  inflicted  a  wound 
that  mortified,  and  caused  his  death.  This  occurred  about 
two  years  after  young  Morris  arrived  in  America,  and  when 
he  was  about  fifteen  years  old.  His  father  had  placed  him 
in  the  compting  room  of  Mr.  Charles  Willing,  one  of  the  first 
merchants  in  Philadelphia.  By  the  fidelity  of  his  conduct  he 
soon  acquired  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  his  master ;  and 
by  his  activity  and  intelligence  in  conducting  the  business  of 
the  house,  he  not  only  manifested  his  superior  capacity  in 
mercantile  transactions,  but  added  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
connection,  by  some  speculations,  the  responsibility  of  which 
he  assumed  in  the  absence  of  his  principals.  The  address 
of  Mr.  Willing  to  him,  when  on  his  death-bed,  furnishes  a 
strong  and  unequivocal  evidence  of  his  esteem  for  Morris's 
character  and  conduct.  Shortly  before  he  expired,  Morris 
being  present,  he  thus  addressed  him,  "  Robert,  always  con 
tinue  to  act  as  you  have  done." 

In  1754,  Mr.  Morris  formed  a  connection  in  mercantile 
business  with  Mr.  Thomas  Willing.  He  was  the  acting 
partner  in  that  firm,  which  continued  till  1793,  (a  period  of 
thirty-nine  years;)  and  which  soon  became  one  of  the  first 
commercial  houses  in  Philadelphia  ;  and  their  importations 
from  England  were  very  extensive.  Yet,  notwithstanding  the 
loss  they  must  sustain  by  agreeing  to  a  non-importation  com 
pact,  when  the  interest  of  the  colonies  required  the  sacri 
fice,  to  counteract  the  designs  of  the  British  ministry,  this 
sacrifice  was  at  once  cheerfully  made  on  the  altar  of  his 
country.  He  not  only  signed  an  agreement  not  to  import 
from  Great  Britain,  but  was  very  active  and  influential  in 
prevailing  on  others,  who  were  more  cautious  and  timid,  to 
unite  in  the  same  measure.  He  readily  came  into  every 
plan  that  was  proposed  for  resisting  the  encroachments  of  the 
British  government  on  the  rights  of  the  colonists;  and  such 
was  his  liberal  patriotism,  that  he  would  not  suffer  his  private 
interest  to  militate  against  the  common  interest  of  his  coun 
trymen. 

If  he  ever  indulged  a  hope  that  an  open  war  with  Great 


PENNSYLVANIA.  149 

Britain  might  be  avoided,  from  the  passing  of  the  "  Stamp 
act,"  till  American  blood  was  shed  by  the  British  in  Lexing 
ton,  Massachusetts,  the  instant  he  was  informed  of  that  event 
it  unalterably  settled  his  determination  respecting  the  course 
he  would  pursue.  It  was  at  a  scene  of  conviviality,  when  he 
with  a  large  number  of  gentlemen  was  celebrating  the  anni 
versary  of  St.  George's  Day,  that  the  information  of  the  Lex 
ington  battle  arrived,  and  was  communicated  to  the  members 
of  St.  George's  Society.  From  a  scene  of  cheerful  festivity 
the  change  was  instantaneous  and  universal.  An  electrical 
shock  could  hardly  have  been  more  sudden.  The  company 
left  the  board  instantly,  and  retired  in  a  state  of  feeling  not 
easily  described.  A  few  remained,  and  contemplated  the 
subject  with  silent  astonishment.  It  was  there,  in  that  hall, 
and  on  that  occasion,  that  Robert  Morris,  Richard  Peters,  and 
their  remaining  associates,  vowed  an  irrevocable  determina 
tion  to  support  revolutionary  measures,  and  promote  by 
every  means,  the  liberty  of  the  American  colonies.  The 
decision  then  made  he  invariably  adhered  to,  through  all  sue 
ceeding  vicissitudes  in  the  circumstances  and  prospects  of  tni 
colonies  ;  and  even  in  the  most  gloomy  and  appalling  seasons 
his  confidence  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  American  cause, 
and  his  determination  to  persevere  in  the  conflict,  were  never 
seen  to  waver  for  one  moment.  When  others  trembled  with 
fearful  apprehension,  he  stood  firm;  and  his  cheerfulness 
never  forsook  him. 

Although  a  very  popular  and  active  leader  among  his  fel 
low  citizens,  in  vindicating  their  rights,  Mr.  Morris  had  not 
hitherto  appeared  on  the  stage  of  public  life,  where  he  after 
wards  acted  a  most  conspicuous  part  in  the  great  political 
drama  that  ensued.  But  on  the  third  day  of  November, 
1775,  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania  appointed  him  a  dele 
gate  to  the  second  congress.  He  there  soon  evinced  such 
a  character  for  talents,  information,  and  untiring  activity,  that 
he  became  one  of  the  most  influential  and  efficient  members 
of  that  dignified  assembly.  One  of  the  first  marks  of  dis 
tinction  conferred  on  him  was  an  appointment  on  the  secret 
committee,  of  which  he  acted  as  chairman.  The  duties  which 
devolved  on  that  committee,  were  of  immense  importance  to 
the  ultimate  success  of  the  American  cause.  It  belonged  to 
them  to  import  arms  and  ammunition  to  supply  the  army. 
Soon  after  this,  he  was  placed  on  a  committee  to  devise  ways 
and  means  for  providing  a  naval  armament,  to  consist  of  such 
a  number  of  ships  as  they  could  furnish,  with  the  means  they 

13* 


150  ROBERT  MORRIS, 

could  command.  After  that  committee  presented  their  re. 
port,  and  the  report  was  accepted,  he  was  designated  on  the 
committee  for  carrying  it  into  execution. 

Mr.  Morris's  extensive  knowledge  of  mercantile  and  com 
mercial  business  brought  him  forward,  at  an  early  period  of 
his  public  life,  as  an  able  assistant  in  supervising  the  finances 
of  the  government.  But  it  was  not  until  a  later  period,  when 
his  services  in  that  department  became  so  important  to  the 
United  States,  that  he  stood  so  deservedly  high  as  one  of  the 
most  efficient  agents,  in  securing  the  great  objects  of  the  revo 
lutionary  conflict.  In  the  spring  of  1776,  he  was  specially 
commissioned  to  negotiate  bills  of  exchange,  and  to  endorse 
them,  to  procure  revenue  for  the  government ;  and  congress 
engaged  to  indemnify  him  against  eventual  loss,  by  his  thus 
becoming  responsible. 

He  was  returned  a  delegate  to  congress  a  second  time,  for 
Pennsylvania,  in  July,  1776,  fourteen  days  after  the  great 
question  of  American  Independence  was  settled  in  that  body. 

At  that  dark  period,  when  the  British  army  was  passing 
without  resistance  through  New  Jersey ;  when  General 
Washington,  with  a  small  half  starved,  half  naked,  inefficient, 
disheartened  army,  was  retreating  before  the  enemy,  without 
the  power  of  meeting  him  in  the  field,  to  check  his  advance 
on  Philadelphia;  when  congress  had  to  withdraw  to  a  place 
of  safety,  to  hold  their  deliberations;  "  when  everyface  gathered 
blackness,  and  the  stoutest  men's  hearts  were  failing  them  for 
fear ;"  when  deep  gloom  and  despondency  marched  over  the 
country,  suggesting  the  apprehension  that  all  was  lost,  and 
that  the  country  would  soon  have  to  submit  at  discretion,  to  a 
proud,  conquering  foe;  at  that  very  time,  and  on  the  very  day 
that  congress  was  compelled  to  withdraw  from  Philadelphia. 
Mr.  Morris  still,  and  almost  alone,  maintained  his  confidence  ; 
and  evinced  it  by  negotiating  a  loan  of  ten  thousand  dollars 
for  the  use  of  the  marine  committee ;  depending  on  the 
guarantee  of  congress  for  his  indemnification,  at  a  moment, 
when  it  was  extremely  doubtful  whether  that  body  would 
have  an  existence  at  the  end  of  a  fortnight.  In  that  most  criti 
cal  time,  he  did  more  to  prevent  the  occurrence  of  all  those 
awful  calamities  with  which  the  country  was  then  threatened, 
by  his  single  agency,  than  all  the  other  public  men  in  the  na 
tion.  It  was  he  who  procured  indispensable  means  for  ena 
bling  General  Washington  to  bring  his  small  force  into  an 
action,  by  which  the  progress  of  the  enemy  was  arrested,  the 

tits  of  the  American  troops  reanimated,  new  hopes  raised, 


PENNSYLVANIA.  151 

and  a  new  confidence  inspired  in  the  whole  community.  This 
all  turned  on  the  pecuniary  aid  which  he  procured  for  the 
commander  in  chief,  by  means  of  which  he  carried  his  plans 
into  operation,  and  without  which  he  could  have  effected 
nothing. 

Mr.  Morris  was  one  of  the  committee  which  was  left  to  re 
main  in  Philadelphia,  with  almost  unlimited  discretionary 
powers,  when  congress,  fleeing  before  an  approaching  enemy, 
retired  to  Baltimore.  He  placed  his  family  in  the  country  for 
safety,  but  took  lodgings  himself  with  a  friend  in  the  city.  It 
wast  in  these  circumstances  the  following  interesting  occur 
rence  took  place  : — 

The  enemy,  before  whom  General  Washington  had  been 
obliged  to  retreat,  was  encamped  on  the  opposite  shore  of  the 
Delaware.  His  little  army  was  at  a  place  now  called  New 
Hope.  The  enemy  was  able  to  obtain  an  accurate  know 
ledge  of  his  position  and  circumstances ;  while  he,  for  the 
want  of  money,  could  learn  nothing  respecting  theirs.  He 
was  meditating  an  attack  on  the  enemy,  but  could  make  none 
of  the  calculations  indispensable  to  his  operations,  without  a 
specified  sum  in  specie.  In  these  circumstances,  he  address 
ed  a  letter  to  Robert  Morris,  stating  those  particulars.  The 
communication  was  brought  from  the  general  to  Mr.  Morris, 
by  a  confidential  messenger.  It  reached  him  at  a  time  when 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city  had  generally  retired  from  it  foi 
safety.  This  fact  rendered  the  prospect  of  procuring  the 
sum  almost  hopeless.  After  receiving  the  despatch,  he  con 
fined  himself  to  his  compting  room,  revolving  the  question,  by 
what  means  he  might  be  able  to  furnish  the  aid  so  indispen 
sable  to  the  commander  in  chief,  until  the  time  for  closing  k, 
and  retiring  to  his  lodgings.  Gloom  and  depression  for 
once  gathered  over  his  spirits.  He  discovered  not  the  source 
of  relief;  when  passing  towards  his  home,  he  casually  met  a 
gentleman  of  the  society  of  Friends,  with  whom  he  was  ac 
quainted,  and  who  also  placed  the  most  entire  confidence  in 
his  integrity.  This  gentleman  inquired  of  Mr.  Morris  for 
the  news.  He  replied,  "  The  most  important  news  is,  I  re 
quire  a  certain  sum  in  specie,  and  must  have  it."  The  Friend 
thought  for  a  moment,  when  Mr.  Morris  continued,  "  your  se 
curity  is  to  be  my  note  and  my  honor."  "  Robert  thou  shall 
have  it,"  the  Friend  replied.  The  specie  was  furnished,  and 
sent  immediately  to  General  Washington.  This  loan  of  the 
"  Friend,"  to  Mr.  Morris,  and  by  him  borrowed  for  his  coun 
try,  on  his  own  credit,  enabled  General  Washington  to  obtain 


152  ROBERT  MORRIS, 

the  victory  at  Trenton,  which  produced  such  an  auspicious 
change  in  the  circumstances  of  the  country  from  desponden 
cy,  to  a  cheering  hope  and  animation.  In  March,  1777,  Mr 
Morris  was  chosen  a  third  time,  by  the  legislature  of  Penn 
sylvania,  to  represent  that  state  in  the  general  congress. 

"  The  secret  committee"  was  dissolved  during  this  year, 
and  the  committee  of  commerce  substituted  in  its  place.  Of 
this  committee  Mr.  Morris  was  a  most  prominent  and  effi 
cient  member. 

In  this  year,  in  the  month  of  November,  he  was  selected,  in 
connection  with  Mr.  Gerry  and  Mr.  Jones,  to  repair  to  h^ad- 
quarters,  and  in  a  private  and  confidential  interview  with 
General  Washington,  to  devise  and  consider  of  the  best  means 
for  conducting  a  winter  campaign  with  vigor,  and  in  the  most 
successful  manner ;  and  also,  in  concurrence  with  the  com- 
mander  in  chief,  to  direct  all  such  measures  for  its  prosperity 
and  success,  as  might  be  demanded  by  the  circumstances  of 
the  public  service.  His  fiscal  talents  were  almost  constantly 
in  exercise  for  the  benefit  of  the  country  ;  and  in  that  branch 
of  the  public  business,  it  is  acknowledged  he  had  not  his 
equal,  at  any  time  in  the  congress,  while  he  was  a  member 
of  that  assembly,  although  it  embraced  a  large  share  of  the 
first  talents  of  the  country  for  wisdom  and  patriotism. 

It  is  universally  acknowledged  that  Robert  Morris  possessed 
talents,  such  as  the  country  at  that  particular  juncture  stood 
in  need  of,  which  were  of  the  first  and  highest  order  ;  and  his 
patriotism  was  of  an  equally  elevated  character.  The  whole 
of  his  time,  and  all  his  mental  faculties,  were  zealously 
devoted  to  his  country's  service  ;  and  his  commercial  credit 
abroad,  than  which  none  in  the  country  stood  higher,  or  was 
more  extensive,  he  often  dedicated  to  the  public  service. 
Provisions  were  furnished  and  pecuniary  aid  procured  in 
great  emergences,  by  his  individual  exertions,  and  on  his 
own  private  responsibility,  applied  to  the  public  benefit,  when 
the  want  of  them  was  most  pressing  and  urgent ;  and  when 
the  government  were  unable  otherwise  to  procure  them. 
One  instance,  in  proof  of  the  correctness  of  this  remark, 
shall  be  now  stated,  on  the  high  authority  of  the  late 
venerable  Judge  Peters,  of  Pennsylvania,  who  was,  at  the 
time  referred  to,  placed  at  the  head  of  the  war  department. 
He  remarks,  "  that  in  1779,  or  1780,  tired  of  the  most  dis- 
/ressirig  years  of  the  war,  General  Washington  wrote  to  him 
a  most  alarming  account  of  the  prostrate  condition  of  the  mili- 
tary  stores,  und  enjoined  his  immediate  exertions  to  supply 


PENNSYLVANIA.  153 

the  deficiency.  There  were  no  musket  cartridges,  but  those 
in  the  men's  boxes;  and  they  were  wet;  of  course,  if  attacked, 
a  retreat  or  rout  was  inevitable.  The  board  of  war  had  ex 
hausted  all  the  lead  which  they  could  procure,  having  ordered 
even  the  spouts  of  houses  to  be  melted,  and  had  offered  the 
equivalent  in  paper  of  two  shillings  specie  per  pound.  He 
went  in  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  he  received  this  lette^ 
to  a  splendid  entertainment  given  by  Don  Miraillis,  the  Span 
ish  minister  ;  his  heart  was  sad,  but  he  had  the  faculty  of 
brightening  his  countenance,  even  under  gloomy  disasters. 
Mr.  Morris,  who  was  one  of  the  guests,  and  knew  him  well, 
discovered  some  casual  traits  of  depression.  He  accosted 
him  in  his  usual  easy  and  disengaged  manner.  "  I  see  some 
cloud  passing  across  the  sunny  countenance  you  assume. 
What  is  the  matter?"  After  some  hesitation,  he  showed  him 
the  general's  letter,  which  he  had  brought  with  him.  After  some 
time,  with  sincere  delight  he  called  him  aside,  and  told  him 
that  the  Holkar  privateer  had  just  arrived  at  his  wharf,  with 
ninety  tons  of  lead,  which  she  had  brought  as  ballast.  It 
had  been  landed  at  Martinique,  and  stone  ballast  had  sup 
plied  its  place  ;  but  this  had  been  put  on  shore,  and  the  lead 
taken  in  again.  "  You  shall  have  my  half  of  this  fortunate 
supply"  said  he,  "  and  there  are  the  owners  of  the  other 
half,  (pointing  to  the  gentlemen  in  the  apartment.)  But  I  am 
already  under  heavy  personal  engagements,  as  guarantee  for 
the  department,  to  those  and  other  gentlemen.  "  Well,"  re 
joined  Mr.  Morris,  "they  will  take  your  assumption,  with  my 
guarantee."  Instantly  on  these  terms,  he  secured  the  lead, 
left  the  entertainment,  sent  for  the  proper  officers,  and  set 
more  than  one  hundred  people  to  work  during  the  night.  Be 
fore  morning  a  supply  of  cartridges  was  ready,  and  sent  off 
to  the  army.  Many  more  such  occurrences  might  be  related." 
At  this  distance  of  time,  it  would  hardly  seem  possible, 
that  a  man  of  such  nobleness  of  soul,  such  exalted  patri 
otism,  often  manifested  in  the  most  disinterested  manner, 
could  become  a  subject  of  suspicion  and  aspersion ;  but 
such  was  the  fact.  Robert  Morris  was  assailed  on  the  floor  of 
congress  hall  by  a  member,  with  an  impeachment  of  his  honor 
and  integrity.  The  accusation  was  made  by  Mr.  Laurens, 
on  apparently  plausible  grounds ;  but,  in  truth,  a  result  of  in 
correct  information  of  the  manner  of  transacting  the  public 
business,  on  which  the  accusation  was  founded.  It  was  in 
troduced  while  congress  was  setting  in  Yorktown.  The 
charge  amounted  to  this,  that  the  house  of  Willing,  Morris,  & 


154  ROBERT  MORRIS, 

Co.  when  employed  as  agents,  to  do  business  for  the  sole  be 
nefit  of  the  public,  had  availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity 
to  make  shipments  in  France,  as  private  speculations,  arid  for 
their  own  benefit,  to  the  detriment  of  government,  by  whom 
they  were  employed.  The  truth  was,  that  for  greater  security, 
the  public  business  had  been  transacted  ostensibly,  as  for  their 
private  account.  But  the  recorded  transactions  on  the  books 
of  the  secret  committee,  always  placed  the  whole  concerns  of 
that  committee  on  a  correct  foundation,  and  might  at  any 
time  have  been  adduced  to  substantiate,  or  obviate  any  char 
ges  against  them,  if  disingenuousness  or  a  departure  from 
uprightness  had  existed.  Mr.  Laurens  having  discovered  his 
error,  afterwards  magnanimously  retracted  the  charge,  and 
acquitted  Mr.  Morris  entirely.  But  to  remove  all  doubts 
from  every  mind,  respecting  their  honorable  and  upright 
dealings,  at  his  request,  congress  appointed  a  special  com 
mittee  to  investigate  the  books  containing  an  account  of 
all  the  transactions  of  the  secret  committee,  and  report  to 
congress.  And  never  was  a  triumph  more  complete  in  any 
case,  than  was  that  of  Willing,  Morris,  &  Co.  furnished  in 
the  report  of  that  special  committee.  Mr.  Morris  very  cor 
rectly  considered,  that  the  preservation  of  his  honor  and 
integrity,  pure  and  untarnished,  in  the  public  estimation,  was 
indispensable  for  performing  the  services  devolving  on  him  as 
an  agent  for  government,  for  the  benefit  of  the  public ;  and, 
that  if  he  had  justly  merited  the  imputations  thrown  upon  his 
character,  he  had  forfeited  the  confidence  reposed  in  him. 
This  he  communicated  to  congress,  when  he  requested  the 
appointment  of  a  committee  to  investigate  the  whole  of  his 
transactions  in  his  public  agency.  The  report  of  that  com 
mittee  was  fully  sanctioned  by  congress,  and  placed  him  on 
such  elevated  ground,  as  would  effectually  secure  him  against 
similar  charges  in  future.  But  such  was  not  the  fact.  During 
his  life,  however,  when  he  thought  any  assault  of  the  kind 
worthy  of  notice,  and  he  undertook  his  own  justification,  they 
were  all  dissipated,  and  manifested  to  be  unfounded,  in  a  man 
ner  equally  conclusive  and  satisfactory,  with  that  improperly 
urged  in  congress  at  Yorktown.  His  reputation  as  a  true 
patriot,  and  one  of  the  greatest,  and  most  disinterested  bene 
factor  of  his  country,  wiH  descend  to  posterity  with  a  just  de 
mand  on  the  gratitude  of  the  American  people  ;  and  with  a 
lustre  increasing  in  each  succeeding  generation. 

In  the  year  1780,  one  of  the  most  disastrous  and  gloomy 
years  of  the   revolutionary  period,  Mr.  Morris  instituted  a 


PENNSYLVANIA.  155 

bank  in  Philadelphia  with  the  aid  of  other  patriotic  citizens, 
the  sole  object  of  which  was  to  establish  a  credit,  by  means 
of  which  congress  could  be  furnished  with  pecuniary  accom 
modations  for  relieving  a  suffering  and  almost  disbanding 
army.  The  facilities  thus  furnished  for  the  public  service, 
were  large  in  amount,  and  incalculable  in  their  results.  This 
bank  he  originated,  digested  the  plan,  and  when  the  scheme 
was  matured,  headed  the  list  with  a  subscription  of  ten  thou 
sand  pounds  in  Pennsylvania  currency.  Others,  through  his 
instrumentality,  augmented  the  capital  to  three  hundred  and 
fifteen  thousand  pounds ;  the  benefits  of  which  accrued  solely 
to  the  public. 

Thus  it  was  a  fact,  as  honorable  as  it  was  unusual,  that  by 
the  industry  and  talents  of  one  individual,  aided  by  a  number 
of  patriotic  associates  and  kindred  spirits,  a  plan  was  origi 
nated,  matured,  and  put  in  successful  operation  ;  which  ena 
bled  government  in  its  most  pressing  need,  and  destitute  of 
resources,  to  obtain  and  transport  to  the  army,  three  millions 
of  rations,  and  a  large  amount  of  other  stores ;  at  the  same 
time  the  subscribers  pledged  themselves,  that  no  personal 
or  individual  emolument  whatever  should  be  derived  from  the 
institution.  Had  this  taken  place  in  Rome,  even  in  her  most 
virtuous  age,  posterity  would  justly  have  considered  it  as 
adorning  one  of  the  fairest  and  most  splendid  eras  of  her  history. 

Mr.  Morris  was  elected  a  member  of  congress  but  once 
more,  previous  to  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution. 
This  was  on  the  13th  of  December,  1777.  During  the  whole 
time  that  he  was  a  member  of  congress,  he  was  constantly 
employed  in  promoting  the  great  cause  in  which  he  had 
embarked  his  all.  It  would  be  impracticable  to  enume 
rate  particularly  the  duties  he  performed,  and  the  servi 
ces  he  rendered,  within  that  period.  But  his  exertions 
were  not  limited  to  his  public  offices.  He  labored  with  his 
fellow  citizens  to  arouse  the  lukewarm,  to  cheer  and  encour 
age  the  desponding,  and  to  stimulate  the  whole,  to  put  forth 
their  aid,  to  carry  the  struggle  to  a  successful  issue.  Be 
sides,  he  improved  his  extensive  commercial  correspondence 
abroad,  for  the  public  benefit.  He  had  numerous  friends  in 
England,  with  whom  he  held  a  private  correspondence  ;  and 
they,  being  friendly  to  the  cause  of  the  Americans,  took  pains 
to  inform  him  early  of  the  measures  parliament  adopted,  rela 
tive  to  the  American  war  ;  and  the  debates  in  that  assembly. 
In  this  way,  much  useful  and  highly  important  information 
was  communicated  to  a  collection  of  his  friends,  at  their  fre- 


156  ROBERT  MORRIS, 

quent  meetings  for  business ;  and  by  them  it  was  spread  widely 
among  the  citizens,  and  served  to  keep  alive  their  spirit  of 
opposition  ;  which,  in  many  instances  seemed  to  be  growing 
cool  and  languid.  This  practice  he  commenced  early  ;  even 
before  the  intercourse  between  the  countries  was  suspended  ; 
and  he  continued  it  through  the  whole  war. 

Although  his  patriotic  career  had  been  useful  and  splen 
did  before,  yet  it  may  be  safely  affirmed,  that  it  was  the 
most  distinguished  in  1781.  It  was  then  that  he  accepted  an 
office,  urged  on  him  by  congress,  and  given  him  bv  their 
unanimous  vote,  in  which  he  exhibited  the  vast  powers  -  4  his 
creative  genius,  and  performed  services  which  no  other  indi 
vidual  in  the  country  was  competent  to  render  ;  services  too, 
without  which,  it  appears  as  if  the  cause  of  the  United  States 
must  have  failed,  and  the  country  have  remained  in  a  state  of 
colonial  vassallage.  Thus  immensely  important  to  American 
liberty  were  the  services  of  one  individual. 

At  the  time  when  he  undertook  to  discharge  the  duties  of 
that  office,  the  public  accounts  were  in  a  state  of  almost  cha 
otic  disorder ;  the  debt  was  of  a  vast  amount ;  the  army  in  a 
starving  condition  ;  the  military  chest  empty  ;  the  credit  of  the 
government  prostrated ;  and  even  Washington's  confidence 
was  supposed  to  be  shaken.  Under  these  circumstances, 
Robert  Morris  assumed  the  superintendence  of  the  finances 
of  the  United  States.  It  required  a  Herculean  effort  ;  and 
that  effort  he  applied.  By  himself  alone,  upon  his  own  indivi 
dual  credit,  and  from  his  own  private  resources,  he  furnished 
those  pecuniary  supplies ;  without  which,  all  the  other  means 
which  the  government  could  command,  or  even  allure  to  their 
aid,  must  have  proved  in  vain. 

His  great  principle  of  conduct,  he  expressed  to  a  commit 
tee  of  congress,  in  a  single  short  sentence.  It  was,  "  to 
raise  the  public  revenues  by  such  modes  as  may  be  most 
easy  and  equal  to  the  people,  and  to  expend  them  in  the 
most  frugal,  fair,  and  upright  manner."  The  situation  of 
the  general  government,  under  the  old  confederation,  left 
congress  little  more  power  than  a  grand  committee  of  ways  and 
means,  whose  duty  it  was  to  report  to  the  several  state  legis 
latures  what  they  deemed  necessary ;  and  to  urge  them  to 
see  that  the  measures  they  reported,  were  executed.  The 
several  states  had  all  the  power  of  taxation  within  their  con- 
trol.  If  the  states  failed  to  comply  with  the  recommenda 
tions  of  congress,  to  levy  and  collect  taxes,  to  supply  the  na 
tional  treasury,  as  was  too  often  the  fact,  the  national  credit 


PENNSYLVANIA  157 

must  be  prostrated.  This  had  already  been  realized.  If  con- 
gress  devised  any  plan  for  raising  a  revenue,  aside  from  taxa 
tion  by  the  individual  states  ;  for  instance,  by  collecting  an  in- 
post  duty  on  imported  and  prize  goods,  landed  in  the  United 
Stales,  it  was  in  the  power  of  a  single  state,  to  prevent  its 
execution.  This  power  was  possessed  equally  and  indepen 
dently  by  thirteen  such  states.  The  individual  consent  of 
each  must  be  obtained,  before  it  could  be  done  ;  and  in  the 
most  urgent  and  pressing  emergency  of  the  public  wants,  al 
though  either  an  imposition,  and  ready  collection  of  taxes,  or 
the  power  of  laying  and  collecting  an  impost,  would  have  re 
vived  and  sustained  the  national  credit,  the  states  would  do 
neither.  The  refusal  of  Rhode  Island  and  Georgia  prevent 
ed  the  last  measure  from  being  adopted,  although  the  other 
states  had  acceeded  to  it.  Of  these  two  resources,  therefore, 
Jie  superintendent  of  finance  was  wholly  deprived.  To  re 
vive  public  credit,  already  destroyed,  would  seem  impossible. 
But  this  was  done  by  Robert  Morris  alone.  When  he  as 
sumed  the  duties  of  his  office,  the  treasury  was  more  than 
two  millions  and  an  half  in  arrears.  His  maxim  was,  to  fulfil 
every  obligation  he  entered  into  with  strict  punctuality. 
This  he  adhered  to  in  every  instance  in  which  he  pledged 
nimself.  This  was  one  means  by  which  he  raised  public  con 
fidence  ;  and  by  it  he  was  enabled  to  draw  forth  resources 
from  the  wealth  of  many  individuals,  who  otherwise  would 
not  have  put  it  into  circulation.  It  will  not  be  practicable  in 
this  sketch  to  mention  more  than  a  part  of  the  expedients  his 
comprehensive  mind  devised  and  adopted  to  excite  public 
confidence.  Yet,  when  congress  could  not  obtain  the  loan 
of  a  thousand  dollars,  Robert  Morris,  on  his  individual  re 
sponsibility,  would,  and  did,  obtain  vast  sums  for  the  benefit 
of  the  government. 

One  of  the  principal  means  for  effecting  this,  and  by  which 
he,  to  a  great  extent,  succeeded  in  establishing  a  credit,  from 
which  the  government  derived  immense  benefit,  was  institu 
ting  the  Bank  of  North  America,  already  mentioned. 

He  devised  the  measure ;  digested  the  plan ;  procured  the 
subscriptions  for  the  stock ;  and  after  obtaining  a  charter 
from  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  got  the  bank  into  opera 
tion.  It  was  a  new  thing  in  the  country,  and  looked  at  with 
a  cautious  jealousy,  by  moneyed  men,  for  a  time  ;  but  the 
facilities  which  it  rendered  to  business  transactions,  the  con 
fidence  which  was  inspired  in  the  community,  by  a  little  ex- 
perience  in  getting  the  specie  for  its  bills,  whenever  they 

14 


158  ROBERT  MORRIS, 

were  presented  for  the  purpose,  soon  quieted  all  solicitude  on 
the  subject ;  and  its  paper  in  a  short  time  took  the  place  of 
specie  at  par,  as  being  more  convenient.  It  shortly  became 
the  circulating  medium  through  all  the  states  ;  and  the  bank 
was  the  place  of  large  deposits  of  gold  and  silver.  But  before 
this  important  aid  to  the  funds  of  the  government  could  be 
established  and  be  put  into  operation,  several  difficulties  were 
necessarily  to  be  overcome,  or  rather  obviated,  which  it  is 
unnecessary  to  mention.  At  length,  however,  these  were  by 
his  industry,  influence,  and  perseverance,  overcome  ;  and  in 
1782,  the  North  American  Bank  commenced  business.  The 
capital  paid  in  at  that  time  was  limited  ;  but  the  aid  it  afforded 
the  government  was  of  great  value.  This  will  be  evident 
from  the  following  statement.  The  bank,  with  a  capital  of 
but  three  hundred  thousand  dollars,  within  six  months  from  its 
commencing  business,  advanced  to  government  four  hundred 
and  eighty  thousand.  Although  such  an  institution  was  un 
precedented  in  the  country,  and  it  had  to  overcome  the  uni 
versal  prejudice  against  a  paper  medium,  which  had  resulted 
from  the  ruinous  depreciation  of  the  ruinous  continental  ana 
state  emissions,  and  the  consequent  fear  that  this  would  soon 
follow  the  course  of  its  predecessors,  it  rose  in  its  reputation, 
extended  its  credit,  increased  its  strength,  and  diffused  its  re. 
viving  influence  on  the  public  confidence  throughout  the  ex 
tent  oft  the  country.  This  was  the  first  important  operation 
in  the  system  of  the  financier ;  and  it  became  the  right  arm 
of  his  strength,  in  rendering  the  others  beneficial  and  prosper 
ous.  ,  As  the  confidence  of  the  public  in  the  soundness  of  the 
bank  became  established,  many  individuals,  who  held  specie, 
which  they  could  not  invest  in  any  profitable  business,  situated 
as  the  country  then  was,  deposited  it  in  the  bank  for  safe 
keeping,  and  thus  indirectly  enlarged  the  means  for  more 
extended  accommodations. 

Another  part  of  his  system  was  to  establish  a  firm  credit  for 
his  own  private  notes,  that  he  might  give  the  public  the  bene 
fit  of  his  individual  credit.  To  effect  this  he  instituted  a  pri 
vate  banking  establishment,  under  the  superintendance  of  Mr. 
Swanwick,  where  he  displayed  large  piles  of  gold  and  silver 
coins,  in  the  full  view  of  all  who  entered  the  office.  It  might 
have  been  taken  from  the  bank  early  in  the  morning,  and  re 
turned  to  its  vaults  in  the  evening,  and  so  repeated  succes 
sively  from  day  to  day.  But  it  was  there  in  full  view,  till  his 
own  credit  was  established  on  the  repeated  application  of 
holders  of  his  paper  for  the  specie.  They  uniformly  obtained 


PENNSYLVANIA.  159 

it;  he  was  deemed  safe,  since  the  specie  was  there,  and 
might  be  obtained  at  pleasure,  by  the  holders  of  his  notes. 
Applications  for  it  soon  ceased ;  his  paper  was  good,  more 
easy  of  transportation  than  bags  of  dollars  ;  and  it  passed  cur. 
rently  to  a  large  amount,  at  par  with  gold  and  silver.  In  this 
manner  his  individual  credit  was  an  auxiliary  of  immense  ad- 
vantage  to  the  government  ;  by  means  of  which  he,  to  a  great 
extent,  fed  and  clothed  the  continental  army,  at  a  time  when 
congress  could  do  nothing  towards  it ;  and  at  a  time  when  with 
out  this  aid,  the  army  must  have  been  disbanded,  or  subsisted 
by  forced  contributions  from  the  inhabitants.  But  a  full  de 
tail  of  all  his  measures  for  supplying  the  necessities  of  the  go 
vernment,  at  that  season  of  distress  and  calamity,  the  dread 
of  which,  caused  even  General  Washington  almost  to  trem 
ble,  would  demand  a  volume,  and  a  full  history  of  the  two 
last  years  of  the  revolutionary  war. 

If  it  were  not  demonstrable  by  official  record,  posterity 
would  hardly  be  made  to  believe,  that  the  campaign  of  1781, 
which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Cornwallis,  and  virtually 
closed  the  revolutionary  war,  was  sustained  wholly  on  the 
credit  of  an  individual  merchant. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  plan  had  been  formed  by  General 
Washington,  and  the  commander  of  the  French  allies,  with 
their  combined  force,  to  attack  the  British  in  New  York,  and 
recover  possession  of  that  city.  By  the  determination  of 
Count  de  Grasse,  not  to  hazard  his  heavy  ships  in  the  bay  of 
New  York,  and  to  sail  for  the  Chesapeake,  the  plan  was 
disconcerted.  At  the  time  when  intelligence  of  this  fact 
reached  General  Washington,  Mr.  Morris  and  Mr.  Peters 
\vere  at  head-quarters,  on  a  secret  mission  to  the  general, 
He,  on  receiving  the  intelligence,  was  for  a  little  time  agi 
tated  and  disconcerted  ;  but  his  clear  and  comprehensive 
mind  at  once  resolved  to  turn  the  disappointment  to  the  advan 
tage  of  America  in  the  southern  states. 

Early  in  the  morning,  after  the  determination  of  the  Count 
de  Grasse  was  communicated  to  General  Washington,  at  the 
beating  of  the  reveille,  Messrs.  Morris  and  Peters  were  awa 
kened  by  a  messenger  from  the  commander  in  chief,  request 
ing  their  immediate  attendance.  The  circumstance  being 
somewhat  unusual,  they  immediately  complied  with  the  re 
quest.  It  was  then  that  they  witnessed  his  agitation,  which  the 
total  derangement  of  his  plans,  by  the  determination  of  the 
French  admiral  had  caused.  The  event  was  of  a  nature  to 
excite  strong  feelings.  Such  feelings  were  excited  in  the 


160  ROBERT  MORRIS, 

breast  of  Washington  ;  insomuch  that  he  exclaimed  Against 
the  breach  of  faith  on  the  part  of  Count  de  Grasse.  At  the 
usual  hour  of  breakfast,  they  found  him  as  composed  as  if 
nothing  unusual  had  taken  place,  and  calmly  busied  in  mak- 
ing  out  his  estimates  of  what  supplies  he  should  want  for  his 
southern  expedition,  in  pursuit  of  Cornwallis.  Within  that 
very  short  lapse  of  time  had  his  comprehensive  mind  sug 
gested  that  decisive  enterprise,  and  entered  on  an  estimate 
of  the  various  particulars  requisite  for  accomplishing  it.  He 
immediately  inquired  of  Mr.  Peters,  (who  was  at  the  head  of 
the  war  department,)  "  Well,  what  can  you  do  for  me,  under 
this  unexpected  disappointment?"  Mr.  Peters  replied,  "  With 
money,  every  thing ;  without,  it,  nothing  ;  and  immediately 
turned  with  a  look  of  anxiety  towards  the  financier.  Mr.  Mor 
ris  instantly  said,  "  I  understand  you  ;  but  I  must  know  the 
amount  you  require."  Before  the  hour  of  dinner  the  amount 
was  placed  before  him.  Mr.  Morris  informed  the  general, 
that  he  had  not  any  possible  means  of  furnishing  money  to 
that  amount ;  and  that  he  should  be  compelled  to  rely  on 
credit — his  own  individual  credit  solely  ;  and  that  he  could  de 
cide  whether  he  thought  it  safe  to  depend  solely  on  that  credit 
which  it  would  be  necessary  for  him  to  risk.  General  Wash 
ington  immediately  remarked  ;  "  The  measure  is  inevitable  ; 
and  therefore  resolved  on ;  and  I  must  pursue  it  at  all  hazards." 
Thus,  in  the  course  of  a  few  hours,  was  the  expedition  devi 
sed,  resolved  on,  and  the  means  necessary  for  carrying  it 
forward  put  into  a  course  of  provision,  by  these  three  men  ; 
and  this  immediately  after  having  experienced  one  of  the 
most  deranging  disappointments  which  occurred  during  the 
whole  war.  The  disappointment  that  preceded  it  was  sud 
den,  unlocked  for,  and  perplexing  to  the  commander  in  chief. 
It  led  to  the  adoption  of  a  plan,  the  most  eventful,  glorious, 
and  happy  in  its  results — the  triumphant  termination  of  the 
struggle  for  American  Independence,  which  it  established  for 
ever.  The  usual  commission  paid  to  mercantile  brokers,  on 
the  sums  which  Mr.  Morris  obtained  for  the  United  States, 
on  his  own  individual  responsibility,  when  the  credit  of  the 
national  government  could  not  have  obtained  ten  thousand — 
nay  one  thousand  dollars,  would  alone  have  amounted  to  an 
immense  fortune.  A  more  magnanimous,  disinterested  pa 
triot  has  rarely,  if  ever  arisen  in  any  country. 

It  may  be  affirmed,  without  any  fear  of  refutation,  that, 
without  the  military  talents  of  Washington,  and  the  financial 
talents  of  Morris,  mutually  co-operating  to  effect  the  object, 


PENNSYLVANIA  161 

the  Independence  of  the  United  States,  though  declared  in 
July,  1776,  could  not  have  been  achieved  and  secured. 

After  the  war  was  terminated,  and  he  had  retired  from  of 
fice,  he  was  chosen  once  or  twice,  to  represent  Philadelphia 
in  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania.  And  when  it  was  deter 
mined  to  call  a  convention  of  the  states,  to  form  the  federal 
constitution  under  which  we  now  live,  Mr.  Morris  was  re  - 
turned  a  member  from  Pennsylvania. 

After  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  and  the  election  of 
a  congress,  to  organize  the  government,  Mr.  Morris  was 
chosen  a  member  of  the  first  senate  of  the  United  States  for 
Pennsylvania. 

General  Washington,  when  about  to  select  his  cabinet,  of 
fered  Mr.  Morris  the  office  of  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and 
urged  his  acceptance.  But  this  he  declined.  He  was  re 
quested  by  the  president  to  name  the  candidate.  He  instantly 
mentioned  Alexander  Hamilton. 

Mr.  Morris,  in  his  management  of  the  pecuniary  concerns 
of  the  United  States,  under  the  old  confederation,  practically 
experienced  its  inefficiency  so  effectually,  in  respect  to  all 
great  national  purposes,  that  he  became  early  impressed  with 
the  indispensable  necessity  of  a  different  constitution  of 
government,  to  conduct  the  national  concerns.  His  opinions 
expressed  from  time  to  time,  embraced  many  of  the  leading 
principles,  which  were  afterwards  incorporated  irt  the  federal 
constitution.  But  he  had  witnessed  such  feelings  on  the  sub 
ject  in  the  congress,  among  members  from  the  different  states, 
as  almost  made  him  despair  of  ever  seeing  it  established. 
Yet  he  lived  to  aid  in  forming  such  a  government,  to  see  it 
adopted  by  the  states,  and  go  into  operation,  and  then  to  be  a 
member  of  one  branch  of  that  same  government,  under  the 
administration  of  that  great  captain,  by  whose  military  talents, 
sustained  by  his  own  exertions,  the  nation  was  liberated  from 
foreign  dominion,  and  established  in  independence.  This 
was  pleasing  to  his  latter  years.  But  they  were  otherwise 
clouded  with  gloom. 

That  tide  of  prosperity  in  his  private  commercial  transac 
tions,  which  had  continued  to  flow,  almost  unchecked  for 
years,  and  which  laid  the  foundation  of  his  credit  which  he 
used  so  beneficially  in  favor  of  the  government,  probably  led 
him  to  indulge  to  an  immeasurable  extent  in  wild  specula- 
lions  ;  it  then  forsook  him,  and  involved  him  to  such  a  degree 
that  he  never  was  able  to  extricate  himself.  Whether  his 
unparalielled  success  in  surmounting  difficulties,  when  super- 


162  ROBERT  MORRIS, 

intending  the  money  concerns  of  the  government,  superad- 
ded  to  his  extensive  private  commercial  negotiations,  had  ex 
cited  a  species  of  enthusiasm,  so  that  he  thought  he  could  ac 
complish  impossibilities,  may  perhaps,  admit  of  a  doubt ;  but 
owing  to  this,  or  some  other  cause,  he  persuaded  himself  that 
the  nations  of  Europe  would  pour  their  population  in  a  contin 
ual  and  swelling  current  into  this  now  free  country,  to  settle 
our  wild  uncultivated  land ;  and  thus  create  a  market  which 
could  hardly  be  supplied.  He  made  purchases,  which  swal 
lowed  up  his  immense  fortune,  and  left  him  still  involved  in 
inextricable  embarrassment. 

His  academical  education  was  limited,  as  we  have  stated  ; 
but  he  had  acquired  much  information,  by  his  general  read 
ing,  which  was  extensive,  and  by  his  intercourse  with  men  of 
intelligence  and  learning ;  and  with  commercial  science,  he 
was  probably  more  extensively  acquainted  than  any  other 
man  on  this  continent. 

His  style  of  writing  is  before  the  public,  in  his  official  com 
munications  to  congress,  his  numerous  letters  to  the  gover 
nors  of  the  several  states,  and  to  other  correspondents.  It 
will  not  be  rendering  him  justice,  if  it  is  only  acknowledged 
to  be  handsome.  It  is  more,  it  is  easy,  flowing,  forcible,  and 
often  eloquent.  That  he  possessed  native  powers  of  mind  of 
a  high  order,  will  hardly  be  questioned  by  any  one  who  is 
qualified  to  judge  correctly. 

His  hospitality  was  almost  unbounded ;  and  his  liberality 
in  aiding  public  institutions  for  beneficial  purposes,  and  merit, 
striving  to  rise  from  indigence  and  obscurity  to  usefulness 
and  respectability,  are  well  known  to  persons  now  living,  and 
to  some  who  experienced  his  generous  aid  and  patronage 
when  commencing  business  in  early  life. 

For  many  years,  he  was  afflicted  with  the  asthma,  a  dis 
ease  distressing  in  its  nature  and  effects.  With  such  an  infir 
mity  oppressing  him,  and  often  suddenly  attacking  him  with 
great  violence,  it  is  difficult  to  perceive  how  he  could  possi 
bly  discharge  the  active  duties  he  was  called  in  person  to 
perform.  Exercise  was  his  specific,  which  he  applied  for 
temporary  relief.  And  this  he  often  found  efficacious  in  a 
few  minutes. 

Worn  down  by  years  of  public  labor  and  private  misfor 
tunes,  Mr.  Morris  yielded  up  his  life  on  the  eighth  day  of 
May,  1806,  in  the  seventy-third  year  of  his  age. 

He  was  married  to  Miss  Mary  White,  a  sister  of  Bishop 
White,  on  the  second  day  of  March,  1769. 


PENNSYLVANIA.  163 

It  may  be  remarked  as  rather  a  singular  fact,  that  three  ot 
the  most  efficient  among  the  agents,  in  securing  the  establish, 
ment  of  American  Independence,  after  it  had  been  declared 
by  congress,  were  unfurnished  with  a  classical  education ; 
Washington,  Franklin,  and  Morris ;  men  who,  in  their  re- 
spective  spheres  of  action,  have  rarely  been  equalled,  and 
never  surpassed. 


BENJAMIN  RUSH 

DOCTOR  RUSH  claims  a  descent  from  a  republican  parent 
age  of  considerable  distinction  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  At 
lantic.     His  great  grandfather  was  an  officer  in  the  army  of 
Oliver  Cromwell.     He  had  the  command  of  a  company  of 
horse  in  the  service  of  that  extraordinary  man.      He  was  a 
native  of  England  ;  and  at  the  death  of  Cromwell  he  left  his 
native   country,  and  emigrated   to   Pennsylvania,  about  the 
commencement- of  its  settlement  by  William  Penn. 

His  great  grandson  Benjamin  was  born  in  the  township  ot 
Berberry,  situated  about  twelve  miles  northeast  of  Philadel 
phia,  on  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  December,  1745.  At  the 
early  age  of  six  years,  he  and  a  brother  were,  by  the  death 
of  their  father,  left  entirely  to  the  care  of  their  mother.  If  we 
are  allowed  to  judge  of  her  qualifications  and  fitness  for  such 
an  interesting  and  important  charge,  by  his  character  and 
eminent  usefulness  in  his  after  life,  the  decision  must  exalt 
her  to  high  eminence  in  our  estimation.  According  to  that 
standard,  few  men  whom  our  country  has  produced  will  hold 
a  rank  superior  to  Doctor  Rush  ;  and  very  few  indeed,  whose 
moral  character  and  consistent  conduct,  will  reflect  back  on 
their  parents  a  more  desirable  reputation. 

It  was  the  settled  wish  of  his  mother  to  furnish  him  with  a 
classical  education,  but  she  found  the  income  from  her  farm, 
which  was  all  that  she  possessed,  inadequate  for  the  pur- 
.jose.  To  remedy  this  she  removed  into  Philadelphia,  and 
commenced  some  commercial  business  ;  by  the  fruits  of 
which,  and  a  very  frugal  economy,  she  was  enabled  to  accom 
plish  her  design.  She  undertook  herself  to  instruct  him  in 
the  elements  of  his  native  language ;  and  then,  when  he  was 
but  nine  years  old,  she  placed  him  under  the  care  of  the 

8 


164  BENJAMIN   RUSH, 

Reverend  .Doctor  Findley,  who  had  married  her  sister.  At 
'hat  time  he  resided  in  Nottingham,  Maryland,  where  he  su. 
£  erintended  an  academy,  or  grammar  school,  of  a  good  repu 
tation,  from  which  he  was,  at  a  subsequent  period,  called  to 
the  presidency  of  Princeton  College,  in  New  Jersey.  The 
advantages  he  enjoyed  under  the  care  of  this  eminently  pious, 
learned,  and  excellent  man,  were  of  immense  value  to  young 
Rush,  and  having  been  applied  at  that  time  of  his  life,  when 
impressions  are  made  on  the  mind  with  an  indelible  force, 
their  effects  were  displayed  in  the  most  desirable  manner 
during  the  whole  of  his  life.  When  speaking  of  President 
Findley,  as  a  Christian,  as  a  divine,  as  a  faithful,  pious  minis 
ter,  or  as  an  instructor  of  youth,  there  is  little  danger  of  tran 
scending  his  real  merits.  With  him  the  dictates  of  con 
science  would,  in  every  case,  supply  an  adequate  motive  to  a 
faithful  discharge  of  his  duties  to  the  youths  committed  to  his 
care  ;  yet,  in  the  instance  of  young  Rush,  there  were  su- 
peradded  the  interested  affection  he  felt  for  his  fatherless 
nephew,  stimulated  by  that  regard,  which  teachers  almost 
always  feel  for  youths  who  possess  amiable  dispositions 
faithfully  apply  to  their  studies,  and  evince  a  genius  ana 
powers  of  intellect  beyond  their  years.  In  this  promising 
youth,  Doctor  Findley,  had  the  happiness  of  witnessing  all 
these,  holding  forth  a  promise  in  his  mature  years  which  he 
confidently  expected  would  be  realized.  The  result  verified 
his  expectations. 

When  he  was  qualified  for  admission  to  college,  he  was 
removed  from  the  care  of  his  excellent  preceptor  at  Notting 
ham,  to  Princeton  College,  and  placed  under  the  superintend 
ing  care  of  the  Reverend  Samuel  Davies,  the  then  president 
of  that  seminary.  He  took  his  degree  at  that  college  in  1766, 
at  the  age  of  about  sixteen  years.  The  affectionate  guar 
dianship  of  two  such  eminent  men  for  wisdom,  piety,  and 
learning,  as  Doctors  Findley  and  Davies,  was  of  inestimable 
value  to  young  Rush. 

Having  finished  his  collegiate  course,  he  was  inclined  to 
pursue  the  profession  of  the  law ;  but,  influenced  by  the  ad 
vice  of  Doctor  Findley,  and  some  pecuniary  considerations 
rendering  it  expedient,  he  was  induced  to  study  medicine. 
He  began  his  professional  education  under  the  direction  of 
Doctor  Redman,  a  gentleman  of  great  eminence  in  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  who  superintended  his  studies  with  much 
care  and  fidelity,  and  afterwards  generously  patronized  him 
with  the  sincerity  of  a  friend  in  his  practice. 


•PENNSYLVANIA.  165 

In  his  wholu  course,  from  his  preparatory  studies,  while  in 
college,  and  in  his  medical  education,  his  close  and  constant 
application  insured  to  him  the  favor  of  his  several  teachers 
in  a  high  degree. 

The  life  of  Doctor  Rush  may  be  contemplated  to  the  best 
advantage,  in  a  threefold  point  of  view — as  a  physician,  as 
a  statesman  and  as  a  writer.  In  this  brief  sketch,  however, 
brevity  must  be  observed  on  each  of  these  heads. 

First.  We  shall  take  notice  of  him  as  a  medical  man,  as 
a  practitioner,  and  an  instructor  of  medicine. 

Under  the  instruction  of  Doctor  Redman  he  spent  six 
years  in  such  a  severe  application  to  his  preparatory  studies, 
that  he  has  recorded  concerning  himself,  that  he  could  not 
enumerate  more  than  two  days  of  absence  from  his  proper 
business.  If  this  maybe  regarded  as  but  a  fair  specimen  of 
his  application,  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  account  for  his  high 
attainments  in  the  science  of  his  profession,  and  his  almost 
unequalled  success  in  practice.  A  man  possessing  an  ori 
ginal  mind,  like  that  of  Doctor  Rush,  cultivated  and  improved 
with  such  faithfulness,  and  such  distinguished  advantages, 
could  not  fail,  in  due  time,  of  appearing  illustrious,  even 
among  great  men. 

After  having  availed  himself  of  the  best  advantages  his 
country  afforded,  for  improvement  in  his  professional  course, 
he,  in  1766,  went  to  Great  Britain,  and  spent  two  years  in 
attending  the  lectures  and  the  hospital  practice  in  that  medi 
cal  school.  He  then  repaired  to  London,  and  spent  the 
winter  of  1768,  in  attending  upon  the  hospitals  and  medi 
cal  lectures  which  that  metropolis  furnished.  The  sum 
mer  following  he  repaired  to  Paris,  and  derived  signal 
advantages  for  increasing  his  stock  of  useful  knowledge, 
which  that  celebrated  school  of  the  arts  and  sciences  fur 
nished  him.  Having  thus  been  favored  with  opportunities  for 
improvement,  such  as  very  few  young  men  of  that  period,  on 
the  American  side  of  the  Atlantic  could  obtain,  Doctor  Rush 
returned  to  his  native  land,  bearing  the  title  of  "  Doctor  of 
Medicine  ;"  his  diploma  of  which  was  conferred  at  Edin 
burgh.  On  his  return,  thus  qualified,  he  settled  in  Philadel 
phia,  where  he  had  to  encounter  a  competition  with  men  of 
the  first  reputation  in  the  country,  already  known  to  that 
community,  and  men  who  had  been  firmly  established  in 
practice  for  many  years.  Notwithstanding  all  the  embar 
rassing  considerations  and  causes  he  had  to  struggle  with,  he 
was,  even  in  the  first  year  of  his  practice,  associated  with 


166  BENJAMIN   RUSH, 

Doctors  Shippen,  Morgan,  Bond,  and  Kuhn,  as  a  professor 
in  the  Medical  College  of  Philadelphia  ;  and  although  com 
paratively  young,  called  by  them  to  aid  in  the  most  difficult 
arid  important  consultations  which  occurred  in  their  profes- 
si  nal  labors. 

His  natural  and  acquired  endowments  he  carried  into  so 
ciety  with  such  pleasing  manners  arid  graceful  demeanor,  as 
produced,  almost  universally,  an  impression  highly  favorable 
to  himself  among  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia.  His  society 
was  much  esteemed  by  all  the  companies  he  frequented.  His 
mental  powers  were  of  a  superior  grade.  To  these  he  added 
the  polished  address  and  manners  of  a  gentleman,  and  a  con 
versation  both  pleasing  and  instructive.  His  deportment  in  the 
sick  room  was  prepossessing,  by  the  affectionate  manner  with 
which  he  addressed  his  patients,  and  the  strong  interest  he 
manifested  for  their  recovery.  In  these  he  showed  no  dif 
ference  between  the  rich,  who  could  amply  reward  him,  and 
the  poor,  whose  o'nly  requital  was  their  cordial  gratitude  and 
their  prayers. 

From  this  time  he  advanced  rapidly  in  a  course  of  pros 
perous  and  successful  practice,  uninterrupted  by  any  remark- 
cable  events,  until  the  memorable  epidemic  yellow  fever  of 
1793.  His  celebrity  as  an  instructor  of  pupils,  and  his 
lectures,  annually  gathered  youths  from  every  part  of  the 
(Tnited  States;  who  were  engaged  in  acquiring  medical 
science,  that  they  might  enjoy  the  advantages  of  his  instruc 
tion.  But  the  occurrence  of  that  awfully  afflicting  and  deso 
lating  scourge,  was  the  occasion  of  presenting  his  character 
to  public  view,  as  a  skillful  physician,  a  philanthropist,  and  a 
Christian,  in  a  manner  pre-eminently  distinguished.  After 
the  appearance  of  that  disease,  which  it  was  soon  ascertained, 
baffled  all  the  remedies  which  were  applied,  and  the  sick 
were  hastened  in  vast  numbers  to  the  grave  ;  when  every 
rnind  was  panic-struck,  while  contemplating  the  sick  and 
dying,  and  trembling  for  the  dreaded  event  of  each  succeed 
ing  hour  ;  when  the  physicians,  taught  by  melancholy  ex 
perience  the  imbecility  of  their  own  resistance  to  the  gigantic 
destroyer  of  their  fellow  men,  were  fleeing  from  the  unavail 
ing  conflict  to  places  of  imagined  safety,  arid  seeking  security 
for  themselves  in  an  uninfected  atmosphere  ;  then  it  was  that 
Doctor  Rush,  with  a  magnanimity  worthy  of  all  praise,  and  a 
Christian  devotedness  to  his  duty,  resolved,  that  whatever 
physicians  might  do,  if  they  all  fled,  he  would  remain  in  the 
scene  of  desolation,  and  do  all  in  his  power  to  alleviate  the 


PENNSYLVANIA.  16F/ 

/ 

sufferings  of  the  afflicted,  and  contend  with  the  destroyer  till  he 
was  vanquished,  or  himself  should  full  in  the  conflict.  He 
did  remain  in  the  midst  of  gloom  and  desolation  ;  and  devoted 
his  whole  time  and  services,  and  those  of  his  family,  to  the 
cause  of  benevolence,  among  the  numerous  sick,  helpless,  and 
dying,  until  he  was  disabled  for  a  time  by  a  serious  attack  of 
the  disease.  By  means  of  this  noble  resolution  and  conduct, 
many  valuable  lives  were"  preserved,  which  in  all  human 
probability  would  have  fallen  a  sacrifice,  and  swelled  the 
number  of  victims  to  the  most  destructive  epidemic  fever  that 
ever  visited  any  city  in  the  United  States. 

Doctor  Rush,  when  many  of  the  resident  physicians  had 
hastened  from  the  scene  of  danger,  and  left  the  inhabitants 
to  seek  for  medical  aid  where  they  might,  called  some  of  his 
brethren  and  pupils  together,  to  consider  the  question  of  their 
duty  in  that  urgent  emergency.  He  stated  that  when  gentle- 
men  entered  into  the  medical  profession  and  they  volunta 
rily  assumed  responsibilities  and  duties  to  society,  which  de 
pended  on  them  for  aid  in  their  necessities,  which  they  were 
obliged  conscientiously  to  perform.  The  present  was  a  case 
in  which  the  physicians  of  the  city  were  bound  in  duty  to 
remain  at  their  post,  however  dangerous  they  might  appro 
hend  it  to  be.  The  community  were  already  justly  alarmed. 
If  they  saw  physicians  fleeing  from  the  danger,  it  would  en 
hance  their  fears.  Fear  was  one  powerful  predisposing 
cause  of  taking  it ;  and  in  this  instance  would  produce  the 
most  baneful  effects  upon  the  sick,  by  depressing  their  spirits, 
and  banishing  the  hope  of  recovery.  It  would  most  probably 
prove,  indirectly,  the  cause  of  many  deaths  in  that  way,  as 
well  as  by  depriving  the  sick  of  the  aid  which  they  needed, 
if  the  physicians  sought  their  own  safety  by  fly  ing  from  the  field. 
He  requested  those  present  to  continue  in  the  city,  and  as  many 
as  were  willing,  to  signify  it  at  that  time.  "  As  for  myself," 
he  added,  "  I  am  determined  to  remain,  and  render  all  the  aid 
I  can.  I  may  fall  a  victim  to  the  epidemic  ;  and  so  may  you, 
gentlemen.  But  I  prefer,  since  I  am  placed  here  by  Divine 
Providence,  to  fall  in  performing  my  duty,  if  such  must  be 
the  consequence  of  staying  on  the  ground,  than  to  secure 
my  life  by  fleeing  from  the  post  of  duty  allotted  in  the  provi 
dence  of  God.  I  will  remain,  if  I  remain  alone."  He  did 
remain  in  the  city,  together  with  some  of  his  noble  spirited 
pupils,  and  a  few  of  his  medical  brethren,  and  labored  unin 
terruptedly  night  and  day,  for  the  benefit  of  his  suffering  and 
distressed  fellow  citizens,  until  he  was  attacked  by  the  fever. 


168  BENJAMIN   RUSH, 

Even  then  he  did  not  remit  in  his  labors,  but  according  to 
his  remaining  strength,  he  prescribed  for  those  who  gathered 
around  his  bed  for  his  counsel  and  advice.  Some  of  his  be- 
nevolent  pupils  fell  victims  to  the  disease,  while  magnani 
mously  laboring  to  preserve  the  lives  of  others. 

The  fame  of  Doctor  Rush,  became  established  in  Europe 
and  America;  and  he  is  remembered  with  gratitude  and 
respect. 

As  a  teacher  of  medicine,  his  reputation  was  deservedly 
high,  and  widely  extended.  He  had  many  private  pupils  from 
the  commencement  of  his  practice.  His  public  lectures  as 
a  professor,  in  several  chairs  which  he  filled,  were  the  most 
popular  of  any  delivered  at  that  period  in  this  country.  His 
fame  drew  medical  students  to  the  school  in  Philadelphia, 
from  every  part  of  the  United  States,  and  some  from  foreign 
countries.  In  the  nine  last  years,  his  private  pupils  amounted 
to  fifty;  and  in  1812,  those  in  the  class  who  attended  his 
lectures,  amounted  to  four  hundred  and  thirty.  It  has  been 
estimated,  that  during  the  professional  life  of  Doctor  Rush,  he 
gave  instruction  to  more  than  two  thousand  pupils. 

He  was  first  appointed  professor  of  chemistry,  in  the  col- 
lege  of  Philadelphia,  in  1769.  In  1789,  he  was  professor  of 
the  theory  and  practice  of  medicine.  In  this  he  succeeded 
Doctor  Morgan. 

In  the  medical  college  of  Pennsylvania,  he  held  the  profes 
sorship  of  the  institutes  of  medicine,  and  of  chemical  practice. 
And  on  the  resignation  of  Doctor  Kuhn  in  1796,  he  took  by 
appointment,  the  professorship  of  the  practice  of  physic  ;  the 
three  last  mentioned  offices,  he  retained  through  his  life,  and 
performed  the  arduous  duties  which  they  required,  with  his 
usual  characteristic  industry  and  application. 

In  addition  to  these,  he  was  during  many  years  one  of  the 
physicians  to  the  Philadelphia  hospital,  and  did  much  to  ele 
vate  its  reputation,  promote  its  interests,  and  enlarge  the 
1  -mdaries  of  its  utility. 

Having  thus  summarily  taken  a  view  of  Doctor  Rush  as  a 
physician,  in  the  two  capacities  of  a  practitioner  and  instruc 
tor  of  medicine,  we  now  proceed  to  present  him  in  the  se 
cond  particular — as  a  statesman. 

In  principle  he  was  a  republican  ;  as  such  he  was  held  in 
high  estimation  by  his  enlightened  contemporary  patriots. 
Generally  he  harmonized  in  sentiment  with  the  distinguished 
politicians  of  the  age  in  which  he  flourished.  To  promote 
the  cause  of  American  liberty  and  independence,  he  not  only 


PENNSYLVANIA.  169 

devoted  his  talents  as  a  writer,  to  rouse  the  spirit  of  his  coun 
trymen,  and  prepare  their  minds  for  declaring  and  maintain, 
ing  independence  ;  but  he  exerted  himself  to  engage  others 
to  come  forward  in  behalf  of  the  same  cause.  His  political 
character  was  so  fully  established  in  his  native  state,  and  his 
sentiments  so  generally  known,  that  when  the  places  of  those 
members  of  congress  from  Philadelphia,  who  declined  voting 
for  independence,  were  vacated  by  their  withdrawing  from 
them,  he  was  immediately  selected  by  their  legislature,  with 
his  colleagues,  to  fill  them,  and  set  their  names  to  that  instru 
ment,  on  behalf  of  Pennsylvania,  although  they  were  not 
appointed  till  after  the 'vote  had  passed  in  congress,  on  the 
fourth  day  of  July,  1776.  In  support  of  the  independence  of 
the  country,  as  that  which  was  to  prove  the  foundation  of  her 
future  glory  and  prosperity,  he  cordially  devoted  his  influence 
and  his  talents,  during  the  war  of  the  revolution. 

In  the  year  1777,  he  received  an  appointment  by  congress, 
to  the  office  of  physician  general  of  the  military  hospitals  for 
the  middle  department.  • 

After  the  federal  constitution  was  submitted  to  the  states  for 
their  consideration  and  decision,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of 
the  convention  of  Pennsylvania,  by  which  it  was  adopted. 

After  the  federal  government  went  into  operation.  Doctor 
Rush  retired  from  all  active  participation  in  public  life.  The 
only  office  he  held,  was  that  of  president  of  the  mint ;  the  du 
ties  of  which  interfered  but  little  with  the  performance  of 
those  connected  with  his  profession,  while  it  furnished  some 
addition  to  his  income.  He  held  it  fo-r  the  term  of  fourteen 
vears. 

Although  in  the  political  department  in  which  he  wras  called 
to  act,  there  was  nothing  that  furnished  occasion  for  splendid 
achievements,  yet  the  services  he  rendered  to  the  country  were 
numerous  and  valuable  ;  and  not  the  less  so,  for  being  of  that 
humble,  unobtrusive  character,  which  will  not  necessarily  em 
blazon  his  name  on  the  page  of  history.  With  the  ardent  feel 
ings  of  an  enlightened  and  inflexible  patriot,  he  espoused  the 
cause  of  his  country;  and  with  a  zeal,  worthy  of  such  a  charac 
ter,  he  devoted  his  best  talents  to  the  promotion  of  its  highest 
interests.  And  while  he  is  esteemed  as  a  benefactor  of  man- 
Kind,  in  the  valuable  contributions  he  has  made  for  improving 
and  advancing  the  medical  science,  he  will  be  esteemed  no  less 
so  by  future  generations,  who  will  learn  his  real  merits  from 
history,  for  the  benefits  he  conferred  on  his  fellow  citizens,  in 

15 


170  BENJAMIN  RUSH, 

the  valuable  services  he  rendered  his  country,  as  a  politician 
and  a  statesman. 

As  a  writer,  if  the  various  and  important  subjects  on  which 
he  wrote,  the  easy,  and  pleasing  style  in  which  he  clothed 
his  valuable  thoughts,  the  clearness  of  his  own  perceptions, 
the  impressions  his  ideas  made  on  the  minds  of  his  readers, 
and  the  aggregate  amount  of  his  publications,  Doctor  Rush 
will  be  allowed  to  sustain  a  rank,  inferior  to  few  American 
writers.  As  a  medical  author,  he  hitherto  has  stood  confesr 
sedly  at  the  head.  If  there  are  any  persons  who  can  read  his 
account  of  the  yellow  fever,  which  visited  Philadelphia  in 
1793,  without  having  the  strong  emotions  of  their  hearts 
powerfully  excited,  we  think  such  readers  are  not  to  be  envied. 

He  was  a  member  of  numerous  useful  societies,  literary, 
and  others,  both  in  this  country,  and  in  foreign  lands,  and  an 
officer  in  several  in  the  United  States. 

In  the  American  Society  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  he 
held  the  office  of  president.  He  was  also  president  of  the 
Philadelphia  Medical  Society  ;  a  vice  president  of  the  Phila 
delphia  Bible  Society  ;  and  one  of  the  vice  presidents  of  the 
American  Philosophical  Society.  This  list  comprises  but  a 
small  part  of  the  literary  honors  which  were  conferred  on  him, 
both  in  this  country  and  in  several  of  the  countries  in  Europe. 
So  that  if  the  estimation  of  his  literary  character  may  be  cor 
rectly  inferred  from  the  number  and  variety  of  testimonials 
he  received  of  this  description,  the  standing  of  Doctor  Rush 
must  be  highly  distinguished. 

His  cultivated  mind,  enlarged  by  Christian  benevolence, 
and  warmed  by  evangelical  piety,  induced  him  to  patronize 
benevolent  and  charitable  institutions,  for  meliorating  the 
condition  of  mankind.  In  the  year  1786,  he  formed  the  Phila 
delphia  Dispensary  ;  the  first  institution  of  the  kind  that  had 
an  existence  in  the  United  States.  The  example  has  since 
been  followed  in  several  of  the  large  commercial  cities,  north 
and  south  of  Philadelphia.  These  valuable  institutions,  have 
already  been  productive  of  much  benefit  to  the  afflicted ;  and 
they  will  continue  useful  for  ages  to'  come,  while  they  redound 
to  the  honor  of  their  founders  and  patrons. 

Doctor  Rush  was  one  of  the  principal  founders  of  Dicker 
son  College,  at  Carlisle  in  Pennsylvania. 

He  was  a  warm  and  eloquent  advocate  for  establishing 
common  schools,  in  behalf  of  which  he  wrote  and  published 
some  interesting  and  instructive  essays.  But  not  to  enlarge  ; 
it  will  be  proper  to  close  this  memoir  by  remarking,  that  the 


PENNSYLVANIA.  171 

crowning  giory  of  Doctor  Rush's  character,  and  without  which 
it  would  have  been  less  useful,  and  less  venerable,  was  his 
firm  belief  in  the  divine  inspiration  of  the  Bible  ;  and  both  in 
his  writings  and  public  lectures,  avowed  that  belief  at  a  time 
when  infidelity  was  fashionable  with  men  in  high  standing, 
and  evinced  his  sincerity,  by  an  uniform  reverential  observ 
ance  of  the  sacred  institutions  of  the  gospel. 

His  life,  which  was  filled  up  with  active  usefulness  to  man- 
kind,  was  terminated  on  the  nineteenth  day  of  April,  1813,  in 
the  sixty-eighth  year  of  his  age.  As  a  testimony  of  the  res 
pect  and  esteem  which  were  entertained  for  him,  by  his  fellow- 
citizens  of  Philadelphia,  it  is  proper  to  state,  that  during  his 
last  illness,  his  dwelling  was  continually  thronged  by  mul 
titudes  who  were  anxious  to  learn  the  probable  result  of  his 
attack.  And  after  the  result  was  known,  the  city  was  over 
cast  with  a  general  gloom.  His  remains  were  followed  to  the 
cemetery  by  a  great  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city,  as 
a  voluntary  token  of  the  last  respect  to  a  great  man,  and  a 
benefactor,  who  had  fallen  among  them. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  was  born  at  Boston,  in  the  colony 
of  Massachusetts,  on  the  17th  day  of  January,  1706.  His  fa 
ther  was  one  of  the  puritans,  who,  that  he  might  enjoy  his  re 
ligious  sentiments  in  peare,  left  his  native  land,  and  came  to 
Massachusetts  in  1682.  Although  many  of  his  ancestor's 
and  connections  were  mechanics,  he  was  not ;  and  being  un 
used  to  agriculture  and  commerce,  he  entered  on  the  business 
of  a  soap  boiler  and  tallow  chandler,  without  any  previous 
apprenticeship ;  and  this  he  pursued  through  the  remainder  of 
his  life. 

His  mother's  name  was  Folger,  a  native  of  Boston. 

His  pious  parents  felt  a  strong  desire  that  he  might  be  a 
minister  of  the  gospel;  and  put  him  to  school  early  that  he 
might  begin  an  education  which  would  qualify  him  for  a 
preacher.  But  their  means  did  not  allow  of  his  prosecuting 
his  studies  ;  and  the  plan  was  soon  abandoned. 

He  early  manifested  an  ardent  desire  for  instruction,  and 
gave  at  eight  years  of  age,  some  indications  of  that  thirst  for 


172  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

intellectual  improvement,  which  he  manifested  through  his  life. 
His  education  wa-s  restricted  to  what  he  could  acquire  at  a 
common  school,  during  a  very  few  years.  He  was  then  taken 
by  his  father  into  his  own  service,  that  he  might  learn  the 
business  he  was  pursuing.  This  however  did  not  please  Ben- 
jamin.  He  then  entered  for  probation  on  that  of  a  cutler. 
But  the  fee  which  was  demanded  for  his  apprenticeship  being 
thought  unreasonable,  he  left  that  business.  His  father  then 
put  him  under  the  instruction  of  an  elder  son,  to  learn  the 
trade  of  a  printer.  In  every  situation  in  which  he  was  placed, 
he  indulged  most  industriously  his  strong  desire  for  acquir 
ing  knowledge.  For  this  purpose,  he  spent  all  the  time  he 
could  command  in  reading  such  books  as  he  could  procure, 
instead  of  squandering  it  in  unprofitable  amusements  or  idle 
ness.  He  was  a  close  observer  of  what  he  read  ;  and  he 
early  began  to  apply  suggestions  he  found  in  the  books  he 
perused,  for  the  formation  of  his  own  character,  and  the  regu 
lation  of  his  conduct ;  and  some  which  he  thus  applied  when 
he  was  quite  young,  had  an  important  influence  on  his  charac 
ter  and  usefulnesstfiroughout  his  future  life.  For  instance,  a 
hint  he  found  in  a  book  recommending  a  vegetable  diet,  he 
adopted  as  a  rule  for  himself;  which  he  practised  for  several 
years.  From  it  he  derived  several  advantages,  in  promoting 
his  health,  in  a  saving  of  money,  in  a  saving  of  time  at  his 
meals,  which  he  devoted  to  reading,  in  rendering  his  mind 
clear,  and  in  leading  him  to  practise  habits  of  frugality  in  his 
living. 

When  he  was  quite  a  lad,  he  expressed  a  strong  inclination 
to  become  a  sailor,  and  was  dissuaded  from  it  only  by  the  de 
cided  opposition  of  his  father. 

His  time  at  school  was  so  limited,  that  he  had  no  opportu 
nity  to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  arithmetic.  This  deficiency 
he  supplied  by  his  own  efforts,  without  the  aid  of  any  in 
structor. 

While  he  continued  in  his  brother's  employment  as  an  ap 
prentice,  he  industriously  improved  all  the  time  he  could 
redeem  from  labor,  in  cultivating  his  mind,  both  by  reading, 
and  in  attempts  at  composition.  But  owing  to  some  cause, 
the  harmony  which  should  always  exist  between  persons  so 
nearly  allied,  was  interrupted,  and  Benjamin  resolved  on  leav 
ing  his  brother's  service.  On  finding  it  impracticable  to  ob 
tain  employment  in  Boston,  if  he  left  his  brother  as  he  wished, 
he  resolved  on  quitting  the  place  of  his  birth;  to  accomplish 
his  purpose,  he  embarked  on  board  a  vessel  then  in  the  har- 


PENNSYLVANIA.  173 

bor,  bound  for  New  York  ;  where  after  a  short  passage  he  ar 
rived,  without  experiencing  any  disaster. 

After  a  few  days  spent  in  a  fruitless  search  of  employment 
in  that  city,  he  set  out  for  Philadelphia,  making  the  journey  on 
foot.  When  he  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  he  was  but  seven 
teen  years  old,  without  a  friend  or  an  acquaintance,  and  with 
but  one  dollar  in  his  possession. 

His  first  appearance  on  entering  Philadelphia  was  some 
what  grotesque — so  much  so,  as  to  excite  the  attention  of 
the  people  in  the  streets  which  he  traversed,  after  leaving  the 
boat  in  which  he  arrived  in  that  city.  With  his  wardrobe  in 
his  pockets,  and  a  roll  of  bread  under  each  arm,  he  bent  his 
way,  first  through  Market-street,  and  thence  from  one  street 
to  another,  (it  being  a  Sabbath  morning)  until  he  found  him 
self  in  a  Quaker  Meeting.  There  he  sat  down,  and  soon  fell 
into  a  sound  sleep  until  their  worship  was  closed.  He  was 
then  kindly  awakened  by  one  of  the  congregation,  and  ad 
monished  to  seek  out  another  resting  place. 

There  were  but  two  printing  establishments  in  Philadelphia, 
when  Franklin  arrived  there.  In  one  of  these  he  soon  found 
employment  as  a  compositor  ;  here  he  secured  the  esteem  of 
his  employer  by  industry  ;  for  he  pushed  his  business  during 
those  hours,  when  others  usually  indulge  in  relaxation,  and 
too  often  in  prodigal  expenses.  But  Franklin  scrupulously 
observed  the  system  of  frugality  he  had  previously  begun  ; 
and  by  means  of  these,  and  his  habit  of  the  strictest  punctu 
ality  in  all  his  engagements,  he  attracted  the  observation,  and 
acquired  the  esteem  of  the  public,  and  became  a  favorite 
among  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia. 

He  had  written  an  account  of  his  journey,  and  his  recent 
adventures,  to  a  friend  at  Newcastle,  in  Delaware.  The 
letter  containing  this  account,  had  been  shown  to  Sir  William 
Keith,  governor  of  the  province  ;  which  gave  him  such  ap 
opinion  of  his  merits  and  talents,  as  induced  him  to  seek  foi 
an  acquaintance  with  the  youthful  journeyman  printer.  He 
called  on  Franklin,  and  invited  him  to  his  house  as  a  visitor, 
on  terms  of  friendship,  whenever  it  suited  his  convenience  ; 
and  on  that  occasion,  took  him  to  a  neighboring  inn,  and  par 
took  with  him  of  a  bottle  of  wine,  with  which  the  governoi 
familiarly  commenced  their  friendship.  This  friendship 
although  grateful  to  the  feelings  of  Franklin,  was  subsequently 
the  means  of  involving  him  in  some  temporary  embarras 
ments. 

In  consequence  of  a  proposal  of  Governor  Keith,  to  set  up 
15* 


174  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

an  independent  establishment  of  his  own,  he  made  a  journey 
to  Boston,  after  an  absence  of  seven  months,  to  obtain  the 
sanction  of  his  father,  and  to  visit  his  friends.  By  the  advice 
of  his  father  this  project  was  relinquished  ;  but  another  more 
extensive,  soon  followed  from  the  same  source  ;  which  meet- 
ing  with  Franklin's  concurrence,  led  him  to  embark  for  Lon 
don,  to  prepare  the  way  for  accomplishing  it,  under  the 
governor's  patronage.  But  his  patronage  being  of  no  bene 
fit  to  him,  Franklin  found  himself  again  in  straightened  cir 
cumstances,  without  friends  or  money,  three  thousand  miles 
from  home,  and  in  the  metropolis  of  England.  But  here  his 
genius  did  not  forsake  him  ,  though  embarrassed,  he  did  not 
sink  under  his  difficulties.  He  soon  obtained  employment  in 
one  of  the  principal  printing  offices  in  London.  There  he 
observed  the  same  course  of  industry,  punctuality,  and  econo 
my,  which  he  had  done  in  Philadelphia  ;  and  the  general  re 
sult  was  similar  in  his  new  situation.  He  secured  the  confi 
dence  and  esteem  of  his  employers,  and  a  decent  subsistence 
for  himself  and  was  enabled  to  contribute  to  the  necessities 
of  a  friend,  who  had  accompanied  him  in  his  Transatlantic 
voyage,  as  a  literary  adventurer ;  and  who,  being  destitute 
of  pecuniary  resourses,  was  involved  in  indigence,  and  was 
kept  from  suffering  and  want  by  Franklin's  liberality  and 
friendship. 

Wherever  he  was,  whether  in  Boston,  Philadelphia,  or 
London,  he  pursued  the  same  course  of  industry,  and  paid 
the  same  careful  attention  to  the  cultivation  of  his  mind.  It 
was  during  his  short  residence  in  London,  that  he  became 
acquainted  with,  and  received  the  flattering  attentions  of  a 
number  of  distinguished  Infidels  ;  among  whom  was  Lord 
Mandeville.  This  unfortunate  acquaintance  was  the  conse 
quence  of  his  writing  and  publishing  a  pamphlet,  upon  deistical 
metaphysics.  This  was  a  step  which  he  afterwards  con 
demned  either  from  a  conviction  that  the  principles  of  deism 
were  untenable,  or  on  the  ground  of  its  having  been  inexpe 
dient.  Whatever  were  his  religious  principles  in  his  riper 
age,  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  in  his  early  years  he  was  tine 
tured  with  the  views  of  Hume,  Voltaire,  and  Gibbon. 

After  spending  about  eighteen  months  in  London,  he  con 
templated  making  a  tour  over  the  European  continent.  P>om 
this  project,  however,  he  was  diverted  by  a  mercantile  ac. 
quaintance,  who  was  about  making  a  voyage  to  America, 
to  carry  out  some  merchandise  to  Philadelphia.  He  propo 
sed  to  take  Franklin  with  him  in  the  capacity  of  a  clerk  ;  to 


PENNSYLVANIA.  175 

which  proposal  he  readily,  acceded,  relinquished  his  intended 
tour  of  Europe,  and  returned  to  his  friends  in  his  native  coun 
try.  They  embarked  tor  America  on  the  twenty-second  day 
of  July,  1726,  when  he  was  some  months  more  than  twenty 
years  of  age:  and  arrived  at  Philadelphia  on  the  llth  of 
October  following. 

During  the  voyage,  Franklin  kept  a  journal  of  all  the  inci 
dents  he  deemed  worthy  to  be  recorded ;  and  drew  up  a  set 
of  rules  for  the  government  of  his  conduct  through  his  future 
life.  To  these  he  ever  afterwards  scrupulously  adhered. 

His  patron  commenced  business  in  Philadelphia,  and  took 
Franklin  into  his  employment.  His  prospects  now  rapidly 
brightened  fast ;  and  a  scene  of  prosperity  and  wealth  opened 
before  him,  which  was  highly  flattering  to  his  youthful  mind. 
But  it  was  only  of  short  duration.  It  was  wholly  obscured  and 
closed,  by  the  early  decease  of  his  patron  and  friend.  This 
event  left  him  again  without  employment,  and  threw  him  on 
the  world  once  more  a  journeyman  printer.  He  re-entered 
the  service  of  his  former  employer  ;  but  continued  with  him 
only  a  few  months.  Soon  after  this  separation,  he  formed  a 
connection  with  another  printer  ;  and  by  the  aid  of  his  pecu 
niary  means  set  up  an  establishment  on  their  own  account. 

The  knowledge  of  the  art  which  he  had  acquired  was 
superior  to  that  of  his  competitors  ;  and  that  combined  with 
his  assiduous  industry,  and  attention  to  business,  his  abstain 
ing  from  all  irregularities  common  to  young  men,  and  his 
entire  punctuality  in  meeting  all  his  engagements,  enabled 
him  to  obtain  the  confidence  of  the  community,  to  extend  his 
acquaintance,  and  to  secure  the  aid  of  friends. 

From  this  period,  the  vicissitudes  of  his  previous  life  gave 
place  to  a  more  uniform  and  prosperous  course.  His  busi 
ness  increased  ;  his  reputation  became  established  ;  his  cha 
racter  extensively  known,  and  was  uniformly  respected  and 
esteemed. 

In  1730,  he  was  married  to  a  lady,  whose  maiden  name 
was  Read.  He  had  paid  his  addresses  to  her  before  he  went 
to  England.  The  intimacy  was  suspended,  and  she  had  been 
married  to  another  man  in  the  mean  time.  But  having  be 
come  a  widow,  he  renewed  his  attentions,  married  her,  and 
lived  with  her  in  the  enjoyment  of  much  conjugal  felicity. 

As  he  was  ever  desirous  of  promoting  scientific  improve 
ment  and  useful  knowledge  in  the  community,  about  this 
time,  in  connection  with  some  respectable  young  men,  he  in 
stituted  a  club,  called  The  Junto ;  in  the  meetings  of  which 


17G  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

many  important  subjects  were  discussed.  This  club  was 
continued  for  thirty  years,  and  was  followed  by  the  Philadel 
phia  Philosophical  Society.  Its  influence  on  society  was 
salutary  in  several  respects,  and  contributed  to  excite  a  lite 
rary  taste  and  emulation  in  the  society  in  which  its  influence 
was  immediately  felt. 

He  began  his  almanac  in  1732,  under  the  title  of  "  Poor 
Richard's  Almanac"  and  continued  to  publish  it  annually 
for  thirty  years.  It  was  a  very  useful  and  popular  work. 
The  last  of  the  series  was  published  in  1757.  In  this  he 
collected  the  principal  articles  contained  in  the  preceding 
annuals  ;  and  this  was  republished  in  several  editions,  and 
various  forms,  in  Great  Britain ;  and  was  translated  into  seve 
ral  foreign  languages,  and  published  on  the  continent  of 
Europe. 

About  this  time  he  printed  a  newspaper  in  Philadelphia ; 
which,  as  might  have  been  expected,  sustained  a  respectable 
character,  quite  superior  to  several  of  its  contemporaries. 

By  his  assiduous  attention  to  reading,  in  which  he  perse 
vered  in  every  situation  in  life,  he  acquired  a  knowledge  of 
the  Latin,  French,  Italian,  and  Spanish  languages ;  and 
accomplished  this  almost  unaided  by  teachers. 

In  the  club,  called  "  The  Junto,"  a  small  collection  of 
books  was  made  by  him  for  the  use  of  the  members  ;  and 
this   was  the   commencement  of  the  Philadelphia  Library 
Thus  Franklin  became  the  founder  of  the  first  public  library 
in  this  country. 

Shortly  after  he  commenced  his  newspaper,  several  things 
concurred  to  extend  his  reputation,  render  him  popular, 
and  increase  his  prosperity.  He  composed  a  pamphlet  in 
1729,  concerning  the  nature  and  necessity  of  paper  currency, 
which  was  a  favorite  subject  with  the  public  at  that  period. 
He  assisted  in  promoting  its  use.  This  rendered  him  a 
favorite  with  a  people  predisposed  to  adopt  the  measure.  He 
wrote,  and  published,  several  miscellaneous  essays,  which 
were  *ead  with  avidity,  and  with  much  satisfaction.  Such 
essays  were  less  common  then  than  in  after  years  ;  and 
were  'doubtless  more  highly  valued  for  that  reason,  in  ad- 
dition  to  their  own  intrinsic  merit,  than  they  would  otherwise 
have  been.  He  had  also  the  public  printing  committed  to 
him,  by  the  government  of  Pennsylvania.  These  things  all 
combined  to  increase  the  subscription  list  of  his  newspaper ; 
and  his  prospect  of  passing  from  indigence  to  affluence,  was 
continually  and  rapidly  brightening. 


PENNSYLVANIA.  17? 

In  1736,  the  general  assembly  of  the  province  appointed 
him  their  clerk  ;  and  the  following  year  they  added  the  office 
of  postmaster  of  Philadelphia.  Being  now  relieved  from  the 
drudgery  of  constant  labor,  which  a  provision  for  his  domestic 
necessities  had  till  then  demanded  of  him,  by  means  of  his 
official  income,  added  to  that  derived  from  his  establishment, 
he  found  leisure  to  devote  more  of  his  time  and  attention  to 
the  promotion  of  other  objects,  in  which  he  felt  a  strong  in- 
terest.  He  began  his  schemes  of  public  utility  by  organizing 
fire  companies  ;  reforming  the  city  watch  ;  and  devising  and 
procuring  the  means  for  paving  and  lighting  the  streets  of 
the  city.  "  The  American  Philosophical  Society,"  "  The 
Pennsylvania  University,"  and  "  The  Pennsylvania  Hospi 
tal."  all  owe  their  existence  to  Benjamin  Franklin.  And  all 
the  military  discipline  which  existed  in  Pennsylvania,  origi 
nated  with  him.  Until  his  efforts  in  its  favor,  it  had  been 
entirely  neglected  in  that  province. 

He  commenced  the  publication  of  The  General  Magazine 
and  Historical  Chronicle,  for  the  British  Plantations,  in  1741. 
This  periodical  was  very  popular,  and  was  judiciously  adapted 
to  the  taste  of  the  public,  during  the  time  it  was  published. 
In  1742,  he  composed  and  published  his  treatise  on  the  improve 
ment  of  chimnies,  and  invented  the  well  known  stove  which 
bears  his  name.  From  this  invention  he  neither  sought  nor 
obtained  any  pecuniary  benefit.  He  gave  it  to  the  public. 

By  his  disinterested  and  persevering  labor  for  the  public 
good,  he  gained  the  esteem  and  respect  of  his  fellow  citizens  ; 
and  they  began  to  confer  on  him  their  popular  favors.  The  go 
vernor  appointed  him  successively  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and 
an  alderman  of  the  city  ;  and  by  the  corporation  he  was  chosen 
a  member  of  the  common  council.  In  1744,  he  was  elected 
a  member  of  the  provincial  legislature  ;  to  which  station  he 
was  annually  re-elected  for  ten  years,  without  intermission, 
and  without  soliciting  a  vote  from  any  person. 

About  this  time  he  commenced  his  philosophical  course, 
which  in  a  few  years  spread  his  fame  over  the  civilized  world, 
arid  placed  him  in  the  first  rank  among  eminent  men. 

His  attention  to  electricity  was  excited  by  some  experi 
ments  exhibited  by  some  foreigners  at  Boston,  in  1747,  when 
he  was  casually  there,  and  witnessed  their  exhibitions.  Hav 
ing  repeated  them  with  entire  success,  on  his  return  to  Phi 
ladelphia,  and  added  some  others  of  his  own  devising,  or  he 
had  received  in  some  account  from  a  friend  in  England,  he 
became  much  attached  to  that  study,  and  devoted  a  large 


178  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

portion  of  his  time  to  its  cultivation.  It  is  well  known, 
that  he  enlarged  the  science  of  electricity,  far  mdre  than  all 
his  predecessors.  He  was  the  first  man  who  kindled  gun- 
powder  with  electricity,  magnetized  steel  needles,  melted 
metals,  and  killed  animals  of  a  considerable  size  by  the  same 
means.  He  greatly  improved  the  Leyden  Vial,  by  means  of 
which  he  could  regulate  his  experiments  with  safety,  as  he 
discovered  its  properties  of  accumulating,  retaining,  and 
throwing  off  any  quantity  of  the  fluid  he  wished.  It  was  then 
that  he  discovered  the  utility  of  points,  and  the  positive  and 
negative  state  of  electricity.  Having  made  considerable  pro- 
gress  in  his  discoveries,  he  conceived  the  idea  that  the  elec 
tric  fluid  and  lightning  were  the  same.  This  led  him  to 
devise  a  plan  for  drawing  the  fluid  from  a  thunder  cloud,  and 
discharging  it  into  the  earth.  Having  succeeded  in  his  ex- 
periment  with  the  kite,  and  established  the  principle  of  iden 
tity  of  the  electric  fluid  and  lightning,  when  it  was  pub 
lished,  his  fame  spread  with  great  rapidity  over  the  world, 
and  he  acquired,  and  ever  afterwards  sustained,  an  exalted 
rank  among  eminent  natural  philosophers,  notwithstanding 
numerous  attempts  were  made  to  deprive  him  of  the  merit  of 
his  discoveries,  prompted  by  the  envy  of  contemporary  phi 
losophers  in  England  and  elsewhere,  but  principally  in  Great 
Britain. 

An  account  of  his  experiments  he  transmitted  to  London, 
in  letters  to  a  friend,  soon  after  they  were  made  in  1752. 
These,  when  published,  excited  many  others  to  repeat  them, 
and  to  admire  and  extol  the  inventor.  They  called  forth  the 
honorary  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  from  Yale  College  and 
Harvard  University,  in  honor  of  his  discoveries. 

Having  more  time  at  his  command  than  formerly,  he  paid 
much  attention  to  experiments  in  various  subjects  of  natural 
philosophy ;  and  wrote  and  published  treatises  on  several 
branches  of  science.  His  time  was  constantly  occupied  in 
something  designed  to  meliorate  the  condition,  and  promote 
the  comfort  of  mankind.  But  these  speculations  and  philoso 
phical  experiments  did  not  interfere  with  his  active  duties  in 
society.  He  continued  to  be  a  political  favorite  with  the  peo. 
pie  of  the  province. 

In  1758,  he  was  appointed  by  the  government  to  conclude 
a  treaty  with  the  Indians  at  Carlisle.  The  next  year  he  was 
sent  to  Albany  to  attend  a  congress,  which  the  British  govern 
ment  had  caused  to  be  assembled,  for  devising  a  plan  of  de- 
fence  for  the  colonies  against  the  French  and  hostile  savages 


PENNSYLVANIA.  179 

The  deputy  post  master  general,  having  deceased  about 
this  time,  Franklin  was  appointed  to  that  office.  The  office  had 
been  heretofore  unproductive  ;  but  under  his  management,  it 
became  a  source  of  considerable  revenue  to  the  government. 

After  the  defeat  of  General  Braddock,  he  took  a  lively  in 
terest  in  the  protection  of  the  colonies  against  their  insidious 
foes  ;  and  having  obtained  a  law  for  establishing  and  disci- 
plining  a  corps  of  volunteer  militia,  he  by  request  of  the  gover 
nor  raised  a  small  body  of  men,  and  marched  with  them  to  the 
protection  of  the  frontiers,  which  were  much  threatened  by 
the  French  and  Indians.  But  he  generally  declined  military 
honors  ;  assigning  as  his  reason  for  it,  his  unfitness  for  mili 
tary  life. 

A  dispute  having  arisen  in  Pennsylvania,  between  the  pro. 
prietors  of  large  estates  and  the  provincial  assembly,  the  for. 
mer  claiming  to  have  their  private  property  exempted  from 
taxation,  and  the  latter  deeming  it  unsafe,  it  was  referred  to 
the  mother  government  for  a  final  decision.  Franklin  was 
selected  as  agent  to  manage  the  cause  on  the  part  of  the 
assembly.  He  took  a  decided  stand  against  the  unjust  preten 
sions  of  the  executive  ;  and  so  conducted  the  controversy  as  to 
obtain  a  decision  in  favor  of  his  clients.  While  he  was  in 
England,  engaged  in  this  important  business,  he  formed  many 
acquaintances  which  were  highly  useful  and  of  much  impor 
tance  to  him  in  the  scenes  in  which  he  was  afterwards  called 
to  act  so  conspicuous  a  part.  He  arrived  in  London  on  this 
agency,  in  July,  1757.  While  there,  the  honors  of  some 
of  the  English  and  Scottish  universities  were  conferred  on 
him. 

During  his  residence  in  England,  he  visited  the  birthplace 
of  his  father,  in  Northamptonshire.  He  there  traced  the  his 
tory  of  his  ancestry  ;  an  account  of  which  he  afterwards  pub 
lished,  with  a  favorable  exhibition  of  their  character  for  me- 
chanical  ingenuity,  integrity,  and  moral  uprightness,  for  which 
they  were  held  in  good  esteem  by  that  community. 

He  travelled  into  Scotland  also,  and  there  formed  many 
distinguished  acquaintances ;  among  whom  was  the  celebra 
ted  author  of  "  Sketches  of  Criticism,"  Lord  Kaimes.  Their 
friendship,  kept  alive  by  a  literary  correspondence,  lasted 
to  the  close  of  life. 

After  an  absence  of  about  five  years,  he  returned  to  Ame 
rica  ;  and  on  his  arrival  he  received  the  honor  of  a  public 
vote  of  thanks  from  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  as  a  testi 
mony  of  their  approbation,  together  with  the  sum  of  five  thou- 


180  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

snnd  pounds,  as  a  compensation  for  his  important  services 
rendered  to  the  province.  His  election  to  a  seat  in  that  body 
had  been  continued  during  his  absence,  and  he  consequently 
took  it,  and  resumed  his  duties  in  the  legislature  without  in- 
terruption. 

During  the  following  year,  he  was  employed  in  visiting  the 
northern  colonies,  and  regulating  the  post  offices,  and  in  act 
ing  on  his  return,  as  a  commissioner  for  raising  troops  for  the 
defence  of  the  frontier  against  the  incursions  of  the  hostile  In- 
dians.  He  was  also  engaged,  some  part  of  the  time,  in  quell 
ing  insurrections  which  occurred  in  the  interior  of  the  province. 

In  1764,  the  proprietors  recommenced  the  controversy 
which  had  occasioned  Franklin's  tour  to  England  in  1757  ; 
and  their  efforts  to  exclude  from  the  assembly,  the  man  whose 
influence  in  that  body  they  most  dreaded,  having  succeeded, 
he  was  not  a  member  for  this  year.  But  his  friends  having  a 
majority  in  the  house,  came  to  a  resolution  to  petition  the 
king  to  abolish  the  authority  of  the  proprietors.  This  measure 
was  suggested  by  Franklin ;  and  it  caused  his  exclusion  from 
the  assembly.  They  having  resolved  to  present  their  peti 
tion  to  the  king  in  person,  again  appointed  him  on  the  agency, 
much  to  the  chagrin  of  the  proprietors.  On  this  agency,  he 
embarked  for  England,  in  November,  1764,  and  arrived 
there  the  third  time  the  following  month.  His  arrival  was 
cordially  greeted  by  his  friends  in  that  country.  After 
spending  a  year  in  England,  having  nothing  then  to  prevent 
him,  he  went  into  Holland,  Germany,  and  France  ;  in  all  of 
which  countries,  his  reputation  having  preceded  him,  he  was 
received  with  marked  attention,  and  treated  with  great  re 
spect,  and  the  kindest  hospitality,  by  those  in  high  political 
station,  and  the  most  distinguished  philosophers  and  gentle 
men  of  literary  eminence.  He  was  introduced  to  Louis  XV. 
and  the  members  of  his  family,  and  was  received,  and  enter 
tained  with  marks  of  particular  distinction  by  the  nobility  and 
gentry,  who  were  members  of  the  French  court.  He  was 
also  noticed  with  particular  attention  by  the  va-rious  literary 
bodies  in  Paris,  but  especially  by  the  Academy  of  Sciences, 
who  elected  him  an  honorary  member  of  their  body. 

Franklin  embarked  for  England  the  third  time,  in  the  year 
in  which  the  British  ministry  procured  the  passage  of  the 
celebrated  "Stamp  act."  He  exerted  himself  with  the  mi 
nority,  and  his  personal  friends,  to  prevent  its  being  carried 
into  operation,  and  to  prevent  the  troubles  which  he  clearly 
foresaw  and  predicted  would  ensue  from  the  course  of  mea- 


PENNSYLVANIA.  181 

sures  the  government  were  resolved  on,  respecting  the 
American  colonies.  His  established  character,  and  the 
high  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  in  that  country,  gave 
him  so  much  influence,  that  the  opposition  party  thought  it 
expedient  to  have  him  examined  at  the  bar  of  the  house  of 
commons,  and  publicly  interrogated  concerning  the  interests 
and  feelings  of  the  American  colonists.  They  therefore  pro 
cured  a  summons  for  that  purpose,  on  the  3d  of  February, 
1766,  which  he  most  cheerfully  obeyed.  He  acquitted  him 
self  on  the  occasion  in  such  a  manner,  as  raised  his  reputa 
tion  still  higher  than  it  was  before,  in  the  estimation  of  both 
parties.  This  examination  being  afterwards  published  in 
England  and  America,  in  both  countries  it  was  sought  after, 
and  read  with  great  solicitude  ;  and  in  the  latter,  it  not  only 
very  much  exalted  his  character,  but  endeared  him  to  the 
hearts  of  his  countrymen.  While  he  was  in  England,  he 
carefully  watched  the  projects  of  the  ministry,  respecting  the 
colonies ;  and  foreseeing  their  consequences,  which  he  depre 
cated,  he  exerted  his  utmost  efforts  to  prevent  them  ;  and  to 
his  sincere  regret,  without  success.  He  would  gladly  have 
effected  a  reconciliation  at  that  time,  had  it  been  in  his  power. 
He  foresaw  an  ultimate  separation  of  the  two  countries  ;  but, 
like  many  others,  he  thought  the  time  for  it  had  not  yet  come, 
and  that  an  attempt  to  bring  it  about  must  be  premature. 

The  time  which  he  spent  in  England  during  this  visit, 
(having  been,  appointed  agent  for  several  of  the  colonies,)  he 
devoted  to  watching  the  designs  and  projects  of  the  ministe 
rial  party,  and  in  efforts  to  ward  off  the  approaching  evils, 
which  he  painfully  anticipated.  And  as  he  early  perceived 
that  it  was  impracticable  to  prevent  their  occurrence,  he  en 
deavored  to  obtain  information  relative  to  their  purposed 
measures,  which  he  might  improve  for  the  best  advantage 
of  his  country.  In  the  course  of  his  efforts  to  accomplish 
these  objects,  he  met  with  open  and  gross  insults  from  the 
minions  of  the  ministry,  which  he  endured  with  calm  dignity, 
and  great  self  command.  Artful  attempts  were  made  to  de 
tach  him  from  the  interests  of  his  country,  and  gain  him  on 
the  side  of  the  ministry  ;  all  of  which  he  penetrated  and 
evaded  with  adroitness  and  decision.  In  this  manner  he 
spent  several  years  in  England,  experiencing  much  which 
wounded  his  feelings,  effecting  none  of  the  objects  for  which 
his  mission  was  undertaken,  but  extending  an  acquaintance, 
which  he  knew  would  befriend  the  colonies  in  the  approach, 
ing  conflict,  and  acquiring  information  which  he  hoped  would 


182  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

be  beneficial  to  them.  Being  satisfied  that  his  longer  stay  in 
England  would  be  productive  of  no  good  results,  and  having 
learned  that  he  might  be  marked  out  for  ministerial  ven- 
geance,  he  left  that  country  somewhat  precipitately,  and 
arrived  at  Philadelphia,  early  in  May,  1775.  On  his  ar 
rival,  his  friends  and  fellow  citizens  greeted  him  with  great 
cordiality,  and  with  marks  of  sincere  respect  and  gratitude. 
These  he  had  well  merited,  by  his  zeal  and  fidelity  in  their 
cause,  and  the  eminent  services  he  had  rendered  them. 

Immediately  on  his  return,  he  was  elected  to  a  seat  in  the 
general  congress.  He  was  soon  deputed  on  a  mission  to 
Canada,  to  prevail  with  that  province  to  make  a  common 
cause  by  joining  with  the  other  colonies,  in  resisting  the  Bri 
tish  aggressions.  He  was  also  appointed  by  congress,  to 
manage  the  general  post  office.  And  he  devoted  a  share  of 
his  attention  to  providing  for  the  defence  of  Philadelphia 
against  the  approach  of  an  enemy  by  water.  It  was  he  who 
projected  the  chevaux  de  frise  as  one  means  of  defence  of 
that  city.  He  also  united  his  zealous  endeavors  with  others,  to 
procure  a  Declaration  of  Independence.  He  was  on  the 
committee  by  whom  it  was  reported  ;  and  he  signed  it  upon 
its  adoption  by  congress. 

In  May,  1777,  Doctor  Franklin  was  appointed  by  congress, 
together  with  John  Adams,  and  Edward  Rutledge,  to  hear 
the  proposals  of  commissioners  sent  by  the  English  govern 
ment,  to  negotiate  with  congress  a  reconciliation.  Lord 
Howe  was  at  the  head  of  that  commission.  With  him  Doc 
tor  Franklin  had  formerly  become  acquainted  when  he  was 
in  England. 

After  the  general  congress  had  advised  the  several  states 
to  form  a  government  for  themselves,  a  convention  was  call 
ed  for  that  purpose.  Doctor  Franklin  was  chosen  its  presi 
dent. 

In  1776,  congress  appointed  him  a  commissioner  to  repair 
to  the  court  of  France,  to  negotiate  with  that  government  for 
aid  to  the  United  States,  in  their  conflict  with  Great  Britain. 
He  undertook  this  embassy  in  the  seventy-first  year  of  his  age. 
He  sailed  from  America  the  latter  part  of  October,  and  arri 
ved  in  Nantz,  without  any  disaster  ;  and  after  a  few  days  of 
rest  in  that  city,  during  which  he  learned  intelligence  which 
augured  favorably  for  his  mission,  he  proceeded  to  Paris.  He 
reached  there  in  December.  Here  he  met  with  a  very  flat 
tering  reception  from  the  men  in  power,  and  received  much  to 
encourage  and  strengthen  his  hopes  of  accomplishing  the 


PENNSYLVANIA.  183 

great  object  for  which  he  undertook  the  mission.  He  had  been 
endeavoring  to  prepare  the  way  for  it  some  time  previous  to  the 
appointment,  by  corresponding  with  gentlemen  in  Holland, 
and  elsewhere  in  Europe.  The  acquaintances  he  had  formed 
in  his  previous  missions,  with  distinguished  men  in  different 
nations,  eminently  fitted  him,  in  addition  to  his  other  qualifica 
tions  to  undertake  this  service  for  his  country.  Before  he 
left  home,  he  committed  his  pecuniary  funds  to  congress, 
which  showed  his  confidence  of  ultimate  success  in  the  strug 
gle,  gave  a  new  practical  evidence  of  his  patriotism,  and  set  an 
example  which  he  hoped  would  be  followed  by  others,  who 
possessed  the  means  of  aiding  congress  to  maintain  the  war. 

To  avoid  the  expense  of  a  residence  in  Paris,  after  a  short 
time,  he  took  up  his  abode  at  Sassay,  a  neighboring  vil 
lage,  where  he  resided  during  the  whole  time  he  remained 
in  France.  Although  he  was  so  favorably  received  in  France, 
and  was  very  much  esteemed  and  respected  there'  although 
the  feelings  of  both  the  government,  and  people  of  France 
were  hostile  to  England,  and  in  favor  of  the  Americans,  yet 
the  cautious  policy  of  the  ministry  kept  them  from  openly 
espousing  the  American  cause,  though  at  the  same  time  they 
secretly  furnished  aid  to  congress  ;  and  he  could  not  succeed 
in  the  great  purpose  of  bis  mission,  until  some  signal  success  of 
the  Americans  rendered  it  probable  that  the  issue  of  the  con 
flict  would  be  in  their  favor.  This  success  was  obtained  in 
the  capture  of  Burgoyne's  army  in  1777.  That  event  gave 
such  a  favorable  aspect  to  their  affairs,  that  a  treaty  was  ne 
gotiated  ;  the  American  ambassadors  were  openly  recognized  ; 
and  the  French  government,  in  alliance  with  the  United 
States,  openly  espoused  the  cause  of  American  Independence. 
On  this  joyful  occasion,  to  show  his  feelings,  he  wore  the 
same  dress,  when  rejoicing  on  account  of  this  success,  which 
to  him  was  a  triumph  over  the  British  ministry,  that  he  had 
on  at  the  time  he  received  an  insult  from  them  some  years 
before. 

The  services  which  now  devolved  on  Doctor  Franklin, 
were  complicated,  arduous,  and  often  perplexing  ;  but  of 
great  importance  and  much  value  to  the  United  States ;  and 
these  he  performed  with  zeal  and  activity,  though  at  a  period 
when  most  men  would  retire  from  active  labors,  and  enjoy 
the  repose  of  old  age. 

To  his  duties  of  a  minister,  he  superadded  those  of  a  con 
sul  ;  of  judge  of  admiralty,  for  commissioning  privateers,  &c. ; 
and  of  a  merchant,  for  purchasing  and  superintending  the 


184  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

shipment  of  property  to  the  United  States.  To  tLese  was 
added  much  business  of  a  subordinate  character,  important  to 
his  government,  attended  with  great  labor  and  perplexing 
anxiety,  and  for  which  congress  had  made  no  appointment  of 
an  agent. 

While  he  was  thus  engaged  in  France,  congress  sent  him 
a  commission  to  negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  Spanish  govern, 
merit.  But  their  slow  and  temporizing  course  .disgusted 
Franklin,  which  he  manifested  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jay,  then  in 
Spain,  in  the  following  significant  expressions.  "  They  have 
taken  four  years  to  consider  whether  they  would  treat  with 
us  ;  give  them  forty,  and  let  us  mind  our  own  business." 
He  carried  on  his  negotiation  with  that  government,  through 
the  Spanish  minister  in  France. 

The  successful  result  of  his  negotiation  with  the  French 
government,  placed  Doctor  Franklin  in  an  attitude  which 
called  forth  marks  of  respect  from  several  of  the  European 
powers,  highly  flattering  to  his  feelings;  especially  as  through 
him,  they  evinced  their  own,  in  relation  to  the  country  which 
he  represented,  and  the  cause  she  was  supporting.  These 
were  evinced,  in  various  ways,  by  Sweden,  Denmark,  and 
Austria. 

After  the  treaty  with  France  was  known  in  England,  it 
excited  no  small  alarm  in  that  nation  ;  and  the  ministry  espe 
cially  felt  muc*h  solicitude  about  the  effect  it  might  have  on 
themselves,  and  their  hold  upon  the  places  they  held  in  the 
government.  Besides  sending  commissioners  to  America,  to 
treat  for  peace,  which  they  would  gladly  have  obtained  on 
any  terms  short  of  acknowledging  the  independence  of  the 
United  States,  they  despatched  emissaries,  secret  and  open,  to 
try  their  efforts  for  securing  his  influence  in  their  favor.  He, 
however,  too  well  understood  their  characters  to  be  influenced 
by  their  flattering  attentions  ;  or  to  listen  to  any  proposals 
from  them,  as  a  basis  of  an  accommodation,  short  of  what 
had  been  pledged  to  the  world,  in  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  which  received  his  signature  in  1776. 

The  British  made  various  attempts  to  detach  the  Ameri 
cans  from  their  allies,  and  to  make  a  separate  peace.  All  of 
these,  whether  they  were  attempted  through  him,  or  in  the 
United  States,  Doctor  Franklin  opposed  with  an  uniform  de 
cision  and  firmness,  highly  honorable  to  his  character. 

\Vhen  at  length  the  British,  wearied  with  the  procrastinated 
struggle,  and  the  unsuccessful  manner  of  conducting  it,  were 
willing  to  treat  for  peace  on  the  basis  of  independence,  Doctor 


PENNSYLVANIA.  185 

Franklin  with  his  colleagues,  had  the  happiness  to  sign  a 
definitive  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain,  highly  honorable 
and  auspicious  to  the  interests,  and  grateful  to  the  feelings 
of  his  countrymen,  on  the  third  day  of  September,  1783. 

Having  now  consummated  the  great  object  of  his  mission, 
and  having  attained  to  a  great  age,  he  solicited  permission 
from  congress  to  return  to  his  home  and  friends.  But  he 
was  detained  there  until  1785,  when  he  was  succeeded  by 
Mr.  Jefferson.  While  he  was  in  Europe,  he  negotiated  a 
treaty  with  Sweden  and  Prussia. 

While  he  was  in  France,  he  caused  to  be  published  in  the 
French  language,  the  several  constitutions  of  the  individual 
states,  and  placed  two  copies  of  each  in  the  possession  of  all 
the  foreign  ministers  at  that  court. 

After  the  supposed  discovery  of  animal  magnetism  by  Mes- 
mer  had  excited  much  speculation  in  Europe,  and  particu 
larly  in  France,  by  the  express  desire  of  the  king  of  France, 
Doctor  Franklin  engaged  with  a  committee  to  investigate  its 
claims,  and  united  with  his  colleagues  in  exposing  its  im- 
Dosture. 

After  a  residence  in  France  of  fourteen  years,  he  took 
eave  of  the  king  and  court,  by  whom  such  signal  aid  had 
been  given  to  the  United  States,  and  from  whom  he  had  re 
ceived  marks  of  respect  and  distinction,  which  were  con 
ferred  on  few  ministers  of  the  most  powerful  governments, 
and  prepared  for  his  return  to  his  beloved  country  ;  which, 
on  his  arrival,  he  could  greet  with  the  deep-felt  congratula 
tions  upon  the  restoration  of  peace,  and  a  successful  issue  to 
their  long  and  distressing  contest. 

He  crossed  from  France  over  to  England  ;  and  after 
spending  a  few  days  in  the  society  of  some  of  his  old  friends, 
who  visited  him,  he  continued  his  voyage,  and  reached  Phila 
delphia  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  September. 

Although  now  eighty  years  of  age,  he  spent  this  voyage 
across  the  Atlantic  as  he  had  done  those  in  earlier  life,  in 
writing  on  various  subjects,  and  making  philosophical  experi 
ments. 

His  arrival  was  greeted  by  all  the  evidences  of  pleasure 
and  satisfaction,  and  the  testimonies  of  respect,  esteem,  and 
gratitude,  which  could  be  demonstrated  by  an  admiring  and 
grateful  people.  Congratulatory  addresses  flowed  in  from 
public  bodies,  and  distinguished  individuals,  continually,  ex 
pressive  of  the  sense  which  his  country  entert 
character  and  services. 


186  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

But  his  fellow  citizens  would  not  suffer  him,  notwithstand 
ing  his  great  age,  to  repose  in  the  undisturbed  tranquillity  of 
domestic  life.  He  was  appointed  president  of  the  Pennsyl 
vania  convention,  in  which  office  he  served  that  state  the 
constitutional  term  of  three  years. 

In  1787,  he  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  federal  conven 
tion,  which  framed  the  constitution  of  the  United  States.  He 
approved  of  it  as  it  was  accepted  by  the  convention,  and  ur 
gently  recommended  its  adoption  by  the  several  states. 

After  his  age  and  infirmities  constrained  him  wholly  to 
withdraw  from  public  life,  he  spent  all  the  intervals  of  ease 
rrom  those  pains  which  the  gout  and  stone  caused  him  to 
»ufier,  in  reading,  writing,  and  corresponding  with  his  nu 
merous  friends,  with  the  same  industry  which  had  charac 
terised  his  whole  life,  and  the  decays  of  his  body  appeared 
greatly  in  advance  of  those  of  his  mind.  Indeed  the  latter 
Teem  to  have  been  scarcely  impaired  at  all,  even  after  he 
;ras  wholly  confined  to  his  bed.  His  cheerfulness  and  phi- 
eosophieal  composure  remained  to  the  last.  But  being  worn 
out  with  his  boaily  and  mental  exertions  for  the  good  of  man 
kind,  he  at  iength  breathed  his  last,  and  yielded  up  his  long 
and  useful  life,  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  April,  1790,  in  the 
eighty. fourth  year  of  his  age,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 

He  was  buried  with  great  ceremony,  and  his  funeral  was 
attended  by  a  vast  concourse  of  people,  notwithstanding  he 
had  in  his  will  enjoined,  that  his  interment  should  be  unat 
tended  with  pomp  and  parade.  He  also  ibrbade,  in  the  same 
instrument,  the  erection  of  all  monumental  ornaments  at  his 
grave.  His  burial  took  place  on  the  21st  of  April ;  and  an 
universal  mourning  for  him  through  the  United  States,  was 
directed  by  congress  to  be  continued  for  thirty  days. 

The  event,  on  its  having  been  announced  in  Fiance,  was 
noticed  with  tokens  of  grief  and  public  respect,  of  various 
kinds,  by  the  municipality  of  Paris  and  ihe  national  con 
vention.  Funeral  orations  were  pronounced  under  the  direc 
tion  of  the  former ;  and  it  was  decreed,  that  each  of  the 
members  should  wear  mourning  for  three  days ;  and  that  a 
letter  of  condolence  should  be  directed  to  the  American  con 
gress,  for  the  irreparable  loss  they  had  sustained. 

His  immediate  posterity  were  two  children  ;  a  son  and  a 
daughter.  His  son,  who  had  been  governor  of  New  Jersey, 
under  the  British  government,  adhering  to  the  royal  party, 
repaired  to  England,  and  closed  his  life  there.  His  daughter 
married  Mr.  Bache,  of  Philadelphia ;  and  her  posterity  now 
reside  in  that  city. 


PENNSYLVANIA.  187 


JOHN  MORTON. 

IN  the  gentleman,  whose  name  stands  at  the  head  of  this 
article,  we  are  presented  with  another  instance  of  a  man 
rising,  almost  unassisted,  from  a  condition  in  which  he  would 
have  continued  undistinguished  from  the  thousands  who  sur 
rounded  him,  and  like  them  have  descended  to  the  grave, 
unremembered  and  unknown,  but  for  the  resolute  and  perse 
vering  efforts  of  a  determined  and  vigorous  mind. 

He  was  descended  from  Swedish  ancestors,  who  came  to 
America,  and  settled  in  the  now  state  of  Delaware,  a  short 
distance  from  Philadelphia.  He  received  the  name  of  his 
father,  who  married  a  Miss  Richards,  and  died  before  his  son, 
the  subject  of  this  sketch,  was  born.  This  event  occurred  in 
1724,  in  the  township  of  Ridley,  in  the  county  of  Delaware. 
At  a  suitable  period  after  his  father's  decease,  his  mother  was 
again  married  to  Mr.  John  Sketchley,  an  English  gentleman, 
who  became  fond  of  his  young  charge,  and  treated  his  little 
step-son  with  the  kind  endearment  and  affectionate  care, 
which  would  have  become  his  own  father.  He  was  a  gen 
tleman  of  education,  was  much  employed  as  a  surveyor,  and 
was  well  qualified  and  happily  disposed  to  become  the  affec 
tionate  tutor  of  his  ward,  which  he  did  with  fidelity,  and  no 
ordinary  success.  He  taught  him  in  several  branches  of 
mathematics,  and  especially  in  the  art  of  surveying,  and  ren 
dered  him  skilful  in  the  business  which  he  pursued.  His 
mind  by  nature  was  strong ;  and  the  benefits  he  derived  from 
his  step-father's  paternal  instructions,  he  subsequently  im 
proved  with  a  success  at  once  honorable  and  exemplary. 
Afterwards  he  realized  the  fruits  of  his  faithful  and  industrious 
labor,  in  a  rich  harvest  of  honors  which  were  awarded  to 
him  by  his  fellow  citizens. 

His  early  employment  was  surveying  new  lands,  and  cul 
tivating  his  patrimonial  farm.  In  these  he  continued  until  he 
was  called  into  public  service,  by  the  suffrages  of  his  neigh 
bors. 

In  1764,  when  he  was  about  forty  years  of  age,  he  was 
commissioned  as  a  justice  of  the  peace,  under  the  provincial 
government  of  Pennsylvania.  Soon  afterwards,  he  was  cho 
sen  a  representative  to  the  general  assembly  of  that  province  ; 
and  was,  for  a  succession  of  years,  speaker  of  the  house i 

9 


188  JOHN  MORTON, 

After  he  was  introduced  to  public  employment,  he  seems  to 
have  rapidly  risen  in  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  his  fellow 
men.  By  their  concurrence  he  was  sent  a  delegate  to  the 
congress  of  1765,  which  met  at  New  York,  in  conformity  to 
the  circular  addressed  to  the  legislative  assemblies  of  the  se 
veral  colonies,  by  the  house  of  representatives  of  Massachu 
setts,  in  consequence  of  the  passing  of  the  "  Stamp  act." 

There  happening  a  vacancy  in  the  office  of  high  sheriff  of 
the  county  where  Mr.  Morton  resided,  by  the  death  of  the  in- 
cumbant,  in  1768,  he  was  appointed  to  fill  the  office,  by  the 
governor ;  and  this  appointment  was  confirmed  by  the  gene 
ral  assembly,  at  the  next  general  election,  by  such  a  majority, 
as  proved  his  extensive  popularity,  and  the  confidence  which 
the  public  reposed  in  him.  That  office  he  held  three  years, 
to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  public. 

After  American  blood  had  been  shed  by  the  king's  troops, 
at  Lexington,  in  Massachusetts,  the  military  spirit  was  kindled 
through  the  colonies.  In  Pennsylvania,  in  his  immediate 
vicinity,  it  was  manifested  by  the  organization  of  a  volunteer 
battalion,  which  elected  him  for  their  colonel  and  commander. 
He  however  declined  accepting  the  office,  on  account  of 
other  public,  engagements,  which  he  deemed  to  be  incompati 
ble)  with  military  services.  He  had  held  the  office  of  presi 
ding  judge  of  the  provincial  court  of  quarter  sessions  and 
common  pleas ;  the  duties  of  which  he  discharged  with  so 
much  intelligence  and  fidelity,  that  about  the  time  of  the  mili 
tary  honor  proffered  him,  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  judges 
of  the  supreme  court  of  the  province. 

When  it  had  been  resolved  to  convene  a  general  congress, 
from  the  several  colonies,  in  Philadelphia,  to  consider  of  the 
alarming  prospects  of  the  country,  the  assembly  of  Pennsyl 
vania  appointed  Mr.  Morton  a  delegate  to  that  body,  on  the 
22d  day  of  July,  1774.  He  was  re-elected  to  congress  in 
December  of  the  same  year.  In  November,  1775,  while  he 
was  officiating  as  speaker  of  the  assembly,  he  was  .  again 
chosen  to  represent  the  province  in  congress;  and  in  July, 
1776,  he  was  once  more,  and  for  the  last  time,  honored  by 
«**  appointment  to  the  same  important  office.  Although  his 
iast  election  was,  by  some  days,  subsequent  to  the  day  on 
which  the  great  question  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  was  determined,  his  previous  election  had  retained  him 
in  his  seat  on  that  memorable  day ;  and  he  was  then  called 
on  officially,  to  decide  the  question  whether  there  should  be 
an  unanimous  vote  of  the  colonies,  or  whether  Pennsylvania 


PENNSYLVANIA.  189 

would  cling  to  her  opposition  to  the  measure,  and  remain  an 
exception  to  the  otherwise  unanimous  decision.  The  opinions 
and  determination  of  his  colleagues  then  present,  were  well 
known,  and  they  being  equally  divided,  it  devolved  on  him  to 
decide  the  question  by  his  single  vote.  The  responsibility 
of  his  situation  was  solemn  and  momentous.  But  he  met  the 
trying  occasion  with  the  firmness  it  demanded,  and  gave  his 
vote  in  favor  of  independence.  Thus  the  thirteen  British 
American  Colonies  renounced  their  allegiance  to  Great  Bri 
tain,  and  immediately  assumed  the  title  of  the  UNITED  STATES 
of  AMEKICA.  His  re-election  on  the  twentieth  of  the  same 
month  on  which,  by  his  single  vote,  he  had  bound  Pennsyl 
vania  to  the  Union,  must  have  been  highly  gratifying  to  his 
feelings. 

The  services  which  Mr.  Morton  rendered,  during  the  time 
he  was  a  member  of  congress,  were  numerous  and  important. 
Like  the  other  members,  he  was  much  employed  on  commit 
tees,  and  he  was  chairman  of  that  distinguished  one  which 
formed,  and  ultimately  reported  the  system  of  confederation, 
which  was  agreed  to  in  1777. 

When  he  found  himself  called  on  to  decide  the  great  ques 
tion  just  noticed,  it  is  confidently  affirmed,  and  fully  believed, 
that  the  deep  sense  of  the  awful  responsibility  which  then  lay 
on  him,  produced  such  an  effect  on  his  health,  as  hastened, 
if  it  did  not  cause,  his  death.  This  event  to  human  view,  was 
premature,  it  having  occurred  in  April,  1777,  when  he  had 
not  attained  the  full  age  of  fifty-four  years. 

He  was  married  to  Miss  Anne  Justus  of  Delaware,  and 
their  offspring  were  numerous.  Eight  survived  their  father, 
three  sons,  and  five  daughters. 

Mr.  Morton  was  a  member  of  St.  James's  church,  in  the 
town  of  Chester  ;  in  the  cemetery  of  which  his  remains  were 
interred. 

The  rank  and  honors  to  which  he  rose,  from  the  humble 
condition  of  his  early  life,  with  the  aid  of  no  very  extraordinary 
advantages,  evince  a  strong  energetic  mind,  and  talents  of  a 
high  order ;  and  he  discharged  all  the  duties  of  public  and 
domestic  life  in  such  a  consistent  manner,  as  became  such  a 
man,  professing  the  religion  of  the  gospel,  and  acting  in  con- 
formity  with  its  principles  and  requirements. 


190  GEORGE  CLYMER, 


GEORGE  CLYMER. 

The  father  of  George  Ciymer  emigrated  from  Bristol,  in 
England,  and  settled  at  Philadelphia.  He  was  connected 
with  a  very  respectable  family  in  the  former  city,  where  he 
was  born  and  educated.  In  Philadelphia  he  married;  lived 
but  a  few  years,  and  died.  At  the  time  of  his  parent's  decease, 
George  was  but  seven  years  old,  and  left  in  a  state  of  orphan 
age.  But  in  his  uncle,  William  Coleman  Esquire,  a  highly 
respectable  citizen  of  Philadelphia,  this  orphan  child  had  pro 
videntially  provided  for  him  the  kindness  of  a  father,  the  wis 
dom  and  caution  of  a  judicious  guardian,  and  the  precepts 
and  example  of  a  well  informed  and  upright  man. 

This  worthy  man,  having  such  a  charge  placed  in  his  hands 
cheerfully  assumed  the  responsibility ;  and  he  early  provided 
his  young  ward  with  such  means  of  education,  as  he  deemed 
his  destined  business  as  a  commercial  man  required,  to  quali 
fy  him  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  a  merchant  with  faithfulness,  re 
spectability,  and  (so  far  as  it  rested  on  qualifications  to  ensure 
it)  success.  Mr.  Coleman  undertook  the  superintendence 
of  his  nephew's  education.  He  treated  him  as  a  son,  and  a 
member  of  his  family,  till  he  married. 

Having  finished  his  education  preparatory  to  entering 
on  his  business,  his  uncle  placed  him  in  his  compting-house, 
that  he  might  become  qualified  for  mercantile  pursuits.  The 
business  was  not  congenial  to  his  feelings,  although  he  at 
tended  with  fidelity  to  the  duties  of  his  station.  His  princi 
ples  were  opposed  to  the  trafficking  of  a  merchant,  because 
he  believed  the  vicissitudes  of  sudden  losses  and  gains  were 
connected  with  temptations  dangerous  to  moral  principle, 
exposing  young  men  to  make  shipwreck  of  character,  either 
by  great  and  sudden  prosperity,  or  deep  adversity.  In  his 
adherence  to  these  views,  he  was  uniform;  and  although 
he  entered  into  mercantile  business  himself,  in  connection 
with  a  Mr.  Robert  Ritchie,  and  afterwards  with  his  father 
in-law  and  brother-in-law,  Mr.  Meredith  &  Son,  he,  never 
theless,  successfully  dissuaded  his  children  from  engaging  in 
it,  as  a  business  which  he  did  not  approve. 

He  inherited  the  principal  part  of  his  uncle's  fortune. 
When  about  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  he  married  Miss 
Elizabeth  Meredith,  with  whose  father  and  brother  he  con 
tinued  the  mercantile  business  until  the  decease  of  the  for- 


PENNSYLVANIA.  191 

mer,  and  afterwards  with  the  son,  until  about  1782.  Not. 
withstanding  his  engagements  in  business,  by  which  much  of 
his  time  was  necessarily  occupied,  he  was  assiduous  in  culti 
vating  and  improving  his  mind  by  reading,  for  which  he  had 
a  strong  relish  from  his  childhood.  Happily  for  him,  his 
uncle's  library,  which  was  large  and  judiciously  selected, 
furnished  him  ample  means  for  gratifying  his  disposition, 
even  from  his  youth. 

Mr.  Clymer  manifested  republican  principles  at  an  early 
age ;  and  even  anticipated  many  who  were  decided  in  sup- 
port  of  the  colonial  rights  against  British  usurpation.  He 
attended  all  the  public  and  private  meetings  which  were 
called  in  Philadelphia,  to  consider  of  the  political  state  of 
Americans,  and  to  devise  proper  measures  to  be  pursued  in  the 
approaching  emergency.  In  those  meetings,  and  at  all  other 
suitable  seasons,  he  uniformly  evinced  such  an  ardent  zeal 
and  firm  resolution,  in  support  of  the  cause  he  maintained, 
and  such  an  enlightened  understanding  of  the  grounds  that 
sustained  it,  that  his  fellow  citizens  early  looked  upon  him  as 
one  who  would  take  the  place  of  a  leader  among  them,  in  de 
fence  of  their  common  rights  and  dearest  interests.  So  soon 
as  it  was  ascertained  that  a  resort  to  arms  would  become 
necessary  for  maintaining  the  just  rights  of  the  colonies,  and 
that  all  conciliatory  means  had  been  rejected  by  parliament, 
Mr.  Clymer  accepted  the  command  of  a  volunteer  company, 
and  retained  it,  with  much  satisfaction  to  General  Cadwalla- 
der,  to  whose  brigade  he  was  attached,  until  his  civil  engage- 
ments  rendered  it  improper  for  him  to  hold  it  longer.  When 
he  resigned  his  military  commission,  his  commanding  general 
expressed  much  regret  at  his  retirement  from  military  life. 

When  the  British  parliament  passed  the  "  Tea  act,"  as  it 
was  called,  which  excited  such  an  opposition  on  the  part  of 
the  people  in  Boston,  as  resulted  in  throwing  some  cargoes 
into  the  dock ;  the  same  spirit  was  felt  throughout  the  com 
mercial  colonies  ;  and  in  Philadelphia  strenuous  efforts  were 
made  for  resisting  the  operation  of  that  law.  Mr.  Clymer 
took  a  leading  part  in  the  opposition  of  his  fellow  citizens  ; 
and  was  personally  very  much  engaged  in  rousing  up  the 
spirit  of  patriotism,  in  devising  systematic  measures,  and  in 
rendering  the  measures  effectual  in  practice.  He  was  placed 
at  the  head  of  a  large  and  responsible  committee  of  vigi 
lance,  one  of  whose  duties  it  was  to  detect  attempts  to  svade 
their  regulations,  and  punish  the  transgressors.  Another 
was,  to  persuade  those  who  had  been  appointed  agents 


192  GEORGE  CLYMER. 

to  sell  such  cargoes  ot  tea  as  might  be  sent  out  by  the  East 
India  company,  to  resign  their  agency. 

So  soon  as  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  appoint  a  council 
of  safety,  he  was  selected  for  a  member  of  that  board. 
Shortly  after  congress  appointed  him,  in  conjunction  with 
Michael  Hillegas,  one  of  the  first  continental  treasurers. 
The  duties  of  that  office  he  discharged  with  fidelity,  till  about 
the  time  of  his  election  to  congress.  When  this  event  took 
place,  Mr.  Clymer  resolved  to  devote  himself  exclusively  to 
civil  life,  in  promoting  those  important  interests  of  his  coun 
try,  which  would  naturally  come  before  him  as  a  member  of 
the  continental  congress. 

At  a  very  early  period  of  the  controversy  with  England,  he 
entered  into  the  interests  of  the  colonies  with  the  strongest 
solicitude  to  promote  their  prosperity  by  all  the  means  he  pos 
sessed.  With  this  view  he  took  much  pains  to  procure  a 
loan  for  the  continental  service  by  subscription ;  and  was 
one  of  the  first  subscribers  to  it ;  and  he  exerted  himself  to 
induce  others  to  follow  his  example. 

At  this  time,  (the  early  part  of  1776,)  the  representatives  in 
congress  from  Pennsylvania,  were  unfavorable  to  a  separation 
of  the  colonies  from  Great  Britain  ;  and  when  the  question 
came  to  a  decision,  they  refused  to  concur,  and  withdrew 
from  their  seats  in  congress.  On  the  twentieth  of  July  of 
that  year,  George  Clymer,  Doctor  Benjamin  Rush,  James 
Wilson,  George  Ross,  and  George  Taylor,  Esquires,  were 
appointed  to  succeed  their  hesitating  predecessors,  and  to 
take  their  seats  in  congress.  Although  he  was  not  a  member 
when  the  great  measure  was  decided,  and  could  not  there 
fore  sign  it  at  the  time,  he  affixed  his  signature  to  it,  as  soon 
as  his  official  station  admitted  of  his  doing  it  authoritatively ; 
and  thus  consummated  one  of  the  most  ardent  desires  of  his 
heart.  He  had  looked  forward  to  the  adoption  of  that  great 
measure  as  the  beginning  of  a  system  of  proceedings  on  the 
part  of  the  American  colonies,  which  was  to  lay  abroad  foun 
dation  for  the  future  prosperity  of  his  country,  and  was  fully 
persuaded  that  nothing  of  much  importance  could  be  accom 
plished  until  that  had  taken  place. 

Mr.  Clymer  was  appointed  by  congress,  in  September  1776, 
one  of  a  confidential  committee  mentioned  in  this  volume, 
to  repair  to  Ticonderoga,  to  inspect  the  condition  of  the 
northern  army.  He  was  also  designated  a  member  of  a 
most  important  committee  which  congress  deemed  it  neces 
sary  to  have  continued  in  Philadelphia,  after  they  had  re- 


PENNSYLVANIA.  193 

tired  from  that  city,  by  reason  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy's 
forces  to  take  possession  of  it.  The  performance  of  the  du. 
ties  which  this  appointment  had  devolved  on  him,  required 
great  self-denial,  fidelity,  and  caution.  The  performance  was 
rendered  in  a  manner  answerable  to  the  confidence  reposed 
in  him  by  congress,  and  corresponding  to  his  long  established 
reputation.  * 

On  the  twelfth  day  of  March,  1777,  he  was  again  elected 
a  member  of  congress,  and  continued  to  be  active  only  until 
the  nineteenth  of  May,  following,  at  which  time  he  obtained 
leave  of  absence  for  the  purpose  of  recruiting  his  health, 
which  had  become  impaired  by  reason  of  his  arduous  and 
unremitting  attention  to  his  public  duties.  He  was,  while 
present  in  congress,  continually  em-ployed  on  committees  of 
great  importance,  for  maturing  business  of  many  kinds  for 
the  final  decision  of  that  body.  Indeed,  indolence  and  inac 
tion  were  not  admissible. 

Again  in  1777,  Mr.  Clymer  was  deputed  on  a  committee 
to  repair  to  the  head  quarters  of  General  Washington,  to  in- 
stitute  an  inquiry  into  the  state  of  the  army,  and  to  investi 
gate  the  causes  of  complaint  of  the  commissary's  department. 
Many  abuses  are  said  to  have  been  practised  in  that  important 
branch  of  the  public  service,  by  reason  of  which  the  military 
operations  of  the  army  were  impeded  and  deranged.  This 
committee,  consisting  of  Mr.  Clymer,  Mr.  Philip  Livingston 
and  Mr.  Gerry,  was  to  search  them  out,  and  apply  the  best 
remedy  of  which  the  case  admitted. 

At  the  time  of  General  Washington's  defeat  at  the  Brandy, 
wine,  when  the  British  army  was  marching  towards  Philadel 
phia,  Mr.  Clymer's  famity,  having  previously  left  their  resi 
dence,  had  retired  to  Chester  county  for  safety.  This  move 
ment,  calculated  for  their  security,  eventually  placed  them  in 
the  danger  they  intended  to  avoid.  By  domestic  traitors, 
.heir  place  of  retreat  was  pointed  out  to  a  band  of  the  enemy, 
vho  went  to  the  place,  sacked  his  house,  destroyed  his  furni- 
ur«,  drank  as  much  of  his  stock  of  liquors  as  they  could,  and 
*nen  stove  the  residue  of  such  as  they  were  unable  to  carry 
away  with  them.  * 

Mr.  Clymer  appears  to  have  been  peculiarly  obnoxious  to 
the  British.  Doubtless  this  was  in  consequence  of  his  firm 
uniform,  and  active  resistance  to  all  their  endeavors  to  ensure 
success  to  the  royal  cause.  He  did  not  suffer  his  personal 
losses  by  their  means,  nor  the  absence  of  his  family,  aggra« 

17 


194  GEORGE  CLYMER, 

vnted  as  it  was  by  sickness,  to  call  him  from  a  faithful  at- 
tendence  on  the  important  trusts  committed  to  him  by  con 
gress.  After  the  British  had  taken  possession  of  Philadel 
phia,  they  commenced  giving  vent  to  their  resentment,  by 
gathering,  as  they  supposed,  around  his  house  to  demolish  it. 
Fortunately  they  mistook  the  house  of  one  of  his  relatives 
for  his  ;  and  on  being  assured  of  their  mistake,  their  resent 
ment  so  far  abated,  that  they  spared  the  building,  and  left  the 
habitation  unmolested. 

In  1777,  the  Indians  bordering  upon  the  western  frontiers 
of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  instigated  by  British  agents, 
sent  as  emissaries  among  them  for  the  purpose,  committed 
many  acts  of  savage  barbarity  among  the  scattered  and  de 
fenceless  inhabitants  in  that  region.  Some  of  the  white  set- 
tiers  were,  by  the  same  influence,  induced  to  aid  them  in 
their  atrocities.  These  things  were  viewed  as  hazarding  the 
friendship  of  the  Shawanese  and  Delaware  Indians,  who  had 
continued  amicably  inclined  towards  the  Americans.  They 
had  entered  into  a  league  of  friendship  with  congress ;  and 
for  that  reason  they  were  threatened  with  hostilities,  by 
their  neighbors. 

To  prevent  by  anticipation  further  evils  from  that  source, 
congress  appointed  a  commission,  consisting  of  three,  to  re 
pair  to  Fort  Pitt,  to  investigate  the  subject.  Mr.  Clymer  was 
one  of  the  commissioners;  and  he,  alone  of  the  three,  went 
to  the  scene  of  these  troubles.  Their  instructions  were  to  in 
vestigate  the  origin,  progress,  and  extent  of  the  disaffection, 
and  to  take  such  measures  as  they  might  deem  requisite,  to 
prevent  its  further  progress,  and  to  restore  tranquillity  among 
Jie  disaffected,  by  bringing  them  to  a  just  sense  of  their  duty. 
Their  powers,  comprised  in  their  instructions  for  accom 
plishing  this  purpose,  were  ample,  in  a  great  degree  discre 
tionary,  and  of  a  very  delicate  nature  to  be  exercised  on  such 
a  theatre. 

Whatever  causes  may  have  prevented  his  colleagues  from 
attending  to  this  important  call  of  their  country,  Mr.  Clymer 
entered  on  the  arduous  and  hazardous  service  singly,  early 
in  the  year  1778.  He  went  to  Pittsburgh,  and  by  reason  of 
the  failure  of  his  colleagues  in  attending,  he  found  himself 
much  embarrassed  and  obstructed  in  prosecuting  the  objects 
of  his  mission  to  a  favorable  result. 

It  was,  however,  productive  of  considerable  advantage  to 
the  Americans ;  and,  although  in  some  respects,  its  results 


PENNSYLVANIA.  195 

.  • 

were  not  as  beneficial  as  had  been  anticipated,  it  was  not 
owing  to  any  want  of  fidelity  in  him,  after  his  arrival  at  the 
place  appointed. 

During  his  absence  on  that  business,  Mr.  Clymer  narrowly 
escaped  destruction  by  an  Indian's  tomahawk.  His  preser 
vation  was,  as  afterwards  appeared  evident,  inconsequence 
of  his  choosing  one  of  two  roads,  which  led  with  about  equal 
facility  to  the  place  of  his  destination.  By  taking  the  one 
he  pursued,  unapprised  of  special  danger  in  either,  he  reach- 
ed  his  friend's  house  in  safety  ;  and  on  the  same  day,  a  white 
man  was  murdered  by  a  savage,  on  the  road  which  Mr.  Cly 
mer  had  not  travelled.  Whenever  his  patriotism  was  put  in 
special  requisition  by  the  call  of  his  country,  the  demand  was 
met  with  great  promptitude.  This  was  often  verified  ;  and 
particularly,  at  a  time  when  the  treasury  was  drained,  and 
the  means  for  replenishing  it  were  not  at  ready  command,  and 
the  army  was  in  danger  of  disbanding,  by  reason  of  their  in- 
tense  sufferings  from  cold  and  hunger.  To  relieve  this  distress 
ing  condition  of  the  government,  a  number  of  the  citizens  of 
Philadelphia  stepped  forward,  and  instituted  a  special  bank, 
which  sustained  the  public  credit  in  that  emergency.  By  that 
means,  the  disastrous  event  which  was  feared  was  obviated. 
Of  this  plan,  from  which  no  sinister  advantage  was  contem 
plated  by  the  stockholders,  Mr.  Clymer  was  one  of  the  first 
projectors,  and  not  only  subscribed  to  it  himself,  but  used  his 
utmost  exertions  to  induce  others  to  subscribe  also.  The  bank 
was  organized  ;  proffered  as  an  aid  to  congress ;  and  accepted 
by  that  body,  with  a  vote  of  thanks  to  its  projectors,  and  an 
assurance  of  full  indemnity  to  the  public  spirited  stockhold 
ers.  When  it  went  into  operation,  Mr.  Clymer  was  selected 
as  one  of  its  managing  directors,  and  remained  such  until  its 
concerns  were  closed. 

In  the  autumn  of 'the  year  1780,  Mr.  Clymer  was  notified 
of  his  election  to  congress  a  third  time,  and  immediately  took 
his  seat,  and  resumed  his  active  labors  in  the  national  council. 
So  faithfully  did  he  devote  himself  to  the  public  service,  du 
ring  the  interval  between  November,  1780,  and  the  same 
month  in  1782,  that  he  was  absent  from  his  place  but  a  few 
weeks  in  the  lapse  of  about  two  years,  and  some  of  those  were 
employed  in  services  assigned  him  by  congress.  So  para 
mount  in  his  estimation  were  the  concerns  of  the  public,  en 
trusted  to  him,  to  those  of  his  individual  interest,  that  the  latter 
received  but  a  small  share  of  his  attention  for  several  years. 


196  GEORGE  CLYMER, 

• 

He  evinced  the  same  zeal  and  patronage  in  favor  of  the  na> 
tional  bank,  when  the  plan  of  that  institution  was  proposed  U 
congress  by  Robert  "Morris,  Esq.,  that  he  had  formerly,  m 
favor  of  the  special  bank  just  mentioned. 

In  1782,  the  several  states  having  been  very  slow  in  sup. 
plying  their  several  quotas  for  the  public  service,  congress 
considered  it  necessary  to  adopt  some  measures  more  efficient 
for  that  purpose  than  such  as  had  been  hitherto  pursued.  In 
pursuance  of  that  object  in  relation  to  the  southern  states, 
congress  appointed  Mr.  Clymer,  and  Mr.  Edward  Rutledge, 
commissioners  to  repair  thither,  and  make  such  representa 
tions  to  their  several  executives,  as  were  calculated  to  promote 
an  object  so  vitally  important  to  the  public  service. 

After  having  executed  the  duties  of  that  mission,  having 
also  vacated  his  seat  in  congress,  he  removed  his  family  to 
Princeton  in  New  Jersey,  with  a  view  to  educating  his  fa 
mily.  That  justly  celebrated  seminary  furnished  many  advan 
tages  favorable  for  his  purpose,  such  as  could  not  be  found  in 
his  native  state.  He  thought  he  saw  the  revolutionary  con 
test  drawing  near  to  its  close  ;  and  in  that  event  being  real 
ized,  he  was  convinced  he  might  be  suffered  to  withdraw  from 
public  service,  without  any  sacrifice  of  duty  ;  and  in  the  enjoy 
ment  of  domestic  quietude,  attend  to  the  interests  and  con 
cerns  of  his  own  family.  But  after  a  short  residence  there, 
an  intimation  that  his  services  were  needed  in  Pennsylvania, 
induced  him  to  return  to  the  theatre  of  public  life,  and  relin 
quish  his  peaceful  retreat  at  Princeton.  He  was  elected  to 
the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  at  a  time  when  a  malignant 
spirit  of  party  was  running  very  high  in  that  state,  and  he  was 
selected,  in  connection  with  Robert  Morris  and  Thomas  Fitz- 
sirnmons,  Esquires,  to  co-operate  with  them  in  obviating  its 
baneful  effects,  and  anticipated  consequences. 

It  was  during  his  continuance  as  a  member  of  the  state 
legislature,  that  the  penitentiary  system  for  punishing  male 
factors,  was  substituted  for  the  more  summary,  and  in  many 
instances  sanguinary  penalties,  which  the  existing  code  of 
laws  required.  For  its  establishment  in  that  state,  he  was  a 
zealous  and  a  uniform  advocate.  If  he  did  not  originate  the 
plan,  he  was  one  of  its  earliest  friends,  and  he  continued  to  urge 
its  adoption,  until  success  crowned  his  efforts.  He  was  un 
doubtedly  a  principal  agent  in  meliorating  the  criminal  law 
and  its  penalties,  which  were  applied  in  numerous  instances, 
in  conformity  to  it,  in  his  native  state ;  and  for  which  he 
merited  the  title  of  a  public  benefactor. 


PENNSYLVANIA.  197 

When  it  was  determined  to  call  a  convention  from  the 
several  states,  to  frame  a  constitution  for  a  general  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  in  place  of  the  old  confederation, 
Mr.  Clymer  received  a  new  evidence  of  public  confidence. 
While  he  was  yet  an  acting  member  of  the  legislature  of 
Pennsylvania,  that  body  appointed  him  one  of  their  delegates 
to  the  convention,  which  was  soon  after  to  meet  in  Philadel 
phia.  The  constitution  having  been  formed,  and  adopted  by 
the  requisite  number  of  states  to  commence  its  operation, 
Mr.  Clymer  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  first  congress  which 
convened  under  its  authority.  In  this,  as  in  every  preceding 
instance,  his  course  was  marked  by  that  same  industry,  intel 
ligence,  integrity,  and  patriotism  which  had  uniformly  regu 
lated  and  marked  his  whole  public  life. 

He  was  in  favor  of  the  naturalization  of  foreigners  who 
sought  a  residence  here  ;  but  he  was  justly  in  favor  of  sub 
jecting  emigrants  to  a  longer  term  of  probation,  before  they 
became  entitled  to  the  elective  privileges  of  native  citizens, 
than  was  adopted  under  a  subsequent  administration. 

After  the  first  congress  closed  its  term  of  two  years,  Mr. 
Clymer  declined  a  re-election.  This  terminated  his  legislative 
career.  But  President  Washington  appointed  him  supervisor 
of  the  revenue  for  the  state  of  Pennsylvania.  The  office  in 
that  state  was  attended  with  many  difficulties,  by  reason  of 
{he  opposition  which  had  been  excited  to  its  exactions  (and 
the  law  by  which  they  were  required)  in  the  western  coun 
ties.  From  these,  however,  he  did  not  shrink,  notwithstand 
ing,  in  performing  the  requisite  duties,  he  was  exposed  to 
personal  dangers,  and  even  his  life  was  at  times  in  jeopardy. 
The  faithful  performance  of  his  official  duties,  however,  he 
found  so  difficult,  and  attended  with  so  much  odium,  that  he 
was  induced  to  resign  it.  This  step  he  expected  would  finish 
the  career  of  his  public  duties  ;  but  it  proved  otherwise. 

In  the  year  1796,  he  was  appointed,  with  Colonels  Haw 
kins  and  Pickens,  to  negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  Cherokee 
and  Creek  Indians  in  Georgia.  Mr.  Clymer  with  his  attend 
ants  took  passage  by  water  to  Georgia,  and  by  doing  so  was 
much  in  danger  of  being  shipwrecked  ;  they  having  been  over 
taken  by  a  storm,  in  a  vessel  unsea-worthy.  But  being  able, 
after  much  toiling  at  the  pumps,  to  make  a  harbor  at  Charles 
ton,  in  South  Carolina,  the  scene  was  agreeably  changed, 
and  their  sufferings  compensated  by  the  hospitality  they  re- 
waived  from  the  citizens  of  Charleston. 

After  some  delay  the  commissioners  arrived  at  the  scene 
17* 


198  JAMES  SMITH, 

of  their  labors,  and  negotiated  a  treaty,  to  the  mutual  satis 
faction  of  the  parties.  Having  accomplished  the  objects  of 
their  mission  to  Georgia,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Clyrner  embarked  at 
St.  Mary's,  on  the  twentieth  day  of  July,  to  return  to  their 
own  home  in  Pennsylvania.  This  service  closed  the  political 
life  of  Mr.  Clymer ;  the  aggregate  of  which  was  more  than 
twenty  years. 

During  the  continuance  of  his  after  life,  Mr.  Clymer  was 
engaged  in  promoting  several  different  objects  of  public 
utility.  Among  these  it  will  be  proper  to  mention  the  Aca 
demy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  which  still  exists  in  Philadelphia. 
He  was  an  early  and  zealous  patron  of  that  institution  ;  and 
after  its  establishment  he  was  placed  at  its  head.  That  office 
he  held  till  his  decease.  He  was  an  active  promoter  of  the 
Philadelphia  Agricultural  Society,  and  was  chosen  vice  pre 
sident  of  that  institution ;  in  which  office  he  continued  until 
the  close  of  his  useful  life.  The  business  of  agriculture,  as 
a  science,  engaged  much  of  his  attention  ;  and  in  its  favor  he 
uniformly  showed  much  interest ;  and  in  truth,  few  things 
seem  to  have  escaped  his  notice,  which  presented  a  prospect 
of  advancing  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  his  country. 

Having  filled  up  many  years  with  numerous  acts  of  public 
and  private  usefulness,  this  worthy  patriot  and  estimable  phi 
lanthropist  closed  a  long  and  laborious  life,  on  the  twenty- 
third  day  of  January,  in  the  seventy-fourth  year  of  his  age. 
During  that  long  period  of  intercourse  with  his  fellow  men, 
both  in  public  and  private  life,  his  moral  character  was  con 
sidered  irreproachable. 


JAMES  SMITH. 

Tins  gentleman  was  a  native  of  Ireland,  and  came  to 
America,  when  he  was  quite  a  lad,  and  one  of  a  numerous 
family  of  children,  for  whom  his  father,  a  respectable 
farmer,  sought  a  settlement  in  this  new  world.  As  no 
record  of  his  birth  has  been  preserved,  and  since  he  pre 
served  its  date  an  inviolable  secret,  which  he  carried  with 
him  to  his  grave,  there  are  no  means  of  ascertaining  pre 
cisely  his  age.  The  most  that  is  clearly  known  respecting  it 


PENNSYLVANIA.  199 

is,  that  he  was  born  early  in  the  eighteenth  century,  proba 
bly  between  1712  and  1720. 

The  residence  which  the  father  selected  for  the  settlement 
of  his  family,  was  on  the  west  side  of  the  Susquehannah  River. 
He  there  lived  to  see  his  children  comfortably  provided  for, 
and  died  in  1761,  leaving  behind  him  a  respectable  charac 
ter,  for  honesty  and  benevolence. 

James,  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  was  the  second  son  , 
and  his  father  concluded  to  give  him  an  opportunity  for  ac 
quiring  an  education  superior  to  what  was  common  at  that 
time  in  the  colonies.  For  this  purpose  he  placed  him  under 
the  immediate  charge  of  the  Reverend  Doctor  Allison,  pro 
vost  of  the  college  at  Philadelphia — a  gentleman  to  whom 
several  of  his  colleagues,  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  and  other  distinguished  men  of  that  age,  were 
under  obligations  for  useful  instruction  in  their  collegiate 
life.  Under  his  tuition,  James  Smith  acquired  a  tolerable 
knowledge  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages.  But  what 
was  most  useful  and  profitable  to  himself,  and  rendered  him 
much  respected  in  the  thinly  populated  part  of  the  colony 
where  he  resided,  was  the  art  of  surveying,  which  he  learned 
under  Doctor  Allison's  instruction.  With  such  preparatory 
qualifications  he  commenced  the  study  of  law  in  Lancaster, 
where  his  elder  brother  was  already  established  in  the  prac 
tice  of  that  profession.  Having  passed  through  his  prepara 
tory,  term  he  removed  to  a  considerable  distance  westward, 
where  there  were  but  few  inhabitants,  and  there  pursued  the 
business  of  a  practitioner  of  law,  and  that  of  a  surveyor  of 
lands.  The  place  where  he  located  himself,  although  long 
since  a  thickly  settled  and  flourishing  part  of  Pennsylvania 
was  then  almost  an  entire  wilderness.  It  was  in  the  vicinitj 
of  what  is  now  Shippensburg. 

The  numerous  speculations  in  land,  and  the  uncertain 
condition  of  the  relative  boundaries,  always  fruitful  source 
of  litigation,  had  already  produced  their  usual  effects  in  that 
remote  region,  and  furnished  Mr.  Smith  with  a  full  supply 
of  professional  employment ;  and  it  continued  to  be  a  pro 
ductive  source  of  business  and  gain  during  the  long  terro 
which,  with  occasional  interruptions,  he  pursued  it.  This 
extended  to  nearly  sixty  years. 

But  ample  success  in  procuring  professional  employment, 
and  the  prospect  of  accumulating  a  fortune,  did  not  compen 
sate  him  for  the  privations  he  was  destined  to  experience  in 
that  wilderness ;  and  after  a  short  continuance  there,  he  re 


200  JAMES  SMITH, 

moved  to  York,  a  flourishing  village,  where  he  might  in  con 
nection  with  his  professional  business,  be  favored  with  the 
pleasures  of  intelligent  society,  to  which  he  felt  a  strong 
attachment. 

Another  inducement  urged  him  to  this  change  of  residence. 
There  was  not  at  that  time,  any  lawyer  in  York ;  and  after 
his  removal  Jv»  continued  to  occupy  the  station  alone,  with 
out  any  competitor,  for  many  years. 

Soon  after  his  settlement  in  York,  he  was  united  by  mar 
riage  to  Miss  Eleanor  Amor,  of  Newcastle,  in  Delaware  ;  a 
lady  with  whom  he  lived  many  years  in  the  enjoyment  of 
great  domestic  felicity.  Mr.  Smith  was  at  the  head  of  the 
bar  in  that  county,  from  his  first  settling  in  York  until  the 
commencement  of  the  American  revolution. 

He  was  a  person  of  many  eccentricities  of  character  ;  and 
possessed  a  vein  of  wit  and  humor,  which  rendered  him  a 
favorite  companion  in  every  social  circle.  He  had  read 
much,  possessed  a  retentive  memory,  and  had  collected  from 
reading  and  observation  a  large  fund  of  anecdotes,  which  he 
would  relate,  and  apply  in  a  manner  to  excite  much  amuse 
ment  on  every  occasion.  But  notwithstanding  this  natural 
proneness  to  hilarity,  on  every  thing  connected  with  the 
Christian  religion,  and  its  ministers,  he  was  grave  and  sedate ; 
and  never  did  himself,  nor  suffered  others  in  his  presence  to 
sneer  at  or  jest  with  those  objects  which  he  held  to  be  sacred. 

Mr.  Smith  spent  his  time  happily  from  his  establishment 
in  York,  until  the  prospect  of  the  country's  rights  and  tran 
quillity  became  overcast ;  and  the  apprehensions  of  all  intelli 
gent  men  began  to  look  for  an  approaching  crisis,  in  which  the 
liberties  of  the  American  provinces  would  be  involved  in 
great  difficulty  and  hazard.  On  the  aspect  of  the  times  Mr. 
Smith,  like  other  leading  and  cautious  patriots  in  that  and 
other  provinces,  had  early  fixed  his  attention ;  and,  like  them 
also,  he  soon  determined,  whatever  might  ensue,  upon  resist 
ing  illegal  and  unconstitutional  encroachments  by  the  British 
government,  on  the  rights  of  the  colonists.  Thus,  when  the 
question  of  resistance  or  submission  came  to  be  a  subject  of 
general  discussion,  he  was  advanced  beyond  many  others  in 
his  views  of  what  would  be  requisite  to  meet  the  crisis,  and 
in  his  readiness  to  adopt  all  such  measures,  as  the  just  rights 
of  the  colonies  demanded  for  their  protection.  In  this  respect 
he  stood  on  a  footing  with  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George 
Washington,  and  Patrick  Henry,  of  Virginia,  J.  and  S 


PENNSYLVANIA.  201 

Adams,  and  John    Hancock,   of  Massachusetts,   and   othejr 
patriots  in  different  parts  of  the  country. 

Hence  Mr.  Smith  was  already  prepared,  when  the  two 
leading  measures  which  were  proposed  by  some  persons  in 
Boston,  for  a  non-importation  agreement,  as  respected  Great 
Britain  and  her  dependencies,  and  the  meeting  of  a  general 
congress  of  delegates  from  all  the  American  colonies,  to  con- 
suit  for  the  general  safety,  to  adopt  them  without  any  hesita 
tion,  and  considered  them  as  indispensable.  So  soon  as  this 
proposal  from  Massachusetts  reached  Pennsylvania,  it  found 
in  him  an  active  and  zealous  advocate. 

A  meeting  having  been  called  of  delegates  from  the  several 
counties  in  Pennsylvania  to  collect  and  ascertain  the  senti 
ments  of  the  people  of  that  province,  on  these  propositions, 
and  on  the  condition  of  public  affairs  generally,  Mr.  Smith 
appeared,  and  took  his  seat  as  one  of  three  delegates  from 
the  county  of  York,  in  which  he  resided.  This  body  of  dele 
gates  received  the  appellation  of  "  The  Committee  of  the  Pro 
vince  of  Pennsylvania,"  and  it  was  composed  of  men  of  high 
standing  in  the  province  for  intelligence,  undoubted  in 
tegrity,  and  patriotism.  After  they  had  ascertained  and  col 
lected  the  general  sentiments  of  the  people,  through  their  re 
presentatives,  their  most  important  duty  was  to  express  them  in 
the  form  of  instructions.  A  select  committee  was  appointed 
by  the  meeting  to  prepare  this  important  document,  of  which 
Mr.  Smith  was  a  member. 

The  report  which  that  committee  rendered  to  the  body  by 
which  it  was  appointed,  and  which  was  adopted  by  that  assem 
bly  of  delegates,  was  pacific  and  respectful,  yet  firm,  in  re 
lation  to  ultimately  uniting  in  all  such  measures  as  congress 
might  deem  it  necessary  to  adopt,  for  the  security  of  their  co 
lonial  rights,  provided  redress  and  security  could  not  be  ob 
tained  against  parliamentary  usurpation  by  less  hostile  mea 
sures.  How  Mr.  Smith  voted  in  the  committee  regarding 
this  report,  is  not  known  with  certainty.  But  his  conduct, 
and  the  measures  he  adopted,  immediately  on  his  return 
home,  furnish  no  small  ground  for  believing  that  he  was 
disposed,  even  then  to  dissolve  all  colonial  connection  with 
the  parent  state,  and  bid  her  defiance  at  once.  For  soon  af 
ter  he  returned  to  York,  he  commenced  raising  and  drilling 
a  company  of  volunteers,  of  which  he  took  the  command,  as 
thfir  captain.  This  being  the  first  volunteer  corps  raised 
in  Pennsylvania  for  opposing  the  British,  and  undertaken  by 
Mr.  Smith,  on  his  own  responsibility,  was  the  commencement 


202  JAMES  SMITH, 

of  a  system  which,  in  a  short  time  began  to  be  enlarged,  and 
was  extensively  imitated  in  that  province  with  success ;  and 
also  with  much  benefit  to  the  general  cause  for  which  they 
had  associated.  When  the  volunteer  companies  in  that 
vicinity  had  become  sufficiently  numerous  to  form  a  regiment, 
he  was  chosen  its  colonel.  Hence  he  derived  the  title  which 
he  held  merely  as  honorary.  His  age  forbidding  his  assum 
ing  the  actual  command ;  he  received  the  appointment  as  it 
was  designed,  as  an  honorable  mark  of  respect  for  his  char- 
acter  and  patriotic  exertions,  and  left  the  active  duty  of 
commanding  to  his  juniors  in  years,  and  in  office. 

"  The  convention  for  the  province  of  Pennsylvania"  met 
the  first  time  in  January,  1775.  This  kind  of  assembly,  in 
the  several  colonies,  was  a  distinct  body  from  the  authorized 
legislative  assemblies  convened  under  the  superintendence  of 
the  royal  governors  ;  and  not  long  after  their  organization, 
they  generally  superseded  them,  and  became  the  acknow 
ledged  legislative  assemblies  of  the  several  provinces ;  and 
those  alone  whose  authority  the  people  would  acknowledge 
as  legitimate.  Of  that  convention  Mr.  Smith  was  returned 
a  member  for  York ;  and  was  among  the  most  prompt,  and 
foremost  for  adopting  strong  resolutions,  and  decided  mea 
sures,  for  defending  the  constitutional  rights  and  liberty  of  the 
American  colonies,  against  their  invaders. 

The  province  of  Pennsylvania,  owing  to  a  peculiarity  in 
the  character,  and  religious  sentiments  of  a  large  portion  of 
her  population,  and  some  other  causes,  was  backward  in  as 
suming  that  attitude  of  determined  resistance  which  the  safety 
of  the  country  demanded.  The  Quakers  were  almost  unani 
mous  in  their  opposition  to  the  congress,  atid  to  all  the  mea 
sures  which  were  recommended  by  that  body,  for  resisting 
the  claims  of  the  English  government.  They  had  great  in 
fluence  with  a  numerous  class  of  the  people  ;  and  by  publish 
ing  their  "  annual  testimony,"  they  embarrassed  the  measures 
of  congress.  This  state  of  the  province  influenced  many  of 
their  leading  and  patriotic  men,  to  advance  cautiously  and 
slowly  towards  the  time  of  division,  which  was  then  drawing 
near,  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies.  But  the  colonies 
were  in  a  condition  which  rendered  it  impracticable  to  re 
treat,  without  surrendering  at  discretion,  and  accepting  life 
on  such  conditions  as  an  incensed  enemy  might  impose.  The 
other  alternative,  and  the  only  one,  was  to  advance  and  con 
quer,  or  perish  in  the  conflict.  A  few  men,  comparatively  in 
that  province,  were  prepared  for  the  latter.  Among  these, 


PENNSYLVANIA.  203 

one  of  the  earliest,  most  resolute,  and  determined,  we  have 
already  seen,  was  Jarnes  Smith. 

But  the  time  rapidly  approached  when  this  timid  and  cau 
tious  policy,  by  which  the  general  assembly  was  nearly  spell- 
bound,  had  to  give  place  to  another  system;  and  those  feel 
ings  of  languor  in  which  so  many  had  hitherto  indulged,  were 
to  yield  to  those  of  a  more  energetic  tone,  and  a  corres 
ponding  activity  of  conduct.  Pennsylvania  must  decide  the 
question,  whether  she  would  unite  with  the  other  provinces  in 
throwing  off  her  allegiance,  and  make  common  cause  with 
them,  or  abide  by  her  allegiance,  and  accept  the  terms  which 
might  be  given  to  her.  A  Declaration  of  Independence  of 
the  American  colonies,  was  at  length  found  to  be  indispensa 
ble  by  the  general  assembly  of  that  colony  ;  and  it  was  some 
what  difficult  to  select  men  for  delegates  in  congress,  who 
were  prepared  to  meet  the  occasion,  and  unite  with  those 
from  other  provinces  in  pledging  Pennsylvania  to  sanction 
and  support  the  bold  and  hazardous  measure.  Such  men 
however  did  exist;  they  were  selected  by  the  general 
assembly,  and  appointed  to  occupy  the  seats  of  some  who  had 
vacated  their  places,  either  because  they  disapproved  of  the 
measure,  or  because  they  shrunk  from  the  fearful  responsi 
bility.  Among  this  number  was  James  Smith  of  York.  In 
all  the  efforts  which  were  made  by  the  leading  patriots  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  awaken  the  people,  and  the  legislative 
assembly  of  that  province,  to  a  realizing  apprehension  of  their 
true  condition,  of  their  perils,  and  of  the  indispensable  neces 
sity  for  meeting  the  crisis  which  had  arrived,  with  a  deter 
mined  resolution  and  vigorous  effort,  Mr.  Smith  was  one  of  the 
boldest,  most  active,  persevering,  and  influential.  He  pur 
sued  the  object,  uniting  his  exertions  with  those  of  his  friends 
of  a  congenial  temper,  with  an  untiring  activity,  and  a  deci 
sion  of  character,  that  did  him  great  honor. 

After  congress  had  passed  a  resolve,  the  conclusion  of 
which  recommended  to  the  several  colonies  to  "  adopt  such 
governments  as  in  the  opinion  of  the  representatives  of  the 
people,  might  best  conduce  to  the  happiness  and  safety  of 
their  constituents  in  particular,  arid  America  in  general;"  the 
instructions  of  the  general  assembly  last  given  to  their  dele 
gates,  being  strongly  in  opposition  to  declaring  the  colonies 
independent ;  the  spirit  of  the  people  was  roused,  and  they 
appointed  a  convention  of  delegates  from  the  several  counties 
to  meet  in  Philadelphia,  to  consult  on  their  condition,  and  to 
make  known  their  sentiments  to  the  general  assembly.  This 


204  JAMES  SMITH, 

conference  was  held  at  the  time  appointed ;  it  consisted  of 
ninety-six  delegates,  selected  from  the  most  decided  whigs  in 
the  colony.  A  select  committee  of  three  members  was 
appointed  to  draw  up  a  statement  of  their  sentiments,  and 
report  it  to  the  meeting  the  next  day.  The  committee  con 
sisted  of  three  members,  viz.  Thomas  M'Kean,  James  Smith, 
and  Benjamin  Rush.  The  report  was  ably  drawn,  consider, 
ing  the  short  time  allowed  the  committee  ;  it  was  firm  and 
spirited ;  it  embraced  the  leading  principles  and  sentiments 
afterwards  expressed  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
In  that  paper  may  be  seen,  as  if  reflected  by  a  mirror,  the 
patriotic  character  of  Colonel  Smith,  as  well  as  his  col 
leagues. 

It  was  this  declaration  of  the  sentiments  of  the  people,  through 
their  representatives,  that  produced  the  desired  effect  upon 
the  general  assembly,  and  left  their  delegates  to  act  their  own 
pleasure.  In  bringing  about  this  revolution  in  the  sentiments 
of  the  people,  Colonel  Smith  was  one  of  the  most  active  and 
influential  persons  in  the  province.  He  early  saw  that  the 
struggle  would  ultimately  come  to  the  point ;  and  he  made 
every  exertion  in  his  power,  to  prepare  the  community  for 
the  event. 

He  was  chiefly  instrumental  in  exciting  the  military  spirit 
which  existed  in  Pennsylvania,  and  which  became  highly  im 
portant  during  the  contest.  He  commenced  it,  as  has  been 
stated,  by  raising  a  volunteer  corps  in  York ;  and  it  extended 
through  the  colony,  until  it  embraced,  according  to  the  testi 
mony  of  Mr.  Penn  before  the  British  house  of  lords,  a  body 
of  "  Associators,"  amounting  to  twenty  thousand  men,  who 
had  volunteered  their  services  to  the  state.  This  had  all  been 
effected  previously  to  the  resolution  in  congress,  introduced 
by  Mr.  Lee  of  Virginia  for  a  Declaration  of  Independence. 

After  congress  had  passed  the  resolution,  declaring  the 
American  colonies  free  and  independent  states,  it  became 
necessary  for  each  of  the  states  to  adopt  a  government  suited 
to  its  new  condition.  For  this  purpose  a  convention  of  dele 
gates  was  called,  to  form  a  constitution  for  Pennsylvania, 
which  assembled  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  July,  1776,  in  Phila 
delphia.  Colonel  Smith  was  a  member  of  that  convention. 
By  that  body  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  a  committee 
"  to  make  an  essay  for  a  declaration  of  rights  for  that  state." 
But  before  that  committee  had  had  time  to  make  their 
report,  the  convention,  which  had  superseded  the  general 
assembly,  appointed  nine  members  of  congress,  of  which 


PENNSYLVANIA.  20£ 

Colonel  Smith  was  one.  This  was  on  the  twentieth  day  o! 
July,  eighteen  days  after  the  declaration  was  passed  in  con 
gress  ;  and  yet  previous  to  the  time  appointed  for  the  several 
members  to  affix  their  signatures  to  the  parchment,  on  which 
the  declaration  was  engrossed. 

His  appointment  to  a  place  in  congress,  did  not  induce  him 
immediately  to  vacate  his  seat  in  the  convention.  He  con- 
tinued  an  active  and  important  member  of  that  assembly; 
and  was  appointed  a  member  of  several  select  committees, 
to  whose  charge  was  referred  some  of  the  most  interesting 
subjects  they  had  to  determine.  After  the  convention  had 
finished  the  business  of  its  appointment,  Colonel  Smith  took 
his  seat  in  congress.  But  it  was  not  until  the  beginning  of 
October  of  that  year,  that  he  commenced  his  regular  attend 
ance  in  that  national  council.  Nor  had  he  been  long  a 
member  before  he  was  called,  together  with  Mr.  Wilson,  Mr. 
Chase,  Mr.  Clymer,  and  Mr.  Stockton,  to  the  exercise  of  a 
most  important  trust.  They  constituted  an  executive  com 
mittee,  whose  duties  are  expressed  in  these  terms,  "  To  de 
mise  and  execute  measures  for  effectually  reinforcing  General 
Washington,  and  obstructing  the  progress  of  General  Howe's 
army."  This,  at  that  juncture,  comprised  but  little,  if  any 
thing,  short  of  directing  the  whole  business  of  superintending 
and  carrying  on  the  war. 

From  the  time  of  his  entering  congress  until  March,  1777 
Colonel  Smith  was  continually  employed  in  the  house,  01 
engaged  in  the  business  of  the  committee  last -mentioned. 

The  interest  he  had  long  felt  in  the  public  concerns  had 
called  him  so  much  abroad,  that  his  private  interests  had  suf 
fered  considerable  detriment  in  consequence  of  his  absence. 
He  therefore  determined  to  decline  a  re-election  in  ttie  spring 
of  1777,  that  he  might  have  an  opportunity  to  attend  to  his 
own  affairs.  He  returned  to  his  family,  and  engaged  again 
in  his  professional  employments,  and  pursued  them  with  great 
assiduity. 

His  retirement,  however,  was  of  short  continuance.  For 
such  was  the  situation  of  the  country,  and  indeed  of  con 
gress,  after  the  British  took  possession  of  Philadelphia,  and 
the  battles  of  Germantown  and  Brandywine,  that  he  was 
again  urged  to  consent  to  resume  his  seat  in  congress  ;  and 
in  December  of  that  year  he  consented  to  engage  again  in 
the  public  service,  as  a  member  of  congress.  His  attendance 
was  now  much  less  inconvenient  than  before.  It  at  first 
removed  to  Lancaster,  a  place  much  nearer  to  his  residence 

18 


206  GEORGE  TAYLOR, 

than  Philadelphia,  and  then  to  York,  the  place  of  his  home , 
which  last  removal  rendered  it  peculiarly  gratifying  to 
Colonel  Smith. 

After  the  confederation  had  been  adopted  by  congress,  the 
treaty  of  alliance  with  France  concluded,  the  French  fleet 
had  arrived  on  our  coast,  the  British  had  been  compelled  to 
leave  New  Jersey,  and  had  been  defeated  at  Monmouth — the 
face  of  things  brightened ;  and  Colonel  Smith  indulging  the 
hope  that  a  happy  termination  of  the  war  was  at  hand,  con 
cluded  to  retire,  and  yield  his  place  to  a  successor.  Accord, 
ingly  in  November,  1778,  he  withdrew  finally  from  congress, 
and  returned  to  his  family  and  professional  business.  But  in 
1779  he  was  once  more  called  from  his  domestic  and  profes 
sional  duties,  to  take  a  seat  in  the  legislature  of  Pennsylva 
nia.  This  he  held,  however,  but  one  session,  and  then  with 
drew  from  all  public  business,  and  applied  himself  exclusively 
to  his  private  concerns. 

He  died  on  the  eleventh  day  of  July,  1806. 

But  two  of  his  five  children  survived  him;  a  son  and  a 
daughter.  The  former  died  a  few  years  after  him  ;  and  the 
only  surviving  daughter  is  the  wife  of  Mr.  James  Johnston, 
of  York,  the  place  of  his  own  residence 


GEORGE  TAYLOR. 

GEORGE  TAYLOR  was  an  Irish  redemptioner ;  not,  how. 
ever,  of  that  low  class  which  the  term  usually  indicates.  He 
is  said  to  have  been  the  son  of  a  clergyman  in  Ireland,  and 
born  in  the  year  1716.  But  of  what  religious  denomination 
his  father  was  a  member,  or  where  established  in  his  minis 
terial  vocation,  we  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain.  He 
seems,  to  have  been  a  man  of  wisdom  and  sound  judgment, 
so  far  as  we  are  able  to  form  an  opinion,  from  the  course  he 
took  with  his  son.  Being  conscious  that  he  must  depend 
on  himself  in  gaining  a  living,  since  he  had  no  fortune 
to  bestow  on  him,  nor  to  leave  him  at  his  death,  he  adopted 
the  wisest  course  he  could  pursue  for  his  future  prosperity, 
and  gave  him  an  education  somewhat  superior  to  what  was 
usual  in  that  country  at  that  period  to  be  given  to  those  who 
had  to  make  their  way  through  the  world  by  their  own  exer 
tion,  and  enterprise. 


PENNSYLVANIA.  207 

It  was  the  wish  and  purpose  of  his  father,  that  he  should  be 
qualified  for  practising  one  of  the  professions.  Consulting 
his  talents  and  the  bent  of  his  disposition,  as  he  supposed,  his 
father  selected  the  medical  profession,  as  being  better  suited 
to  his  genius,  and  that  in  which  it  was  believed  success  was 
apparently  the  most  promising.  It  is  probable,  although  not 
certain,  that  George  actually  entered  on  the  study  of  medicine. 
But  if  so,  the  object  does  not  seem  to  have  been  sufficiently 
attractive  to  his  roving  and  adventurous  spirit,  to  induce  him 
to  persevere  in  its  pursuit ;  and  he  soon  came  to  a  determina 
tion  to  quit  it,  and  engage  in  some  other,  in  which  the  pros- 
pect  of  success  was  more  inviting.  Whether  he  had  Ame 
rica,  or  any  other  country,  particularly  in  view,  as  the  field 
of  his  adventures,  is  not  known.  It  is  not  improbable,  how 
ever,  that  he  had  not,  and  that  his  coming  to  America  was 
the  result  of  what  is  usually  termed  accident.  Being  re 
solved  to  leave  his  native  shore  for  some  distant  region,  and 
without  feeling  very  solicitous  about  any  particular  country 
to  which  he  should  direct  his  course,  hearing  of  a  vessel 
about  to  sail  for  New  York  or  Philadelphia,  pennyless  and 
friendless,  he  stepped  on  board,  and  embarked  as  a  redemp- 
tioner. 

On  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia,  he  providentially  met  with 
a  Mr.  Savage,  who  wanted  his  services,  and  who,  on  con 
dition  of  his  engaging  to  labor  for  him  for  a  term  of  years, 
paid  the  expenses  Taylor  had  incurred  in  coming  to  Ame 
rica  ;  and  he  immediately  accompanied  Mr.  Savage  to  Dur 
ham,  a  village  situated  on  the  Delaware  River,  a  few  miles 
below  Easton.  In  Durham,  Mr.  Savage  was  improving  an 
extensive  establishment  of  iron  works,  in  which  he  gave  em 
ployment  to  a  number  of  laborers.  "  George"  was  put  to 
the  business  of  what,  in  the  appropriate  language  of  such  an 
establishment,  is  called  "filing"  that  is,  supplying  the  fur 
nace  with  coal  when  in  the  operation  of  blasting.  But  the 
blisters  soon  raised  on  his  hands  proved,  that  it  was  an  em 
ployment  to  which  he  was  unused.  The  fact  was  noticed  by 
the  workmen,  and  by  them  mentioned  to  Mr.  Savage.  He 
soon  perceived  by  the  delicate  appearance  of  George's  hands, 
and  some  other  indications  he  had  observed,  that  his  educa 
tion  had  been  superior  to  that  of  the  common  Irish  laborers. 
He  had  discovered  remarkable  intelligence  in  the  lad  ;  and 
believing  that  he  was  qualified  for  an  employment  of  a  dif 
ferent  character  from  that  in  which  he  had  placed  him,  with 
feelings  of  compassion  for  him,  he  asked  George  if  he  could 


208  GEORGE  TAYLOR, 

not  handle  a  pen  better  than  a  shovel?  Young  Taylor,  with 
great  pleasure,  changed  his  employment  of  "  filler"  for  that 
of  a  clerk,  and  conducted  with  so  much  intelligence  and 
fidelity,  that  in  a  short  time  he  rendered  himself  a  very 
important  and  useful  member  of  the  establishment.  He 
gained  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  Mr.  Savage  and  his  fa- 
mily,  in  the  situation  in  which  he  was  placed.  That  situation 
he  retained  during  several  years;  and  after  the  death  of  Mr. 
Savage,  which  occurred  at  no  very  distant  period,  suitable  time 
having  elapsed,  he  married  his  widow,  and  thus  came  into  pos 
session  of  his  business.  This  he  continued  to  prosecute  for 
a  number  of  years ;  and  conducted  it  with  such  industry, 
prudence,  and  skill,  that  he  acquired  a  competent  fortune. 
What  particularly  induced  him  to  quit  his  station  in  Durham, 
and  change  his  abode,  is  not  known.  But  he  purchased  a  con 
siderable  estate  on  the  Lehigh,  in  the  county  of  Northamp 
ton  ;  and  there  he  commenced  business  anew.  He  erected 
a  large  stone  dwelling  house,  and  some  iron  works,  in  which 
he  became  associated  with  others  who  were  engaged  in 
prosecuting  the  same  business.  He  took  up  his  residence 
in  this  new  habitation,  and  continued  to  occupy  it  for  several 
years.  But  before  he  had  been  long  an  inhabitant  in  that 
county,  he  had  become  so  conspicuous  a  character,  and 
gained  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  the  inhabitants  of  North- 
ampton  so  far,  that  they  elected  him  one  of  their  representa 
tives  to  the  colonial  assembly.  Thus  he  was  ushered  into 
public  life,  and  entered  on  that  theatre  on  which  he  was  des 
tined  to  act  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  great  drama  of  the 
American  revolution,  and  to  occupy  a  station  on  the  page  of 
history  that  will  reach  the  end  of  time.  This  enrolled  his 
name  among  those  chivalrous  patriots,  who,  at  the  risk  of 
"  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honors,"  dared 
to  wrest  an  empire  from  the  grasp  of  power,  wielding  against 
them  a  fearfully  unequal  force,  and  exalt  it  to  the  high  stand 
ing  of  independence  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  In  that 
enviable  station  on  the  page  of  history,  with  his  compatriots, 
from  the  character  of  a  forlorn  Irish  redemptioner,  he  was 
elevated  to  that  of  one  of  the  fathers  of  the  republic. 

The  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  in  the  assembly  of 
Pennsylvania,  may  be  inferred  from  the  nature  and  impor 
tance  of  the  duties  intrusted  to  him  and  others,  in  the  vari 
ous  committees  of  which  he  was  a  member,  to  investigate 
and  report  to  that  body,  for  their  consideration  and  decision. 
At  the  period  of  his  entering  upon  political  affairs,  the  public 


PENNSYLVANIA.  209 

mind  had  been  universally  excited  by  the  proceedings  of  the 
British  parliament,  affecting  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  Ame 
rican  colonies  generally;  and  that  agitation,  though  mitigated 
by  subsequent  enactments,  was  far  from  being  quieted.  A 
jealousy  had  been  raised  among  the  colonists,  by  the  claim 
set  up  by  the  parent  government,  in  the  "  Stamp  act,"  of  a 
right  to  tax  the  colonies  without,  their  consent ;  and  that  jea 
lousy  remained,  after  the  repeal  of  that  odious  and  offensive 
statute,  by  reason  of  the  claim  being  still  retained.  It  caused 
a  constant  vigilance  among  the  provincials,  kept  their  at 
tention  alive,  and  constantly  directed  it  to  the  proceedings  of 
the  king  and  parliament,  relative  to  their  future  measures  in 
relation  to  the  colonies.  Of  this  jealousy  and  fear  of  ap 
proaching  encroachment  on  their  rights,  the  people  of  Penn 
sylvania  partook,  in  common  with  the  citizens  of  the  other 
provinces.  But  there  were  other  subjects  of  great  delicacy 
arid  much  importance.  There  were  contested  claims  between 
the  proprietors  of  the  charter  and  the  provincial  assembly, 
respecting  their  powers  of  government,  which  continually  in 
terfered  ;  and  these  at  that  time  remained  unsettled.  About 
he  same  time  violence  had  been  committed  upon  the  In 
dians,  by  some  of  the  white  inhabitants  of  unprincipled  and 
dissolute  character,  in  which  several  of  the  natives  had  been 
wantonly  murdered ;  and  the  executive  of  the  province  had, 
with  characteristic  apathy,  suffered  the  guilty  perpetrators  to 
remain  unpunished,  manifesting  no  disposition  to  execute  the 
laws  in  avenging  their  injured  neighbors  of  the  forest.  This 
unjustifiable  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  governor,  whose  duty 
it  was  to  have  arrested,  tried,  and  punished  the  offenders  in 
a  due  course  of  law,  provoked  the  hitherto  peaceable  natives, 
as  well  as  disgusted  the  men  of  correct  principles  in  the  colony. 
The  people  also  were  alarmed  for  their  own  safety,  which 
had  become  jeoparded,  by  reason  of  the  menacing  conduct  of 
the  Indians,  who  had  waited  in  vain  for  that  justice  which 
they  rightfully  demanded,  and  had,  for  a  time  at  least,  confi 
dently  expected  the  government  would  promptly  have  ren 
dered  them. 

It  was  in  the  year  1764,  that  Mr.  Taylor  was  first  elected 
a  representative  to  the  provincial  legislative  assembly  of  Penn 
sylvania,  where  he  was  soon  distinguished  by  being  appointed 
a  member  of  the  committee  of  grievances.  The  duties  as 
signed  to  that  committee  were  highly  important,  and  their 
magnitude  was  continually  increasing. 

18* 


210  GEORGE  TAYLOR, 

The  important  question  which  greatly  agitated  the  whole 
province  at  that  time,  that  of  altering  the  charter,  and  in  connec 
tion  with  that,  the  correction  of  gross  abuses  which  the  pro 
prietary  government  had  been  for  years  introducing,  claimed 
the  serious  investigation  of  the  legislative  assembly.  In  the 
discussions  of  these  several  subjects,  Mr.  Taylor  took  an  ac 
tive  and  very  decided  part.  His  decision  of  character,  which 
was  soon  perceived  by  all,  gave  him  a  leading  influence  in 
that  assembly  ;  and  that  influence  he  uniformly  exerted  on  the 
side  of  the  popular  interest,  and  in  a  steady,  but  firm  opposi 
tion  to  every  attempt  at.  an  assumption  of  illegal  power  on  the 
part  of  the  government,  under  whatever  covering,  or  in  what 
ever  form  it  appeared. 

When  the  speaker  of  the  Pennsylvania  assembly  laid 
before  that  body  the  proposal  of  the  house  of  representatives 
of  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  for  a  general  congress 
of  delegates  from  the  several  colonies,  to  meet  in  New  York, 
in  September,  1765,  the  proposal  was  unanimously  adopted 
on  the  same  day,  on  which  it  was  submitted  to  their  considera 
tion,  and  the  delegates  immediately  appointed.  The  com 
mittee,  to  whom  the  duty  of  drawing  up  their  instructions  was 
assigned,  included  George  Taylor  as  one  of  its  members. 
By  whomsoever  those  instructions  were  drawn  up,  they  evince 
much  wisdom  and  prudence. 

Mr.  Taylor  was  again  chosen  a  representative  for  North 
ampton,  in  the  autumn  of  1765 ;  and  on  the  meeting  of  the 
assembly,  he  was  placed  on  several  important  committees, 
of  which  he  had  been  an  active  and  efficient  member,  in  the 
preceding  session  of  the  provincial -assembly  ;  and  he  ably  and 
zealously  supported  all  the  important  subjects  which  were 
brought  before  them. 

On  their  receiving  intelligence  of  the  repeal  of  the  "  Stamp 
act,"  the  legislative  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  appointed 
several  of  their  members  to  draw  up  an  address  of  thanks  and 
congratulation  to  the  king,  expressive  of  their  feelings  on  that 
occasion.  Mr.  Taylor  was  one  of  that  committee.  He  con 
tinued  a  member  of  that  assembly  during  the  five  years  im 
mediately  following  ;  and  the  journals  of  their  proceedings 
exhibit  him  the  same  active  and  influential  member,  employed 
on  the  same  standing  committees,  and  exerting  the  same 
influence  as  formerly.  In  1768,  he  exerted  himself  in  a  bold 
manner,  to  induce  the  governor  to  bring  to  legal  trial  and 
punishment,  the  miscreants  who  had  murdered  several  Indians 
in  the  vicinity.  This  duty  having  been  neglected,  as  has  been 


PENNSYLVANIA.  211 

mentioned,  by  the  executive  of  the  province,  the  legislative 
assembly  considered  it  their  incumbent  duty  to  take  a  special 
notice  of  the  subject.  They  accordingly  appointed  several 
of  their  members  to  draw  up,  and  present  an  address  to  the 
governor,  on  that  occasion,  of  whom  Mr.  Taylor  was  one. 
The  address,  though  very  respectful,  and  couched  in  hand 
some  language,  contains  a  rebuke  of  "  his  excellency,"  for  his 
official  delinquency,  and  the  neglect  of  his  incumbent  duty, 
which  manifested  an  independence  of  feeling,  and  a  firmness 
of  resolution,  which,  however  long  they  might  forbear,  could 
not  be  with  safety  much  longer  trifled  with.  If  there  had  not 
existed  an  infatuation  in  the  minds  of  the  supporters  of  the 
royal  prerogative,  it  seems  as  if  they  must  have  been  per 
suaded,  that  measures  of  conciliation,  rather  than  of  exas 
peration,  should  have  been  pursued  with  a  people  of  such 
a  spirit,  even  far  the  sake  of  their  own  interest  and  prospe 
rity.  But  they  blindly  pushed  onward  with  a  mad  obstinacy, 
until  when  too  late,  they  became  convinced  of  their  error. 

Mr.  Taylor's  private  affairs  having  become  somewhat 
deranged,  and  his  fortune  impaired,  while  he  was  devoting 
his  time  and  attention  to  the  public  interest,  he  found  it  incum 
bent  on  him  to  relinquish  the  latter,  and  give  his  attention 
to  the  former  for  several  years.  His  success  in  his  new 
estate  on  the  Lehigh,  not  having  answered  his  expectations, 
he  returned  again  to  Durham,  the  scene  of  his  early  prospe 
rity.  During  the  term  of  five  years  of  his  retirement  to  pri 
vate  life,  he  sustained  the  two  offices  of  presiding  judge  of 
the  county  court,  of  the  county  where  he  resided,  and  colonel 
of  the  militia. 

In  October,  1775,  he  was  again  returned  a  member  of  the 
provincial  assembly.  Here  again  he  resumed  the  same 
elevated  standing  he  had  before  sustained.  He  was  at  once 
placed  on  all  the  important  standing  committees  of  the  house, 
and  on  several  others  of  importance,  which  the  changes  in  the 
political  condition  of  the  country  had  rendered  necessary. 
Among  these,  the  most  important  of  all,  and  which  was  in 
fact  the  principal  revolutionary  engine  of  the  government, 
was  the  committee  of  safety  ;  of  which  he  was  an  active  and 
vigilant  member. 

In  this  session,  the  members  of  the  approaching  congress 
were  chosen  ;  and  again  Mr.  Taylor  was  appointed  with 
others  to  draw  up  and  report  instructions  for  the  delegates. 

The  situation  of  Pennsylvania  at  that  juncture,  required  the 
exercise  of  great  wisdom  and  prudence,  on  the  part  of  their 

10 


212  GEORGE  TAYLOR, 

public  agents.  The  province  had  often  received  special  evi. 
dences  of  royal  favor,  which  elicited  corresponding  affection 
and  gratitude  from  the  people.  Many  still  retained  a  hope 
that  a  reconciliation  might  be  affected,  and  an  open  war 
avoided.  A  large  portion  of  that  community,  whose  religious 
principles  coinciding  with  those  of  the  distinguished  founder 
of  the  colony,  were  opposed  to  war,  and  especially  a  civil  war. 
They  therefore  felt  a  peculiar  reluctance  to  having  any  measures 
adopted,  which  would  commit  the  province  to  engage  in  ulti 
mate  hostilities  with  the  parent  government.  There  were 
still  a  number  of  men  of  leading  influence  in  the  province,  in 
whose  breasts  glowed  a  patriotism  as  pure,  and  as  warm  as 
in  those  of  a  more  bold  and  daring  character.  All  these  fur 
nished  motives  of  great  delicacy  and  importance,  which  ope 
rated  powerfully  on  the  minds  of  those  who  were  already  per 
suaded  of  the  indispensable  necessity  of  coming  to  a  speedy 
decision,  relative  to  renouncing  the  allegiance  of  the  colonies 
to  Great  Britain,  and  rendered  the  task  of  drawing  up  the 
instructions  to  their  delegates  in  congress,  very  difficult,  and 
highly  responsible. 

These  instructions  were  drawn  up,  and  sanctioned  by  the 
house,  m  November,  1775,  and,  among  other  particulars, 
contained  a  clause,  utterly  prohibiting  them  from  concurring 
in  any  propositions  which  might  lead  to,  or  cause  a  separation 
of  the  colony  from  Great  Britain,  or  change  the  form  of  the 
government  of  Pennsylvania. 

Such  was  the  prevailing  state  of  the  public  feeling,  relative 
to  independence,  in  the  autumn  of  1775,  in  Pennsylvania. 
But  the  time  was  at  hand,  which  was  destined  to  witness  a 
decided  revomiion  of  feeling  in  that  province.  The  disre 
spect  with  "wmch  the  several  memorials,  remonstrances,  and 
appeals  of  congress  had  been  treated  by  parliament,  under 
the  management  or  the  ministry,  had  been  gradually  weaken 
ing  their  hopes,  ana  confirming  their  fears  respecting  the  ul 
timate  measures,  wftich  their  own  safety  might  imperiously 
demand  ;  thus  preparing  them,  notwithstanding  their  strong 
reluctance,  to  give  up  their  opposition,  and  bring  them  to  ac 
quiesce  cordially  ini  renouncing  their  allegiance,  and  in  the 
establishment  of  independence.  The  winter  and  spring  of 
1776,  saw  an  almost  entire  change  in  the  sentiments  of  Penn 
sylvania.  The  instructions  given  to  their  delegates  in  con 
gress,  in  November,  1  >T5,  unqualifiedly  forbade  them  to  concur 
in  any  measure  which  might  lead  to,  or  result  in  a  separa 
tion.  In  June,  1776,  instructions  were  issued  to  them,  which 


PENNSYLVANIA.  213 

removed  that  prohibition,  and  left  them  at  full  liberty  to  con 
cur  with  the  delegates  from  the  other  colonies  in  congress,  "  iri 
such  measures,  including  compacts  with  the  other  colonies, 
and  treaties  with  foreign  states  and  kingdoms,  as  shall  be 
judged  necessary  for  promoting  the  liberty,  safety,  and  inte 
rests  of  America." 

These  sentiments  of  their  representatives  harmonized  with 
those  of  the  great  body  of  the  people  ;  and  the  change  so  great, 
and  so  sudden,  had  been  wrought  by  means  of  the  conduct 
of  the  British  government,  which  convinced  them  that  their 
hopes  were  vain,  and  that  they  had  nothing  to  expect  in  fu 
ture  from  the  parent  country,  to  which  they  had  been  so 
strongly  attached. 

Yet,  notwithstanding  this  decided  change  in  the  legislature 
and  the  people,  and  notwithstanding  the  recent  instructions 
given  to  the  delegates  in  congress,  there  were  several  of 
the  delegates  of  Pennsylvania,  then  in  congress,  who  held 
fast  to  their  opposition  ;  insomuch,  that  on  a  trial  of  the  ques 
tion  by  the  several  colonies,  according  to  the  vote  of  their 
delegates,  the  voice  of  Pennsylvania  was  decided  in  favor, 
only  by  the  vote  of  one  majority.  This  was  very  unplea 
sant  to  the  legislative  body  which  had  issued  the  recent  in 
structions  ;  and  they  resolved  on  electing  a  new  delega 
tion,  which  became  necessary  for  representing  the  senti 
ments  ..of  the  people  truly,  and  also  for  securing  unanimity 
in  the  final  vote  on  the  great  subject  of  independence.  Ac 
cordingly,  on  the  twentieth  of  July,  the  convention  of  the 
state  reappointed  Mr.  Morton,  Doctor  Franklin,  Robert  Mor 
ris,  and  Mr.  Wilson,  who,  of  the  old  delegation,  were  in  favor 
vf  the  decisive  measure,  and  supplied  the  places  of  the  dis 
sentients,  by  electing  Mr.  Taylor,  Mr.  Ross,  Mr.  Clymer, 
Doctor  Rush,  and  Mr.  Smith  ;  all  of  whom  were  well  known 
•o  have  been  fully  persuaded  of  its  necessity.  They  were 
ihosen  by  the  convention  with  a  full  knowledge  of  their  sen- 
irnents,  and  expressly  with  a  view  to  insure  an  unanimous 
vote  in  favor  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Taylor  was  now  brought  into  congress,  arid  with  his 
entire  approbation  of  the  measure  which  had  been  determined 
by  the  vote  of  congress  on  the  fourth  of  July,  he,  with  many 
others,  set  his  signature  to  the  declaration  of  that  vote,  which 
was  riot  ready  for  signature  until  several  weeks  subsequent  to 
the  day  on  which  it  was  passed  by  congress.  The  Declara 
tion  of  American  Independence,  now  engrossed  on  the  parch- 


2>  i  JAMES  WILSON, 

ment  roll,  received  his  signature  on  the  second  day  of  Au 
gust,  1776. 

Having  seen  his  favorite  object,  the  independence  of  his 
adopted  country,  realized,  and  having  finished  his  own 
agency  in  effecting  it ;  after  remaining  about  one  year  in  con- 
gress,  he  withdrew  from  all  public  life  and  employments,  and 
settled  in  Easton,  in  the  vicinity  of  his  estates.  Here,  after 
spending  four  years,  in  attending  to  his  private  concerns,  he 
closed  his  life  on  the  twenty. third  of  February,  1781,  at  the 
age  of  sixty-five  years. 


JAMES  WILSON. 

THIS  gentleman,  who  made  a  conspicuous  figure  in  Penn 
sylvania,  both  in  her  delegation  to  congress,  and  in  other  pub 
lic  services,  during  the  revolutionary  period,  was  a  native  of 
Scotland.  His  father  gave  him  a  good  classical  education, 
and  with  that,  at  the  age  of  about  twenty  one,  he  embarked 
for  America,  and  arrived  in  New  York.  From  thence  he 
went  to  Philadelphia,  the  beginning  of  the  year  1766.  His 
recommendations  to  gentlemen  of  eminence  in  that  city, 
were  of  such  a  character,  that  he  soon  obtained  employment  as 
a  teacher  in  the  Philadelphia  College  and  Academy,  under 
the  patronage  of  the  Rev.  Doctor  Richard  Peters.  He 
formed  an  intimate  friendship  with  Mr.  Wilson,  which  con 
tinued  unimpaired  to  the  close  of  his  life. 

But  after  a  few  months  he  left  that  employment,  and  com 
menced  the  study  of  law  in  the  office  of  Mr.  John  Dickinson, 
one  of  the  most  celebrated  barristers  of  that  age  in  the  United 
States.  After  having  passed  about  two  years  in  his  studies, 
he  entered  on  the  practice  of  his  profession,  and  went  first  to 
Reading,  but  soon  removed  to  Carlisle  in  that  province.  His 
success  in  the  latter  place  was  flattering  ;  and  he  there  began 
to  develope  the  powers  of  his  mind,  and  evince  the  profes 
sional  pre-eminence  for  which  he  was  distinguished  through 
his  life.  From  Carlisle  he  went  to  Annapolis  in  Maryland. 
There  he  remained  but  one  year,  and  then  removed  to  Phila 
delphia,  in  1773,  and  fixed  his  residence  in  that  city  for  life. 

Not  long  after  he  commenced  his  professional  career,  a 
case  of  great  importance  was  Brought  into  one  of  the  courts, 


PENNSYLVANIA.  215 

between  the  proprietors  of  Pennsylvania  and  a  great  land- 
dealer.  The  latter,  Mr.  Samuel  Lawrence,  engaged  Mr. 
Wilson  as  one  of  his  counsel.  Mr.  Beverly  Chew,  the  at 
torney  general,  was  opposed  to  him.  So  favorable  was  the 
impression  which  Mr.  Wilson  made  by  his  plea,  on  the 
minds  of  hie  associate  counsel,  that  they  concluded  to  submit 
the  cause  without  further  argument.  During  the  session  of 
that  court,  his  reputation  as  an  able  lawyer  was  fully  and 
firmly  established;  and  important  business  flowed  in  upon 
him'  at  once. 

At  the  time  of  his  landing  in  America,  he  considered  this 
as  his  country,  and  he  became,  from  that  time,  an  American 
in  principle.  To  this  character  he  firmly,  and  with  entire 
consistency,  adhered  to  the  day  of  his  death.  He  was  a 
genuine  republican  on  the  principles  of  General  Washington. 

He  early  enlisted  his  feelings  and  efforts  in  an  active  op 
position  to  the  British  claims  upon  the  colonies ;  and  warmly 
and  very  ably  defended  their  rights,  against  the  designs  of  the 
ministry. 

A  provincial  convention  for  Pennsylvania  was  called  in 

1774,  to  meet  in  Philadelphia,  of  which  Mr.  Wilson  was  a 
member  for  that  city.     The  part  he  took,  and  the  talents  ho 
displayed  in  that  assembly,  made  him  extensively  known,  as 
a  gentleman  distinguished  for  political  science,  and  of  com 
manding  popular  eloquence.     In  that  convention  Mr.  Dickin 
son  and  Mr.  Wilson  were  recommended  for  delegates  to  the 
congress.     But  the  influence    of  Mr.  Galloway,  who  was 
speaker  of  the  house,  and  opposed  personally  to  Mr.  Dickin 
son,  and  politically  to  both,  was  sufficient  to  prevent  their 
election  at  that  time.     He  was,  however,  chosen  in  May, 

1775,  together  with  Benjamin  Franklin  and  Thomas  Willing, 
and  added  to  the  existing  Pennsylvania  delegation,  only  about 
eight  months  after  the  time  when  a  nomination  of  him  could 
not  be  carried.     He  was  again  appointed  to  the  same  office 
in  November,  1775;  in  July,  1776,  when  he  subscribed  to 
the  Declaration  of  Independence ;  and  in  March,  1777. 

In  September  of  1777,  a  jealousy  of  his  rising  reputation, 
and  an  excited  party  spirit,  had  gained  such  an  ascendency 
in  their  general  assembly,  that  Mr.  Clymer  and  Mr.  Wilson 
were  superseded  and  left  at  home,  and  others  appointed  in 
their  room.  This  placed  him  for  a  time  in  private  life. 

Previous  to  his  being  introduced  to  a  seat  in  the  congress, 
and  while  he  resided  in  Carlisle,  at  the  commencement  of 
military  movements,  preparatory  to  the  anticipated  hostilities, 


216  JAMES  WILSON, 

Mr.  Wilson  was  designated  for  military  honors.  He  was 
chosen  colonel  of  a  regiment,  to  be  raised  and  equipped  in 
the  county  of  Cumberland.  The  public  stores  and  magazines 
in  Carlisle  were  committed  to  his  charge.  This,  in  that  sea 
son  of  jealousy,  showed  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by 
the  public.  He  was  also  appointed  to  the  delicate  and  im 
portant  duty  of  a  commissioner  to  treat  with  the  Indians; 
which  duty  he  discharged  with  success. 

In  1782,  he  was  again  brought  forward  to  the  honorable 
station  from  which  he  had  beon  dropped,  by  the  rivalry' and 
opposition  of  his  political  adversaries.  His  talents  and 
integrity  were  too  decided,  and  of  too  much  importance,  to  be 
long  neglected  by  means  so  disreputable,  and  by  rivals  so 
inferior,  in  many  respects,  as  were  those  who  supplanted  him. 

On  the  twentieth  of  November  of  that  year  he  was  elected 
to  a  seat  in  congress,  and  took  possession  of  it  early  in  Janu 
ary,  1783.  In  the  same  year  he  was  appointed  by  the  exe 
cutive  council,  with  several  others,  an  agent  and  counsellor 
to  manage  the  celebrated  controversy  of  Pennsylvania  with 
Connecticut,  respecting  the  Wyoming  lands.  To  his  efforts 
in  arguing  that  great  cause,  which  occupied  him  several 
days,  may  be  ascribed  to  a  considerable  extent,  the  final  set 
tlement  of  that  long  contested  and  angry  claim. 

In  the  year  1785,  he  was  again  returned  a  representative 
to  congress  in  November,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  following 
March.  But  whether  he  was  in  congress  serving  his  state, 
or  in  private  life,  attending  to  his  own  immediate  concerns, 
his  talents  and  character  was  too  conspicuous  to  be  neglected. 
The  French  minister  plenipotentiary,  Mr.  Gerard,  appointed 
him  advocate  general  of  the  French  nation  in  the  United 
States.  This  was  an  office  of  much  importance,  and  required 
a  man  to  fill  it  eminently  learned  in  national  law,  and  that 
particular  part  of  it  which  relates  to  regulating  commercial 
intercourse  between  independent  governments.  In  1781,  the 
king  of  France  confirmed  the  appointment  made  by  his  minis 
ter.  As  the  United  States  had  but  just  sprung  into  a  national 
existence,  every  thing  here  was  new  ;  and  according  to  the 
existing  treaty,  the  functions  of  consuls  and  other  officers 
employed  in  commercial  agencies,  were  to  be  originated  ; 
and  this,  almost  without  rule  or  precedent,  from  which  assist 
ance  could  be  derived.  Mr.  Gerard  stipulated  with  Mr.  Wil 
son  on  his  nominating  him,  that  an  annual  salary  was  to  be 
allowed.  Without  that  Mr.  Wilson  would  have  declined  the 
offer.  But  after  considerable  delay,  during  which  time  he 


PENNSYLVANIA.  217 

had  devoted  himself  to  its  duties,  it  pleased  the  king  to  sig 
nify  that  it  was  not  his  pleasure  to  sanction  that  stipulation. 
Consequently  Mr.  Wilson  resigned  his  office  ;  not  indeed  with 
the  most  agreeable  feelings  respecting  the  manner  in  which 
he  had  been  treated. 

During  his  absence  from  congress,  that  body  were  not 
unmindful  of  his  worth.  In  the  latter  part  of  1781,  he  re 
ceived  an  appointment  of  director  of  the  bank  of  North  Ame 
rica  which  Robert  Morris  had  instituted  to  aid  in  the  financial 
concerns  of  the  government,  and  which  was  so  greatly  condu 
cive  to  their  prosperity. 

^VVhilfi  he  was  in  congress,  he  was  considered  as  one  of  the 
ablest  members  of  the  house,  and  was  singularly  happy  in  the 
manner,  as  well  as  persuasive  and  forcible  in  the  matter  of 
his  public  addresses.  His  services  on  important  committees, 
were  piobably  more  numerous  than  those  of  any  of  his  col 
leagues,  during  the  time  he  was  a  member.  They  would 
occupy  too  large  a  space  in  this  essay,  were  a  particular  enu 
meration  of  them  to  be  inserted.  Suffice  it  to  remark,  that 
he  was,  during  the  time  he  was  in  congress,  as  appears  on 
the  journals,  placed  on  all  the  most  important  committees,  and 
on  others,  both  of  which  in  the  aggregate,  comprised  more 
than  were  allotted  to  any  other  member  of  that  house. 

Mr.  Wilson  was  a  delegate  to  the  convention  which  was 
assembled  in  1787,  for  framing  a  constitution  for  the  United 
States.  He  was  an  active  and  leading  member  of  that  distin 
guished  assembly.  On  the  23d  of  July,  after  much  discussion, 
a  committee  of  five  members  was  appointed  to  report  a  con- 
stitution,  conformably  to  the  proceedings  of  the  convention, 
Mr.  Wilson's  name  stands  first  on  that  committee.  His  signa 
ture  appears  to  that  document.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
state  convention  which  adopted  the  new  constitution,  on  behalf 
of  Pennsylvania.  Having  successfully  exerted  himself  in 
favor  of  its  adoption,  it  was  resolved  to  celebrate  the  event 
with  tokens  of  rejoicing,  as  being  highly  auspicious  to  the 
best,  interests  of  the  whole  country.  Mr.  Wilson  was  se 
lected  by  his  fellow  citizens,  to  deliver  an  oration  on  that 
occasion. 

After  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution  by  that  slate, 
a  convention  was  called  for  altering  the  constitution  of  Penn 
sylvania.  Mr.  Wrilson  was  returned  a  member  of  this  con 
vention  also. 

After  the  new  government  had  been  so  far  organized,  as  to 
ele^t  a  president  of  the  United  States,  and  to  hold  the  first 

19 


218  JAMES  WILSON, 

session  of  congress  under  it,  it  became  the  duty  of  General 
Washington  to  form  the  national  judiciary,  under  the  new 
constitution.  In  performing  this  duty,  Mr.  Wilson  was  nomi 
nated  by  the  president  one  of  the  judges  of  the  highest  court 
of  the  nation.  That  nomination  having  been  sanctioned  by 
the  senate,  he  accepted  the  appointment,  and  held  the  office 
to  the  end  of  his  life. 

In  1790,  after  a  law  professorship  had  been  established  in 
the  college  of  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Wilson  was  appointed  the 
first  professor;  and  in  1792,  when  the  college  of  Philadel 
phia  and  university  of  Pennsylvania  were  united,  a  profes 
sorship  of  a  similar  kind  was  established  in  that  seminary,  ajjucl 
he  was  appointed  to  fill  it. 

In  1791,  he  was  unanimously  appointed  by  the  house  of 
representatives  of  the  state,  to  revise  and  digest  the  statutes 
of  the  state.  But  after  some  delay,  during  which  he  had 
made  considerable  progress  in  executing  the  task,  the  senate 
refusing  to  concur  with  the  house  in  sanctioning  the  object, 
for  which  the  appointment  had  been  made  by  the  house  of 
representatives,  the  business  was  suspended,  and  never 
finished. 

While  he  practised  as  a  lawyer,  he  was  confessedly  at  the 
head  of  the  Philadelphia  bar  ;  and  his  business  was  extensive, 
and  secured  him  an  engagement  in  almost  all  the  important 
causes  brought  into  the  court.  His  reputation  as  an  advocate 
was  not  surpassed,  perhaps  not  equalled,  by  any  of  the  able 
barristers,  who  were  practitioners  at  the  Pennsylvania  bar. 

He  was  twice  married.  His  first  wife  was  a  daughter  of 
William  Bird,  Esq.  of  Bucks  county.  They  were  married  in 
1771,  or  1772;  their  offspring  were  six  children.  She  died 
in  April,  1786.  He  afterwards  married  Miss  Hannah  Gray 
of  Boston,  by  whom  he  had  one  child,  which  died  in  infancy. 

In  1798,  while  on  a  judicial  circuit  in  North  Carolina,  he 
was  attacked  with  a  severe  paroxism  of  strangury,  at  the  house 
of  his  friend  and  colleague,  Judge  Iredell,  in  Edenton  ;  where 
he  closed  his  eventful  life,  at  about  the  age  of  fifty-six  years. 


PENNSYLVANIA.  219 


GEORGE   ROSS. 

» 

THIS  gentleman,  who  was  born  in  New  Castle,  in  the  state 
of  Delaware,  in  the  year  1730,  was  the  son  o£,the  Reve 
rend  George  Ross,  a  respectable  clergyman,  and  minister  of 
the  episcopal  church  in  that  town. 

Mr.  Ross,  from  a  personal  knowledge  of  the  advantages  of 
a  liberal  education,  and  discovering  a  favorable  disposition, 
as  well  as  promising  talents  in  his  son,  resolved  on  giving  him 
all  its  advantages.  He  consequently  commenced  a  course  of 
instruction  with  him  early  in  life,  and  pursued  it  with  faithful 
care  and  assiduity,  till  he  had  accomplished  his  object.  He 
became  an  uncommon  proficient  in  the  ancient  languages. 
And  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  he  commenced  the  study  of  law, 
under  the  instruction  of  an  elder  brother,  then  a  member  of 
the  Philadelphia  bar  in  good  reputation.  In  due  time  ho  was 
admitted  to  the  bar,  and  fixed  his  residence  in  Lancaster, 
which  was  at  that  time  (1751)  on  the  western  limits  of  Euro 
pean  settlements  in  Pennsylvania.  There  he  gave  his  atten 
tion  assiduously  to  the  duties  of  his  profession,  and  soon  es 
tablished  a  reputation,  which  secured  him  an  increasing  and 
lucrative  business.  He  was  also  appointed  to  the  office  of 
procurator  to  the  king,  which  was  considered  an  honorable 
place,  and  one  to  which  those  only  were  appointed  in  the  co 
lonies,  who  were  esteemed  as  distinguished  in  the  profession 
of  law. 

Early  after  Mr.  Ross  settled  in  Lancaster,  he  connected 
himself  by  marriage  with  Miss  Ann  Lawler,  a  lady  of  very 
respectable  connections. 

The  first  account  of  his  appearance  in  public  life,  is  in 
1768,  when  he  was  chosen  a  member  for  Lancaster,  to  re 
present  that  town  in  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania.  He  was 
afterwards  repeatedly  rechosen  to  represent  that  town  ;  and 
uniformly  so  conducted  as  to  receive  the  approbation  of  his 
constituents,  and  the  confidence  and  respect  of  his  colleagues. 

He  possessed  a  benevolent  disposition,  which  he  was  fre 
quently  called  on  to  exercise  in  behalf  of  the  Indians.  For, 
although  the  system  adopted  by  Mr.  Penn  was  generally  pur 
sued  with  them,  so  as  to  obtain  and  secure  their  confidence, 
by  an  uniform  course  of  honesty  and  sincerity,  ye-t  there 
were  some  who  were  unwilling  to  deviate  from  it,  and  to 
deceive  and  defraud  that  simple  people.  Mr.  Ross  uniformly 


220  GEORGE  ROSS, 

espoused  and  vindicated  the  cause  of  the  Indians,  and  from 
principle  acted  as  their  protector.  The  disposition  to  depart 
from  the  system  of  William  Penn,  was  not  confined  to  people 
of  the  lower  class,  with  whom  it  might  have  been  expected  ;  but 
some  of  the  governors  of  the  province  were  at  times  willing 
to  interfere  in  the  concerns  of  the  Indians  ;  and  when  they  did 
they  generally  excited  feelings  which  they  intended  to  pre 
vent,  or  allay. 

Like  the  patriots  of  that  day,  he  had  his  attention  early 
excited,  and  steadily  fixed  on  the  measures  of  the  English 
government,  which  were  the  beginning  of  the  course  they 
intended  to  pursue,  with  reference  to  the  American  colonies. 
He  saw  their  tendency  to  subject  the  colonists  to  a  state  of 
oppression  and  vassalage,  which  he  considered  unjust ;  and 
which,  if  not  withstood,  would  deprive  them  of  some,  if  not 
all  of  their  dearest  rights  and  privileges,  as  free  subjects  of 
the  British  empire.  Hence,  when  the  spirit  of  opposition  was 
roused  in  other  colonies,  and  a  proposal  was  made  to  assem 
ble  a  convention  of  delegates  from  the  several  provinces,  to 
meet  in  Philadelphia,  and  consult  on  the  general  interests  of 
the  whole,  and  agree  upon  proper  measures  to  be  pursued  for 
their  preservation  from  tyranny  and  oppression,  he  hailed  the 
event  as  an  omen  for  good,  and  promoted  it  with  all  his  in 
fluence  and  exertions. 

In  the  month  of  July,  next  after  the  proposals  had  been 
received  by  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  to  convene  a  con 
gress  from  the  several  colonies,  which  had  been  communicated 
from  Virginia,  Massachusetts,  and  other  provinces ;  the 
assembly  unanimously  resolved  to  appoint  a  committee  of 
seven  members  on  the  part  of  Pennsylvania,  to  meet  in  the 
proposed  congress  in  September  following.  Mr.  Ross  was 
chosen  one  of  these  members ;  the  time  when,  and  place 
where  the  congress  was  to  meet,  were  not  then  determined  ; 
but  as  is  well  known,  it  did  meet  in  Philadelphia  on  the  5th  day 
of  September,  1774.  Mr.  Ross  was  directed  by  the  assembly 
which  elected  him  to  that  delegation,  to  draw  up  the  instruc 
tions  by  which  he  and  his  colleagues  were  to  regulate  their 
conduct  when  assembled. 

From  the  5th  of  September,  1774,  when  Mr.  Ross  took  his 
seat  in  congress,  he  continued  a  member  of  that  body  by 
repeated  elections,  until  January,  1777,  when  indisposition  of 
body  rendered  it  expedient  for  him  to  retire  ;  this  permission 
he  asked  for  and  obtained,  and  he  then  left  congress.  His 
conduct  while  a  member,  so  fully  met  the  approbation  of  his 


PENNSYLVANIA.  221 

constituents,  that  they  passed  a  resolution  forthwith  to  trans- 
mit  the  sum  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  out  of  the  stock 
of  Lancaster  county,  as  a  testimony  of  their  sense  of  the 
manner  in  which  he  had  discharged  his  duty  in  congress ; 
and  that  he  be  requested  to  accept  of  it,  as  a  testimony  of  their 
approbation,  and  in  part  compensation  for  the  sacrifices  he 
had  made,  by  neglecting  his  own  private  business,  that  he 
might  attend  to  that  of  the  public.  This  gratuity  so  honorably 
proffered  by  them,  bearing  with  it  a  testimony  so  honorable 
to  himself,  he  declined  in  a  manner  expressive  of  his  own 
patriotic  feelings. 

Mr.  Ross  continued  to  be  chosen  to  represent  his  constitu 
ents  of  Lancaster  in  the  Pennsylvania  legislature,  during  the 
period  he  served  as  a  delegate  in  congress  ;  no  existing  law  at 
that  time  rendering  the  two  offices  incompatible.  He  was 
among  the  early  leaders  in  that  provincial  legislative  assem 
bly;  and  forward,  if  not  foremost,  in  proposing  measures  for  the 
defence  and  protection  of  the  community  against  the  inju 
ries  they  might  sustain  from  an  invasion  by  a  British  force. 
This  it  was  apprehended  might  take  place  so  early  as  1775, 
and  he  was  active  on  special  committees  of  that  assembly, 
in  providing  the  requisite  means  for  repelling  it ;  and  for 
devising  ways  and  means,  generally  for  procuring  arms  and 
munitions  of  war,  that  they  might  be  in  readiness  against  the 
time  when  they  might  be  wanted. 

They  indeed  generally  adopted  measures  to  be  prepared 
against  the  anticipated  event  of  open  hostilities  with  the  mother 
country,  similar  to  those  adopted  and  prosecuted  in  the  other 
colonies.  All  these  received  Mr.  Ross's  entire  and  cordial 
approbation,  and  his  zealous  co-operation,  in  maturing  them, 
and  carrying  them  into  effect.  Whether  in  congress,  or  in 
the  provincial  legislature,  or  the  convention  which  was  orga 
nized  after  that  was  done  away  ;  whether  acting  on  commit 
tees,  or  in  an  individual  capacity,  or  in  his  professional  cha 
racter,  as  an  advocate  for  the  oppressed,  or  a  friend  to  the 
Indians  in  that  province,  Mr.  Ross  every  where  appeared  the 
same  ;  and  uniformly  exhibiting  the  character  of  an  intelligent 
decided  patriot,  the  able  and  liberal  politician,  the  fearless  and 
upright  advocate  of  the  persecuted  and  oppressed.  In  the  last 
character  he  ranked  high  among  that  class  of  men  of  brilliant 
talents,  in  which  were  included  the  names  of  Biddle,  Wilson, 
and  Serjeant,  comprising  a  constellation  of  legal  talent,  which 
could  scarcely  have  been  exceeded  in  iny  other  province  on 
the  continent. 

19* 


222  C^SAR  RODNEY, 

At  the  period  now  under  review,  several  persons  were 
prosecuted  for  a  supposed  adherence  to  the  British  ;  and  the 
excitement  was  so  great  against  engaging  in  their  defence, 
that  it  was  feared  it  might  be  attended  with  some  hazard  from 
an  exasperated  populace.  But  this  apprehended  peril  caused 
no  intimidation  in  the  minds  of  the  independent  and  upright 
bar  of  Pennsylvania  ;  and  Mr.  Ross  and  Mr.  Wilson  in  par 
ticular,  fearlessly  engaged  in  their  defence,  and  acquitted 
themselves  in  the  performance  of  the  duty  they  had  under 
taken,  in  a  manner  highly  creditable  to  their  professional 
talents,  independence,  and  benevolence. 

In  April,  1779,  he  received  the  commission  of  judge  of  the 
court  of  admiralty  for  Pennsylvania.  He  was  suffered,  how 
ever,  to  discharge  the  duties  of  that  office  but  a  short  time  ; 
for  in  July  following  the  appointment,  his  useful  life  was  ter 
minated  by  a  violent  attack  of  the  gout. 


DELAWARE, 


RODNEY. 

THE  grandfather  of  this  gentleman  came  from  England  to 
Pennsylvania,  soon  after  William  Penn  had  commenced  the 
settlement  of  that  province.  He  resided  in  Philadelphia  a 
short  time  and  then  went  and  planted  himself  in  the  county 
of  Kent,  in  what  is  now  the  state  of  Delaware.  He  appears 
to  have  been  a  very  popular  man  in  that  region,  and  dis 
charged  with  fidelity  the  duties  of  several  posts  of  honor  and 
distinction.  His  youngest  son,  Caesar,  by  reason  of  his  other 
children  having  died  without  heirs,  inherited  nearly  the 
whole  property  of  his  father  ;  which  was  then  considered  a 
handsome  fortune.  He  declined  all  public  official  employ 
ment,  preferring  the  quiet  tranquillity  of  private  life,  to  the 
troubles  and  intrigues,  which  too  generally  are  connected 
with  a  public  station.  He  had  the  offer  of  several  of  the 
principal  offices  of  the  province  ;  but  adhering  to  his  prefe 
rence,  he  declined  them  all.  He  married  a  daughter  of  Mr 


DELAWARE.  223 

Thomas  Crawfoid,  a  preacher  of  the  gospel,  said  to  have 
*»een  the  first  who  made  his  appearance  as  a  minister  in  that 
region.  These  were  the  worthy  parents  of  Caesar  Rodney, 
\vhose  signature  is  affixed  to  the  parchment  on  which  is  en- 
rolled  the  Declaration  of  American  Independence. 

Ca3sar  Rodney  was  born  in  Dover,  now  the  state  of  Dela 
ware,  about  17tiO.  He  inherited  all  the  landed  propert)r, 
according  to  the  then  existing  law  of  entailment,  as  the  male 
heir  ;  and  the  popularity  which  had  been  enjoyed  by  his  pre 
decessors,  seems  to  have  descended  to  him,  as  an  appendage 
to  the  name  and  the  estate.  In  1758,  when  he  was  but 
twenty-eight  years  old,  he  was  appointed  high  sheriff  of  the 
county  of  Kent.  The  term  of  office  having  expired,  he  was 
commissioned  as  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and  constituted  a 
judge  of  all  the  inferior  courts  of  the  county. 

It  cannot  be  ascertained  precisely,  at  what  period  he  en 
tered  into  public  life  as  a  legislator ;  because  no  records  of 
the  journal  of  proceedings  of  the  legislature,  in  Delaware 
province  were  preserved  of  an  earlier  date  than  1762.  In 
the  autumn  of  that  year,  however,  he  appeared  as  a  represen 
tative  for  the  county  of  Kent.  He  either  had  been  a  mcrn. 
ber  previous  to  that  year,  or  his  character  had  become  so 
distinguished  before  he  had  a  seat  in  that  body,  that  he  took 
the  lead  in  their  deliberations,  and  most  important  public 
measures.  He  was  selected  as  a  colleague  with  Mr.  M'Kean 
to  transact  important  business  with  the  governor,  as  an  agent 
of  the  assembly. 

About  this  time  appeared  the  "  Stamp  act,"  and  some  other 
obnoxious  measures  of  the  British  parliament,  in  this  country, 
which  excited  much  alarm  among  the  inhabitants  of  the 
colonies,  and  a  spirit  of  opposition,  founded  on  a  firm  belief 
of  their  unconstitutional  character.  This  spirit  was  felt  to 
a  considerable  extent,  in  the  three  counties  which  now  con 
stitute  the  state  of  Delaware. 

The  legislature  had  adjourned,  to  meet  again  in  September, 
1763,  but  before  that  time  arrived,  there  was  a  meeting  of 
the  members  of  the  assembly,  who  proceeded  to  appoint  dele 
gates  to  attend  a  congress  to  be  convened  in  New  York,  to 
consult  with  delegates  from  other  provinces,  who  were  to 
assemble  there  on  the  most  eligible  course  to  pursue,  for 
avoiding  the  evils  with  which  the  colonies  were  threatened ; 
and  for  protecting  their  rights  and  privileges  as  subjects  of 
the  British  empire.  For  that  important  and  honorable  mis 
sion,  Mr.  Rodney,  Mr.  M'Kean,  and  Mr.  Kollock,  the  speaker 


224  CAESAR  RODNEY, 

of  the  house,  were  chosen  by  an  unanimous  vote,  by  the 
assembly. 

They  received  explicit  instructions  for  regulating  their  pro- 
ceedings  in  that  congress  ;  and  having  attended  to  the  duties 
of  their  appointment,  and  returned  when  the  legislature  was 
again  convened,  they  made  a  full  report  of  their  proceedings, 
and  received  the  unanimous  thanks  of  the  house,  and  a  libe 
ral  compensation  for  their  services.  From  this  time  to  the 
close  of  the  revolutionary  war,  Mr.  Rodney,  Mr.  M'Kean, 
and  Mr.  George  Read,  were  among  the  most  active,  leading, 
and  influential  characters,  who  espoused  the  cause  of  the 
colonies  in  opposition  to  the  British  usurpations  in  Delaware. 
Mr.  Rodney  was  a  member  of  the  legislature  of  Delaware  for 
several  years,  and  always  a  leading  and  active  one,  in  de 
vising  and  advocating  measures  of  public  interest.  He  was 
even  early  opposed  to  the  slave  trade,  and  introduced  an 
amending  clause  to  a  bill  before  the  house,  for  the  further 
and  better  regulation  of  slaves,  and  to  entirely  prohibit  the  fur 
ther  importation  of  them  into  the  colony.  Although  it  was 
rejected,  it  was  lost  only  by  a  majority  of  two. 

The  local  situation  of  Delaware,  being  accessible  by  water 
through  its  whole  extent,  exposed  the  inhabitants  to  continual 
invasions  by  the  enemy  ;  which  was  one  influential  cause  of  a 
division  of  sentiment  respecting  proper  measures  to  be  pur 
sued  by  the  government.  Another  was  an  ardent  attach 
ment  of  many  of  the  people  to  the  mother  country,  from 
which  they  were  unwilling  to  be  separated.  Others  still 
thought  that  a  Declaration  of  Independence  would  be  prema 
ture,  and  they  still  indulged  a  hope  that  the  differences  might 
be  amicably  settled,  and  the  liberty  of  the  colonies  preserved. 
From  these,  and  perhaps  some  other  causes,  there  existed 
such  a  division  among  the  people,  that  those  patriots  to  whom 
the  leading  management  of  their  public  affairs  was  entrusted, 
had  to  encounter  many  difficulties,  by  which  their  efforts  for 
the  general  good  were  greatly  impeded  ;  and  at  times  almost 
paralyzed.  They  however  persevered,  and  had  the  satisfac 
tion  in  the  end  to  see  the  cause  triumph,  and  the  object  for 
which  they  contended,  and  in  obtaining  which  they  made  such 
great  sacrifices,  in  common  with  their  countrymen  generally, 
secured  by  an  acknowledgment  of  their  independence  on  the 
part  of  the  contending  power. 

He  was  appointed  by  the  provincial  assembly  in  Delaware, 
on  one  of  the  committees  who  were  from  time  to  time,  to 
draw  up  petitions  and  remonstrances  to  the  king  and  parlia- 


DELAWARE. 

ment  of  Great  Britain,  relative  to  the  grievances  complained 
of  by  the  colonists,  and  subsequently  to  correspond  with  the 
friends  of  American  interests  in  other  provinces.  In  all  of 
these,  his  zealous  and  undeviating  attachment  to  the  privile 
ges  and  liberty  of  his  country,  and  his  determination  to  main 
tain  them  to  the  uttermost,  are  clearly  manifested. 

Mr.  Rodney  was  laboring  for  some  years  under  the  slow, 
but  ultimately  fatal  effects  of  a  cancer  in  his  cheek  ;  which  at 
length,  so  much  impaired  his  health,  as  to  compel  him  to 
withdraw  from  public  employment,  and  resort  to  Philadelphia 
for  medical  aid.  He  even  had  it  in  contemplation  at  one  time, 
to  cross  the  Atlantic,  for  the  same  purpose,  if  he  failed  of  suc 
cess  in  Philadelphia.  Although  he  procured  only  partial 
relief  there,  he  was  prevented  from  proceeding  to  Europe, 
by  the  threatening  aspect  of  the  times. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  provincial  assembly  in  1769,  and 
chosen  speaker.  He  held  that  office  during  several  of  the 
succeeding  years.  He  was  also  appointed  chairman  of  the 
committee  of  correspondence,  and  in  that  station  he  kept  up 
a  constant  correspondence  with  distinguished  gentlemen  in 
the  other  provinces.  That  correspondence,  which  was  car 
ried  on  in  all  the  colonies,  by  an  interchange  of  views,  and 
mutual  communication  of  intelligence,  tended  to  promote  a 
harmony  of  feeling,  and  a  union  of  purpose,  through  the 
country,  which  was  essential  for  the  success  of  their  cause. 
To  obviate  jealousies,  to  quell  insurrectionary  movements, 
to  rouse  the  feelings  of  the  languid,  and  to  encourage  the 
fearful,  though  true  friends  to  the  American  cause,  Mr.  Rod 
ney  labored  industriously,  and  with  considerable  success, 
among  the  inhabitants  of  Delaware. 

On  the  first  day  of  August,  1774,  a  convention  of  delegates 
from  the  three  counties,  convened  by  a  circular  which  he  ad 
dressed  to  them,  as  speaker  of  the  house  of  assembly,  met  in 
New  Castle,  to  determine  what  measures  they  should  adopt, 
on  behalf  of  their  province,  in  relation  to  the  existing  state  of 
the  country,  and  to  consult  arid  decide  respecting  calling  a 
general  congress  of  delegates  from  all  the  colonies.  He  was 
unanimously  appointed  chairman  of  that  meeting.  After  they 
had  resolv  d  that  such  a  measure  was  demanded  by  the  state 
and  circumstances  of  the  colonies.  He,  together  with  Thomas 
M'Kean,  and  George  Read,  Esquires,  were  appointed  dele 
gates  for  Delaware  to  the  first  continental  congress,  which 
met  in  Philadelphia,  on  the  first  Monday  of  September  follow 
ing.  He  took  his  seat  in  that  body  on  the  fifth  day  of  that 


226  (LESAR  RODNEY, 

month,  and  the  next  day  was  placed  on  the  grand  committee 
ot  that  body,  whose  duty  it  was  to  state  what  were  the  rights 
of  the  colonies,  and  to  enumerate  the  instances  in  which 
those  rights  had  been  invaded,  and  violated,  by  the  English 
government. 

The  same  meeting  which  appointed  him  and  his  colleagues 
delegates  to  that  congress,  furnished  them  with  instructions, 
by  which  they  were  to  regulate  their  conduct  in  that  assembly. 
And  when  they  reported  their  proceedings  on  their  return, 
the  assembly  passed  an  unanimous  vote,  approving  entirely 
of  all  that  they  had  done.  In  confirmation  of  their  approba 
tion,  on  the  day  following,  they  again  elected  them  represen 
tatives  to  the  succeeding  congress.  During  his  absence, 
under  this  second  election,  the  legislature  appointed  him  a 
brigadier  general  of  the  province.  He  now  sustained  high  of 
fices  in  both  civil  and  military  life  ;  in  the  latter  of  which,  he 
was  in  a  short  time  called  to  active  service,  in  defence  of 
his  invaded  country.  The  urgency  of  public  business  at  that 
time,  was  peculiarly  pressing.  Owing  to  some  private  con- 
cerns  which  required  his  attention,  he  had  obtained  leave  of 
absence  for  a  short  time,  and  had  returned  home  for  the  pur 
pose  of  adjusting  them.  But  he  had  scarcely  arrived  at  his 
residence,  when  he  was  summoned  back,  on  account  of  some 
highly  important  business  which  was  depending,  and  for  the 
accomplishment  of  which  it  was  deemed  essential  to  have  as 
full  a  delegation  present  as  possible.  The  business  before 
congress  at  that  time,  so  urgent  as  to  require  his  immediate 
return,  was  undoubtedly  that  which  preceded,  and  prepared 
the  way  for  deciding  the  great  question  of  independence. 

The  situation  of  Delaware,  the  inhabitants  being  much  di 
vided  in  sentiment  on  the  great  political  measures  of  the  coun 
try,  demanded  Mr.  Rodney's  presence,  both  at  home  and  in 
congress.  He  was  wanted  at  home,  to  superintend  and  ar 
range  the  military  department,  and  the  measures  of  defence 
required  for  the  security  of  the  state.  He  was,  therefore, 
necessarily  absent  from  his  seat  at  different  times,  to  attend 
to  the  discharge  of  his  military  duties.  But  at  the  time 
-of  taking  the  vote  on  the  question  of  independence,  he  was 
in  his  seat,  and  gave  it  his  cordial  sanction.  He  immedi 
ately  after  returned  to  his  constituents ;  and  they  having 
heard  the  communication  of  what  congress  had  done,  ap 
proved  of  it  by  acclamation.  Probably  few  men  have  been 
more  highly  popular  at  any  time,  and  in  any  community,  than 
General  Rodney.  Yet,  notwithstanding  this,  he  was  soon  to 


DELAWARE.  227 

experience  the  instability  of  all  such  favor,  and  tte  versatility 
of  popular  opinion. 

In  the  autumn  of  1776,  the  people  of  Delaware  called  a 
convention,  to  frame  a  constitution  of  government  for  the 
state,  and  to  elect  delegates  to  the  next  congress.  On  this 
occasion,  by  an  union  of  the  tories  who  were  numerous  in  the 
state,  and  of  various  other  parties,  they  contrived  to  secure  a 
majority  against  his  re-election,  and  left  him  out  of  congress, 
together  with  Mr.  M'Kean.  He,  however,  still  retained  the 
office  in  the  committee  of  safety,  and  the  committee  of  inspec 
tion.  The  duties  connected  with  these,  he  could  attend  to, 
while  superintending  his  own  private  concerns.  The  latter 
had  suffered  much  by  his  want  of  care  during  his  absence  ; 
and  the  act  of  the  convention,  by  which  he  was  superseded, 
left  him  at  leisure  to  pay  the  attention  to  them  which  they 
required. 

Colonel  Haslet,  who  belonged  to  General  Rodney's  bri 
gade,  had  gone  to  New  Jersey,  with  some  of  the  Delaware 
troops,  and  fell  in  the  battle  at  Princeton.  After  his  death, 
General  Rodney  concluded  it  would  aid  the  cause,  and  espe 
cially  prove  some  consolation  to  the  men  of  his  command, 
if  he  were  to  be  present  with  them  in  New  Jersey.  Being 
sincerely  engaged  in  promoting  the  cause,  and  ever  ready  to 
render  his  aid  where  it  might  be  most  beneficial,  he  repaired 
to  the  late  scene  of  action,  to  afford  all  the  relief  and  comfort 
in  his  power  to  the  suffering  troops  of  Delaware,  then  in  ac 
tual  service.  On  his  way  to  New  Jersey,  he  saw  Lord  Stir 
ling  in  Philadelphia,  who  ordered  him  to  remain  at  Princeton 
for  the  purpose  of  forwarding  the  troops  to  the  army,  as  fast 
as  they  arrived  there  on  their  way. 

He  remained  there  with  the  army,  about  two  months, 
and  was  very  actively  engaged  in  those  services  which  de 
volved  on  him,  as  a  brigadier  general ;  and  even  after  the 
term  of  enlistment  of  the  Delaware  troops  had  expired,  he 
offered  to  continue  with  the  army,  and  render  any  services 
which  the  commander  in  chief  might  be  pleased  to  assign  to 
him.  But  situated  as  the  army  then  was,  General  Washing 
ton,  in  a  letter  highly  complimentary  and  honorable,  in  reply 
to  his  offer,  deeming  his  presence  not  then  necessary,  per 
mitted  him  to  return  to  his  family. 

Soon  after  he  reached  home,  he  was  appointed  a  judge  of 
the  supreme  court,  which  had  just  then  been  organized,  un. 
der  the  new  state  constitution.  But  preferring  his  military 
command,  for  the  present  at  least  he  declined  accepting  tha* 


2!28  C^SAR  RODNEY, 

office.  This  appointment,  as  it  showed  that  ne  had  not  lost 
the  esteem  and  confidence  of  the  public,  must  have  been 
grateful  to  his  feelings ;  and  that  he  had  not,  was  soon  evinced 
in  a  manner  still  more  conclusive  and  gratifying. 

There  was  an  insurrection  in  the  county  of  Sussex,  in 
which  many  who  had  been  hostile  to  his  election  resided  ; 
and  they  feeling  the  need  of  his  assistance  to  quell  it,  issued 
an  order  for  him  to  proceed  thither,  with  an  armed  force  suf 
ficient  for  the  purpose.  This  order  he  promptly  obeyed,  and 
succeeded  in  restoring  order  and  harmony,  for  a  time,  at 
least,  in  that  agitated  and  disaffected  portion  of  the  state. 

Shortly  after  this  was  done,  the  British  army  landed  on  the 
shore  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  intending  to  march  to  Phila 
delphia.  General  Washington  having  taken  up  a  position  in 
the  northern  part  of  Delaware,  with  the  intention  of  opposing 
their  progress,  was  in  want  of  aid.  General  Rodney  col 
lected  all  the  forces  he  could  gather  in  the  county  of  Kent, 
and  marched  immediately  to  his  assistance  ;  and  took  his 
station  south  of  the  main  army,  by  direction  of  the  commander 
in  chief,  with  a  view,  if  possible,  to  get  between  the  enemy 
and  his  shipping,  while  he  was  watching  his  motions.  The 
service  in  which  he  was  then  engaged,  was  impeded  very 
much,  and  rendered  almost  abortive,  by  the  misconduct  of 
the  militia.  They  came  out  in  the  morning,  and  took  the 
liberty  to  return  to  their  homes  before  sunset. 

Not  long  after  the  close  of  that  expedition,  the  political 
affairs  of  Delaware  having  experienced  a  considerable 
change,  General  Rodney  was  again  called  to  take  his  seat  in 
congress.  But  still  there  were  too  many  men  of  influence, 
who  continued  cold  and  backward  in  promoting  the  plans  of 
the  general  government ;  and  he  deemed  it  best  for  him  to 
remain  in  the  state,  until  the  legislature  finished  its  session. 
He  hoped  some  important  improvements  might  result  from 
the  proceedings  of  that  assembly,  which  he  trusted  would 
be  benefited  by  his  presence  at  home.  While  he  was  thus 
waiting,  and  within  the  time  he  proposed  to  remain,  he  was 
chosen  president  of  the  state.  The  office  he  knew  was  dif 
ficult  and  arduous.  But  he  thought  his  duty  called  him  to 
accept  it,  with  the  hope  that  he  might  be  more  useful  to  the 
country ;  and  such  was  his  patriotism,  that  he  always  made 
his  own  interest  and  private  inclination  give  place  to  a  con 
viction  that  the  public  interest  required  the  sacrifice. 

He  held  the  office  of  president  of  Delaware  about  four 


DELAWARE.  229 

years,  and  was  perpetually  harassed  and  vexed  by  the  con. 
duct  of  the  inhabitants.  Their  exposure  to  the  incursions  of 
the  enemy,  which,  owing  to  their  peninsular  situation,  oc 
curred  almost  daily,  the  pressing  demands  continually  made  on 
(hem  for  supplies  of  various  kinds  for  the  army,  and  their 
nearly  exhausted  condition,  must  plead  much  in  their  behalf. 
The  resources  of  the  country  were  greatly  diminished,  and 
the  demands  on  them  were  perpetually  increasing,  without 
any  immediate  prospect  of  a  termination.  These  calls  were 
so  imperative,  that  they  involved  the  alarming  alternative  of 
submitting  to  an  incensed  enemy,  or  keeping  together  an 
army,  so  hard  pressed  with  hunger  and  nakedness,  that  it 
was  on  the  eve  of  disbanding.  During  his  presidency,  he 
made  every  possible  exertion  to  procure  aid  in  support  of  the 
general  cause  ;  and  in  some  degree,  though  far  short  of  his 
wishes,  he  succeeded  in  increasing  the  strength  and  augment 
ing  the  resources  of  the  general  government.  His  cancer, 
during  this  period,  was  making  a  slow  but  steady  progress  in 
impairing  his  health,  and  undermining  his  constitution.  In 
this  situation,  he  resolved  to  relinquish  public  employment, 
and  retire  to  the  tranquillity  of  private  life.  He  was  twice 
afterwards  elected  to  congress  ;  but  he  never  took  his  seat. 
The  increasing  ravages  of  his  disease,  which  had  afflicted 
him  from  his  youth,  had  wrought  such  a  change  in  his  ge 
neral  health,  as  in  connection  with  the  fatigues  of  public 
employment,  long  continued,  and  attended  with  many  trying 
arid  perplexing  occurrences,  determined  him  to  retire  to  the 
enjoyment  of  domestic  quiet.  His  situation  imperiously  de 
manded  it.  He  was  the  subject  of  a  disease,  for  which  it  is 
hitherto  acknowledged,  there  is  no  certain  remedy.  Con 
scious  that  he  was  gradually  wasting  away,  he  needed  entire 
abstraction  from  the  bustle  of  public  life,  that  he  might  be 
prepared  to  leave  the  world  in  peace. 

He  is  supposed  to  have  died  early  in  the  year  1783  ;  but 
the  exact  date  of  his  decease  we  have  not  the  means  of 
ascertaining.  He  was  but  fifty-three  years  old  at  the  time 
of  his  death. 

General  Rodney  was,  in  his  political  principles,  a  firm, 
consistent,  uniform  whig.  Though  fully  persuaded  of  the 
entire  correctness  of  his  own  views,  he  was  not  possessed  of 
that  inexorable,  persecuting  spirit  towards  others,  who  dif 
fered  from  him,  which  actuated  not  a  few  in  the  country, 
even  to  extermination,  if  they  could  get  them  within  their 

20 


230  CAESAR  RODNEY, 

power.     One  instance,  in  which  his  character  was  illustrated, 
in  an  amiable  point  of  light,  we  take  the  liberty  to  introduce. 

While  he  was  governor  of  Delaware,  a  gentleman  of  Do. 
ver,  who  before  the  war  had  been  popular,  and  highly  re- 
spectable,  had  so  exasperated  the  patriotic  inhabitants,  by 
some  imprudent  acts  of  his,  in  favor  of  the  royal  cause,  that 
they  had  determined  to  arrest  him  for  high  treason.  The 
consequences  of  such  a  measure,  at  a  time  of  high  party  ex- 
citement,  and  under  such  circumstances  as  then  existed, 
particularly  in  Delaware,  may  be  easily  inferred.  The  gen 
tleman's  life  would,  in  all  probability,  nave  been  offered  up  a 
sacrifice  to  an  indignant  population.  Governor  Rodney  well 
understood  the  violence  of  a  mob  ;  and,  although  he  con 
sidered  the  man  as  having  done  much  amiss,  he  sent  imme 
diately  to  him,  so  soon  as  he  had  learned  what  was  in  con 
templation,  and  had  him  brought  to  his  own  house.  This 
was  in  the  evening  before  the  arrest  was  to  have  taken  place, 
and  at  a  time  when  escape  had  became  impracticable.  In 
the  morning  the  mob  collected  to  execute  their  purpose, 
and  found  the  object  of  their  rage  had  withdrawn.  On  learn 
ing  where  he  was,  they  rushed,  in  a  tumultuous  manner,  to 
the  governor's  residence,  and  demanded  their  victim.  The 
governor  met  them  with  a  calm  spirit,  and  acknowledged 
that  he  had  been  very  imprudent,  and  had  done  what  was 
unjustifiable,  yet  he  had  surrendered  himself  into  the  hands 
of  the  chief  magistrate ;  that  he  had  become  answerable  for 
his  appearance,  and  would  see  that  justice  was  done  to  all. 
This  address  of  the  governor  so  far  pacified  the  rnob,  that 
reposing  confidence  in  his  decision,  they  retired  ;  and  the 
gentleman,  thus  protected,  learning  wisdom  from  the  occur 
rence,  conducted  more  prudently  afterwards,  and  escaped 
with  his  life. 

General  Rodney  possessed  a  fund  of  wit  and  sarcasm, 
which  he  sometimes  indulged,  in  a  way  of  pleasantry,  with 
much  effect. 

Mr.  Rodney  possessed  one  peculiarity,  which  has  been 
known  to  exist  in  others  ;  but  is  believed  not  very  common. 
He  chose  always  to  shun  scenes  of  sorrow;  and  consequently 
avoided  approaching  the  death  bed  of  his  most  intimate 
friends.  This  seems  to  have  been  constitutional. 

From  the  operation  of  local  causes,  his  popularity  was,  for 
a  season,  in  a  waning  condition.  But,  by  pursuing  an  uni 
form  course,  of  entire  consistency  between  avowed  principle 


DELAWARE  231 

and  conduct,  he  rose  above  the  temporary  depression,  into 
which  his  enemies  had  cast  him  ;  and  the  termination  of  his 
life  was  lamented^  and  his  memory  was  cherished,  with  re- 
Bpect  and  gratitude,  by  his  survivors  generally  in  the  state 
where  he  lived,  and  in  whose  service  he  patriotically  spent 
nis  life. 


GEORGE  READ. 

THIS  gentleman  was  of  Irish  parentage.  His  grandfather 
was  a  man  of  wealth,  who  resided  in  Dublin,  in  Ireland. 
One  of  his  sons,  whose  name  was  John,  left  the  place  of  his 
nativity,  emigrated  to  America,  and  settled  in  Cecil  county,  in 
the  province  of  Maryland,  where  he  became  a  respectable 
planter.  But  not  long  after  the  birth  of  George,  his  eldest 
son,  he  removed  from  Maryland,  and  fixed  his  residence  in  the 
adjoining  province  of  Delaware,  on  the  head  waters  of  Chris 
tiana  River.  George's  birth  was  in  the  year  1734  ;  and  he 
was  the  oldest  of  six  brothers. 

The  fact  has  been  more  than  once  noticed  in  the  course 
of  these  memoirs,  that  respectable  classic  schools  were  few 
in  number,  in  the  southern  part  of  what  is  now  the  United 
States,  in  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Such  was 
the  fact,  when  young  Read  was  of  a  suitable  age  to  commence 
the  education  which  his  parents  intended  to  give  him.  The 
most  respectable  seminary,  nearest  to  Mr.  Read's  resi 
dence,  was  at  Chester,  in  Pennsylvania.  In  that  his  parents 
placed  him  for  a  time  ;  and  there  he  prosecuted  the  study  of 
the  learned  languages,  in  which  he  made  reputable  pro 
gress,  for  the  time  he  remained  at  that  school.  At  no  very 
distant  period,  however,  his  father,  judging  that  it  would  be 
more  conducive  to  the  advantage  of  his  son,  removed  him 
from  Chester,  and  put  him  under  the  care  of  the  Reverend 
Doctor  Allison,  of  New  London,  in  the  same  province.  He 
had  the  reputation  of  possessing,  in  an  eminent  degree,  the 
qualifications  for  instructing  youth,  and  carefully  watching 
over  their  characters  and  conduct,  much  to  their  future 
advantage. 

In  proof  of  the  correctness  of  this  remark,  it  will  be  suf 
ficient  to  state,  that  Charles  Thompson,  the  venerable  secre 


232  GEORGE  READ, 

tary  of  the  old  congress,  Hugh  Williamson,  a  member  ot  that 
memorable  body  of  statesmen,  and  Doctor  Ewing,  provost  of 
Pennsylvania  university,  were  pupils  of  Doctor  Allison,  and 
fellow  students  with  Mr.  Read.  This  gentleman  continued 
under  the  care  of  Doctor  Allison,  till  his  seventeenth  year,  and 
then  commenced  the  study  of  law,  under  the  instruction  of 
John  Moland,  Esq.  an  eminent  barrister,  in  Philadelphia. 

The  want  of  extensive  libraries,  in  any  of  the  professions, 
in  this  country,  at  that  early  period,  was  realized  as  an  im 
pediment  in  the  progress  of  young  men,  in  their  way  of  ac 
quiring  scientific  eminence,  except  in  a  comparative  view. 
Mr.  Read,  in  common  with  others,  experienced  this  incon 
venience.  But,  in  the  use  of  the  means  at  his  command,  he 
was  diligent  and  assiduous.  The  proofs  of  this  fact  were 
evinced  in  his  own  extensive  library,  after  he  had  been  in 
business  a  number  of  years. 

He  possessed  the  confidence  of  his  instructor,  before  he 
was  through  with  his  preparatory  course,  to  such  an  extent, 
that  he  entrusted  his  docket,  and  committed  his  attorney's 
business  to  his  management  almost  exclusively. 

Mr.  Read  was  admitted  to  the  bar  at  the  early  age  of 
nineteen  years. 

By  the  laws  then  existing,  where  his  father's  property  was 
situated,  Mr.  Read,  being  the  eldest  son,  was  entitled  to 
two  shares  of  his  father's  estate.  The  following  fact  may 
serve  to  give  the  reader  a  correct  estimate  of  the  moral  cor 
rectness  of  his  character,  and  the  generosity  of  his  feelings  at 
an  early  period  of  his  life.  Immediately  on  his  admission  to 
the  bar  as  a  practising  lawyer,  he  voluntarily  released  by 
deed  all  the  legal  right  he  had  to  the  estate  of  his  father,  in 
behalf  of  his  other  children,  alleging  as  his  reason  for  it, 
that  he  had  received  the  full  amount  of  his  share  in  the 
expenses  incurred  for  procuring  his  education.  His  sense  of 
uprightness  influenced  him  to  that  act,  as  he  often  said  it 
would  be  a  virtual  fraud  upon  the  other  heirs  if  he  did  not  do  it. 

He  settled  in  the  county  of  Newcastle,  in  Delaware,  in 
1754,  and  commenced  practising  law  there  and  in  some  ot 
the  adjacent  counties  in  Maryland.  He  had  to  enter  the  race 
amid  competitors  of  high  professional  and  intellectual  repu 
tation  ;  but  he.  soon  obtained  a  full  practice,  and  at  the  end  of 
nine  years  from  his  commencing  business,  he  succeeded  John 
Ross  as  attorney  general  for  the  three  low'er  counties  on  De 
laware,  an  office  which  had  till  that  time,  been  filled  by  the 
attorney  general  of  Pennsylvania.  He  retained  that  office 


DELAWARE.  233 

till  he  was  elected  a  delegate  to  congress  in  1774.  He  then 
resigned  it,  alleging  as  his  reason  for  doing  so,  that  a  dis 
charge  of  his  duties  in  congress,  was  incompatible  M'ith 
retaining  and  discharging  the  duties  of  an  office  held  under 
the  authority  of  his  Britannic  majesty. 

In  the  year  1763,  he  was  united  by  marriage  to  a  lady  of 
a  well  cultivated  mind,  superior  understanding,  and  exemplary 
piety.  She  was  a  daughter  of  the  Reverend  George  Ross,  who 
had  been  pastor  of  a  church  in  the  town  of  Newcastle,  for 
half  a  century. 

When  the  contest  between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies 
commenced,  in  1765,  Mr.  Read  held  an  office  under  the  crown. 
He  was  a  man  of  extensive  influence,  and  he  well  knew  what 
advantages  availed  him  if  he  espoused  the  royal  cause,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  dangers  and  hardships,  if  he  took  part, 
with  those  who  opposed  the  royal  claims,  on  the  other. 
He  nevertheless  espoused  the  cause  of  his  country  ;  his  patri 
otism  and  integrity,  would  not  suffer  him  to  consult  his  own 
personal  interest,  at  the  expense  of  his  country's  rights.  In 
the  month  of  October  of  this  year,  he  was  one  of  the  repre 
sentatives  of  Newcastle  county,  in  the  general  assembly  of 
Delaware  ;  and  he  was  continued  a  member  during  the  twelve 
following  years.  He  was  a  member  of  the  committees  ap 
pointed  by  that  assembly,  for  reporting  various  addresses  to 
the  king  of  Great  Britain,  in  favor  and  on  behalf  of  the  peo 
ple  of  that  province. 

About  that  period  the  "  Stamp  act"  was  repealed  ;  but  the 
preamble  to  the  repealing  act  contained  sentiments,  which 
showed  that  the  ministers  did  not  relinquish  their  favorite 
plan  of  taxing  the  colonists,  without  their  being  represented 
in  the  parliament;  their  hopes  of  relief  had  been  excited  some 
what  by  the  repeal  of  that  odious  act.  But  the  fears  which 
the  preamble  had  excited,  were  soon  after  painfully  verified 
by  another  act  of  parliament,  by  which  a  duty  was  imposed 
on  tea,  paper,  painter's  colors,  and  glass,  to  be  paid  by  the 
colonists.  The  feeling  of  resistance  was  now  kindling  fast, 
and  becoming  extensively  diffused.  The  nonimportation 
agreement  was  entered  into  in  the  adjoining  provinces  of  Ma 
ryland  and  Pennsylvania  ;  and  Mr.  Read,  fully  approving  of 
the  measure,  labored  arduously  to  induce  the  people  of 
Delaware  to  come  cordially  into  it.  For  this  purpose,  he 
drew  up  and  distributed  a  circular  address  umong  the  peo 
ple.  In  that  attempt  he  was  entirely  successful.  In  fact,  in 
all  the  measures  pursued  and  systems  adopted,  to  render 

20* 


234  GEORGE  READ, 

British  influence  unpopular,  and  for  opposing  ministerial  en- 
croachrnents  on  the  rights  of  the  colonists,  Mr.  Read  was 
an  able  adviser,  and  a  leading  man.  After  the  British  govern 
ment  had  manifested  their  resentment  against  the  citizens  of 
Boston,  in  Massachusetts,  for  their  supposed  concurrence  in 
destroying  the  tea,  by  passing  the  act  called  "  the  Boston  por* 
bill ;"  contributions  were  made  through  the  country,  for 
affording  relief  to  the  suffering  inhabitants  of  that  town.  For 
that  purpose  a  subscription  was  set  on  foot  in  the  county  of 
Newcastle,  and  Mr.  Read  was  appointed  by  the  citizens,  one 
of  a  large  committee  for  circulating  it.  He  was  subsequently 
designated,  with  Nicholas  Van  Dyke,  Esq.  to  receive  and 
transmit  the  amount  of  the  subscriptions  to  the  receiving  com 
mittee  in  Boston.  These  duties  were  performed  with  prompti 
tude  and  fidelity. 

In  August,  1774,  Mr.  Read,  together  with  Caesar  Rodney 
and  Thomas  M'Kean,  Esq's.  was  appointed  by  the  general 
assembly  of  Delaware,  delegates  to  the  continental  congress, 
which  was  to  meet  the  month  following  in  Philadelphia.  From 
that  time  to  the  close  of  the  revolution,  he  continued  to  repre. 
sent  Delaware  in  the  general  congress,  with  a  short  interval 
only  excepted.  Governor  M'Kinley,  the  president  of  the  pro 
vince,  having  been  taken  a  prisoner  by  the  British,  Mr.  Read 
being  at  that  time  vice  president,  was  called  ex-officio  by  that 
event,  to  perform  the  duty  of  president  for  a  short  season. 
But  notwithstanding  his  attention  to  his  duties  in  congress, 
(which  were  important  and  arduous  at  all  times,  but  pre-emi 
nently  so,  when  the  subject  of  independence  was  brought 
forward  for  discussion,)  Mr.  Read  was  required  to  discharge 
duties  highly  momentous  and  interesting  to  his  own  state. 
Whenever  he  could  avail  himself  of  a  short  absence  from 
congress,  he  hurried  to  Delaware,  to  exert  his  influence  and 
talents  for  advancing  the  common  cause  among  his  fellow 
citizens,  in  every  way  in  which  he  might  be  useful.  While 
at  home  he  would  act  in  the  committee  of  safety,  or  shoulder 
his  musket  and  march  with  the  militia  to  attack  the  enemy, 
or  to  repel  their  invasions ;  and  in  congress,  he  would  act  with 
that  august  body  in  procuring  and  establishing  the  liberties 
of  the  American  states  as  an  independent  nation. 

After  Mr.  Read  had  signed  the  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence,  in  the  year  1776,  and  a  short  time  after  the  decisive 
act  was  consummated,  Joseph  Galloway,  Esq.  observed  to 
him,  "  that  he  had  signed  the  declaration  with  a  halter  about 
his  neck."  Mr.  Read's  reply  shows  his  view  of  the  measure, 


DELAWARE.  235 

and  his  determined  resolution  to  discharge  what  he  considered 
as  his  duty  at  all  hazards.  He  said  in  reply,  "  It  was  a  mea 
sure  demanded  by  the  crisis,-  and  he  was  prepared  to  meet 
any  consequences  that  might  ensue." 

Mr.  Read  was  president  of  the  convention  which  formed 
the  first  constitution  of  Delaware.  That  convention  met  in 
1776. 

When  President  M'Kinley  was  made  a  prisoner,  soon  after 
the  battle  of  Brandywine,  Mr.  Read  was  in  Philadelphia  with 
his  family.  That  event  rendered  it  necessary  for  him  to  re- 
turn  to  Delaware,  and  the  accomplishment  of  the  effort  was 
attended  with  great  and  imminent  hazard.  The  enemy  occu 
pied  the  west  bank  of  the  Delaware  River,  so  as  to  command 
every  way  of  passing  into  the  peninsula.  He  was  necessita 
ted  therefore,  to  take  the  New  Jersey  shore,  and  run  the  risk 
of  crossing  the  river,  and  elude,  if  practicable,  the  vigilance 
of  the  enemy's  ships,  which  were  strung  along  the  whole  dis 
tance  in  the  river.  On  the  13th  of  October,  1777,  Mr.  Read 
having  reached  Salem,  in  New  Jersey,  and  having  obtained 
a  boat,  to  convey  himself  and  family  across  the  river,  which 
at  that  place,  was  about  five  miles  broad,  he  undertook  the 
enterprise  almost  in  view  of  the  ships  of  the  enemy,  which 
were  at  anchor  opposite  Newcastle.  He  had  proceeded 
near  to  the  Delaware  shore,  when  his  boat  was  discovered. 
It  had  grounded  at  such  a  distance  from  the  land,  that  it 
was  impracticable  to  convey  his  family  to  the  shore,  and 
they  could  proceed  no  farther  in  their  boat.  In  that  condi 
tion  they  were  discovered  by  the  British,  and  pursued  in  a 
boat,  dispatched  from  a  ship  of  war.  They  had  time  to  ef 
face  every  vestige  of  mark  on  their  baggage,  by  which  they 
could  be  discovered  and  identified  as  rebels.  This  was  done  ; 
and  when  the  enemy's  boat  came  up  with  his,  they  were  unable 
to  ascertain  that  he  was  not,  as  he  represented  himself,  a 
country  gentleman,  who  was  returning  to  his  home,  from  an 
excursion  he  had  made  with  his  family.  The  commander  of 
the  English  boat  was  a  .boatswain.  His  companions,  like 
himself,  were  unsuspicious  of  any  deception,  and  the  presence 
of  Mr.  Read's  mother,  wife,  and  children,  altogether,  favored 
the  truth  of  his  representation.  They,  taking  pity  on  their 
unfortunate  condition,  with  great  good  humor,  assisted  them 
to  land  their  baggage,  and  conveyed  the  ladies  and  children 
to  the  shore  ;  and  with  their  thanks  for  their  kind  assistance, 
tr»ok  their  leave,  and  returned  to  their  ship.  So  great  a  risk 

11 


236  GEORGE  READ, 

did  Mr.  Read  run  of  being  made  a  prisoner  with  all  the 
members  of  his  family. 

His  return  to  Delaware,  as  has  been  stated,  being  rendered 
indispensable,  by  reason  of  the  capture  of  President  M'Kin, 
ley,  it  subjected  Mr.  Read  to  additional  duties,  beyond  those? 
already  engrossing  his  time,  requiring  his  whole  attention, 
agitating  his  mind,  and  wearing  down  his  constitution,  by 
their  combined  influence.  The  president  being  taken  away, 
Mr.  Read,  as  vice  president,  became  the  executive  of  course. 
His  solicitude  respecting  the  situation  and  circumstances  of 
the  president ;  his  anxiety  to  procure  his  release,  and  return 
home  ;  the  pressing  wants  of  the  continental  army,  by  reason 
of  the  tardy  movement  of  the  several  states,  in  furnishing  the 
requisite  supplies ;  the  exposed  situation,  and  divided  condi 
tion  of  Delaware  ;  together  with  numerous  and  pressing  calls 
on  him,  as  executive  of  the  state,  both  from  congress,  and  the 
commander  in  chief  of  the  army ;  seem  to  have  been  suffi 
cient  to  break  down,  almost  any  constitution,  and  shake  the 
resolution  of  almost  any  man.  But,  although  often  perplexed 
and  burthened,  his  fortitude  never  forsook  him ;  and  a  firm 
hope  of  the  ultimate  success  and  triumph  of  the  American 
cause,  which  he  deemed  just,  and  for  which  he  relied  on  the 
overruling  providence  of  God,  sustained  him  in  his  course 
with  a  cheerful  perseverance  to  the  end  ;  and  he  lived  to 
realize  his  reward,  in  the  accomplishment  of  his  desires. 

The  state  of  his  feelings,  during  the  most  benighted  and 
gloomy  period  of  the  revolution,  was  manifested  in  hi«  various 
correspondence,  through  that  alarming  season.  By  reason 
of  impaired  health,  caused  by  his  long  and  laborious  services, 
and  his  anxious  attention  to  his  public  duties,  he  was  con 
strained  to  relax  in  his  labors  ;  and  in  August,  1779,  he  re 
signed  his  seat  in  the  legislature  of  Delaware.  But  in  the 
next  year  he  was  constrained,  by  the  voice  of  his  constituents 
and  a  sense  of  his  duty,  to  enter  again  into  the  service  of  the 
state. 

In  the  close  of  he  year  1782,  Mr.  Read  was  appointed 
by  congress,  one  of  the  judges  of  the  court  of  appeals  in  ad 
miralty  cases.  This  appointment  he  accepted,  and  held  the 
office  during  the  continuance  of  that  tribunal. 

A  controversy/  respecting  territory,  had  arisen  between 
New  York  and  Massachusetts,  for  the  determination  of  which 
congress  was  requested  to  constitute  a  federal  court.  This 
was  done  ;  and  in  January,  1785,  Mr.  Read  was  appointed 
one  of  the  judges  of  that  special  court.  He  was  one  of  the 


DELAWARE.  237 

delegates  to  meet  others  from  other  states  in  Annapolis,  for 
forming  a  system  of  commercial  regulations  for  the  United 
States.  This  was  in  1786,  at  the  time  when  the  clashing, 
and  interference  of  state  interests,  state  power,  and  state  re 
gulations,  threatened  to  lay  prostrate  the  peace,  and  prosperity 
of  the  whole  country.  This  state  of  things,  after  the  peace, 
was  such  as  the  confederation  furnished  no  adequate  remedy 
for ;  and  its  inadequacy  in  peace  was  now  proved  to  be  such, 
that  the  necessity  of  a  federal  constitution  of  general  govern 
ment,  furnished  with  sufficient  powers  for  every  purpose,  was 
seen  to  be  indispensable ;  and  this  opened  the  way  very 
speedily  for  calling  a  convention  from  all  the  states  to  frame 
such  a  constitution.  That  convention  met  in  Philadelphia 
in  1787,  and  formed  the  constitution  under  which  we  now 
live,  and  under  which  it  is  hoped  the  country  may  prosper 
and  flourish  to  the  end. 

Soon  after  the  federal  constitution  had  been  adopted  by 
the  several  states,  Mr.  Read  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
senate  for  Delaware,  in  the  first  congress  under  the  new  con 
stitution.  He  occupied  his  seat  in  that  body  until  September, 
1793,  when  he  was  made  chief  justice  of  the  highest  court 
of  Delaware.  This  important  office  he  held,  and  performed 
its  duties,  with*distinguished  ability  and  unbending  integrity 
until  1798 ;  when,  in  the  autumn  of  that  year,  by  a  sudden 
illness,  he  closed  a  long  and  useful  life,  which  had  been  de 
voted  to  the  service  of  his  country. 


UNIVERSITY    i 
THOMAS    M'KEAN 

THOMAS  M'KEAN  was  the  son  of  Irish  parents,  who  came 
to  America,  and  settled  at  New  London,  then  a  new  town 
ship,  in  Chester  county,  in  Pennsylvania.  He  was  born  in 
the  year  1734  ;  and  was  the  second  child  of  his  parents. 
Their  offspring  were  four  children,  three  sons  and  one 
daughter. 

The  two  oldest,  Robert  and  Thomas,  after  having  spent  an 
usual  term  in  an  elementary  English  school,  were  placed,  at 
an  early  age,  under  the  care  of  the  Reverend  Francis  Allison 
who  has  been  mentioned  several  times  in  these  memoirs,  wh> 
was  justly  distinguished  for  science,  and  peculiar!}'  for  having 


238  THOMAS  M'KEAN, 

been  the  early  instructor  of  several  of  those  whose  names 
are  inscribed  on  the  national  charter  of  independence.  After 
Thomas  had  finished  his  classical  course  at  Doctor  Allison's 
academical  school,  he  entered  the  office  of  David  Finney, 
Esq.  a  practising  lawyer  at  Newcastle  in  Delaware,  as  a 
law  student.  In  a  few  months  such  was  the  confidence  he 
acquired  in  the  public  esteem,  that  he  was  employed  as  an 
assistant  to  the  clerk  of  the  court  of  common  pleas.  From 
that  he  was  appointed  a  deputy  prothonotary,  and  register  of 
the  probate  court  for  Newcastle  county.  This  was  before  he 
had  attained  to  the  age  of  twenty  years.  As  the  principal 
in  the  office  resided  nearly  eighty  miles  from  Newcastle,  the 
duties  of  it  devolved  on  the  deputy  ;  and  they  were  all 
discharged  by  him. 

Before  he  was  twenty-one  years  old,  he  was  admitted  to 
practise  law,  in  the  courts  of  common  pleas  in  Newcastle, 
Kent,  and  Sussex  counties.  He  acquired  business,  and  rose 
with  considerable  rapidity  in  his  profession  ;  and  by  the  time 
he  was  twenty-two  years  of  age,  he  was  admitted  in  his  native 
county  ;  and  shortly  after,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  The 
notice  of  the  public  was  fast  attracted  towards  a  young  gen- 
tleman  of  so  much  promise  ;  and  he  was  appointed,  in  1756, 
without  any  premonition,  or  any  solicitation  in  his  behalf,  by 
the  attorney  general  of  the  province,  his  deputy,  to  prosecute 
all  pleas  of  the  crown  in  the  county  of  Sussex.  He  resigned 
this  office  voluntarily,  after  performing  its  duties  faithfully 
about  two  years.  In  the  following  year,  he  was  admitted  to 
practise  in  the  supreme  court  of  Pennsylvania.  In  the  same 
year,  (1757,)  the  house  of  assembly  elected  him  their  clerk  ; 
the  first  suggestion  of  which  was  communicated  to  him  by 
the  speaker.  The  same  office  was  again  assigned  him  in 
1758.  He  declined  a  subsequent  election  after  the  close  of 
that  year.  But  in  1762,  he  was  appointed  by  the  legislature, 
with  Caesar  Rodney,  Esq.  to  revise  and  print  the  laws  of  the 
province,  which  had  been  enacted  subsequent  to  1752. 

In  this  year  he  commenced  his  political  course,  by  being 
elected  for  the  county  of  Newcastle,  a  representative  to  the 
general  assembly ;  and  this  was  repeated  without  interrup 
tion  seventeen  successive  years.  It  will  serve  sufficiently  to 
evince  the  confidence  of  those  whom  he  represented,  when  it 
is  mentioned,  that  he  had,  during  that  term,  frequently  and 
publicly  requested  not  to  be  considered  a  candidate  for  their 
favor ;  and  also,  that  he  had  resided  in  Philadelphia  during 


DELAWARE.  239 

the  last  six  years  in  which  he  had  been  chosen  their  repre 
sentative. 

After  his  constituents,  on  his  personal  request  in  an  ad- 
dress  he  made  to  them,  had  reluctantly  consented  to  dispense 
with  his  further  services  in  the  legislature,  they  manifested 
their  confidence  in  him  in  a  manner  as  singular  as  it  was 
flattering;  and  no  less  delicate  than  it  was  embarrassing. 
They  appointed  a  committee  to  wait  on  him,  and  inform  him, 
though  with  unwillingness,  they  had  consented  to  dispense 
with  his  further  services;  but  they  requested  him  to  recom 
mend  seven  gentlemen  of  the  district  to  be  candidates  for 
their  suffrages,  to  represent  them  in  the  legislature.  This 
he  with  great  delicacy  declined.  But  on  the  committee 
having  reported  his  answer,  the  request  was  again  repeated, 
with  an  assurance  that  his  selection  should  give  no  offence, 
he  was  almost  compelled  to  make  the  nomination.  He  com 
plied,  on  that  assurance ;  and  the  whole  of  the  number  were 
chosen  by  a  large  majority  of  the  votes.  This  was  an  unusual 
manifestation  of  reciprocal  confidence,  and  the  sincerity  on 
both  sides  was  unquestionable,  as  was  fully  shown  by  suc 
ceeding  events,  through  a  series  of  years. 

In  the  county  of  Newcastle  there  was  a  loan  office  estab 
lished,  mainly  for  encouraging  industrious  strangers,  who 
were  desirous  of  becoming  inhabitants,  to  settle  in  their  ter 
ritory. 

The  superintendence  of  this  pecuniary  depository  was  com 
mitted  to  three  trustees,  who  were  appointed  for  the  term  of 
four  years.  The  confidence  of  the  people  in  Mr.  M'Kean 
was  manifested  by  giving  him  the  appointment  of  one  of  the 
three  trustees  for  three  successive  terms,  of  four  years  each. 
Tlieir  continued  confidence  was  proved  in  numerous  suc 
ceeding  instances,  as  will  be  seen  more  fully  in  the  progress 
of  this  sketch. 

When,  on  the  proposal  from  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  to  assemble  a  congress  of  delegates  in  New  York,  in 
1765,  to  take  into  their  consideration  the  circumstances  of 
the  colonies,  which  were  rendered  alarming,  on  account  of 
some  proceedings  of  the  British  parliament,  Mr.  M'Kean 
was  returned  a  delegate  for  those  counties  which  constitute 
now  the  state  of  Delaware.  In  that  assembly  he  was  ap- 
pointe^  with  the  celebrated  James  Otis,  of  Massachusetts, 
and  Mr.  Lynch,  a  committee  to  prepare  an  address  to  the 
house  of  commons.  After  that  meeting  closed  their  business, 
and  he  and  his  colleague,  Mr.  Rodney,  had  returned,  and 


•240  THOMAS  M'KEAN, 

reported  their  proceedings  to  their  constituents,  they  received 
the  unanimous  thanks  of  the  assembly  of  Delaware,  as  a  tes 
timony  of  their  entire  approbation  of  their  conduct,  and  tho 
energy  and  ability  with  which  they  had  executed  the  duty 
intrusted  to  them,  in  that  congress.  Offices  were  now  mul 
tiplied  upon  him  in  rapid  succession. 

In  1765,  the  governor  appointed  him  a  sole  notary  public 
for  the  lower  counties  on  Delaware.  To  this  was  added  the 
office  of  justice  of  the  peace,  justice  of  the  court  of  common 
pleas  and  quarter  sessions,  and  of  the  orphan's  court,  for  the 
county  of  Newcastle.  It  was  in  the  terms  of  the  common 
pleas  and  general  sessions,  which  were  held  in  November, 
1765,  and  February  following,  that  he,  with  his  colleagues, 
took  the  bold  stand  of  ordering  the  use  of  unstamped  pa 
per,  in  the  proceedings  of  the  court,  without  regard  to  the 
"  Stamp  act"  of  the  English  parliament. 

His  reputation  as  a  lawyer  continued  to  extend.  He  was 
already  licensed  to  practice  law  in  Delaware  and  Pennsylva 
nia  ;  and  in  1766,  the  judges  of  the  supreme  court  of  New 
Jersey  recommended  to  the  governor  to  grant  him  a  license 
to  practice  in  all  the  courts  of  that  colony,  and  he  was 
licensed  accordingly. 

In  1769,  he  was  employed  by  the  assembly,  to  go  to  New 
York,  and  obtain  copies  of  some  important  records  in  that 
province,  which  they  wished  to  possess,  and  retain  in  Dela 
ware.  In  1771,  he  received  the  appointment  of  collector  of 
the  customs  for  his  majesty,  in  the  port  of  Newcastle;  and 
in  the  following  year,  being  a  representative  to  the  assem 
bly,  he  was  elevated  to  the  speaker's  chair  in  that  body. 

The  vigilance  of  the  people  had  been  in  some  measure 
allayed  by  the  repeal  of  the  "  Stamp  act,"  but  not  put  entirely 
to  rest.  It  was  soon  thoroughly  roused  anew,  by  another 
act  passed  by  parliament,  soon  after  the  repeal  of  the  former, 
in  which  the  power  was  claimed  of  binding  the  colonies  in 
all  cases  whatever.  And  to  test  that  power,  the  act,  laying 
a  small  duty  on  various  articles  imported  from  Great  Britain, 
soon  followed.  The  crisis  had  arrived  ;  and  on  the  request 
of  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts  for  convening  a  general 
congress,  in  1774,  there  was  a  determination  through  thti 
provinces,  which  were  all  equally  concerned,  to  comply  with 
the  requisition.  In  Delaware,  Mr.  M'Kean  was  an  ardent 
opposer  of  the  parliamentary  measures,  and  he  was  elected 
to  represent  the  lower  counties  on  Delaware,  notwithstanding 
he  then  'resided  in  Philadelphia.  He  was  present  at  the 


DELAWARE.  241 

opening  of  that  congress,  and  soon  became  distinguished 
among  the  eminent  patriots  and  statesmen,  who  composed 
that  great  national  council.  From  that  time,  he  was  con 
tinued  by  a  regular  re-election  a  member  of  congress,  until 
1783,  when  the  preliminaries  of  peace  had  been  signed.  He 
was  the  only  person  who  commenced  his  term  in  the  first 
congress  of  1774,  and  continued  a  member,  without  inter- 
mission,  until  after  the  war  was  terminated.  And  while  he 
was  thus  a  representative  for  Delaware,  though  residing  in 
Philadelphia,  he  was  acting  in  the  high  and  responsible  office 
of  chief  justice  of  Pennsylvania,  after  the  month  of  July, 
1777.  During  one  year  oH;hat  period,  he  acted  in  the  three 
fold  capacity  of  representative  in  congress  for  Delaware, 
chief  justice  of  Pennsylvania,  and  president  of  congress. 
While  he  was  engaged  in  the  sessions  of  congress,  the  exer 
cise  of  his  various  talents  was  demanded,  and  rendered  on 
many ;  and  among  them,  the  most  important  committeQS,  to 
which  the  great  public  interests  were  submitted.  It  will  not 
be  necessary  to  enumerate  them  all.  He  was  a  member  of 
that  which  prepared  the  confederation ;  of  that  which  de 
termined  appeals  from  the  courts  of  admiralty ;  of  that 
for  importing  arms  and  ammunition ;  of  that  for  establishing 
the  claims  and  accounts  against  the  government ;  of  that  for 
superintending  the  finances  of  the  state  and  emission  of  bills 
of  credit ;  and  a  multitude  of  others  ;  in  discharging  the  duties 
of  which  he  was  industrious,  intelligent,  and  faithful. 

Although  his  name  does  not  appear  in  the  vote  for  inde 
pendence  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1776,  through  some  error  in 
the  entry  of  the  journal  of  congress  on  that  occasion,  yet  he 
was  present  and  voted  for  it.  He  did  not  sign  the  enrolled 
parchment  until  many  weeks  afterwards  ;  none  of  the  mem 
bers  signed  it  until  August,  for  it  was  not  prepared  and  en 
rolled  until  that  time.  Several  who  signed  it  from  time  to 
time,  were  not  even  members  of  congress  on  the  4th  of  July, 
nor  until  several  days  afterwards  ;  yet,  when  the  enrollment 
was  ready,  being  then  members,  and  in  favor  of  the  measure, 
they  set  their  names  to  the  instrument,  in  the  same  manner 
as  they  would  have  done  had  they  been  present  and  voted  on 
the  final  question. 

An  account  of  this  transaction  is  given  in  a  letter  of  Mr. 
M'Kean,  which  he  addressed  to  A.  J.  Dallas,  Esq.  in  1796,  in 
reply  to  one  previously  addressed  to  him  by  the  latter  gentle 
man,  asking  information  of  him  respecting  it.  Mr.  M'Kean 
had  publicly  manifested  his  sentiments  in  favor  of  the  mea- 

21 


242  THOMAS  M'KEAN, 

sure,  in  a  convention  of  deputies  from  the  committees  of 
Pennsylvania,  which  met  in  June  preceding  the  act  of  con. 
gress.  He  and  Doctor  Franklin  drew  up  the  declaration  of 
that  convention,  which  was  full  and  explicit  in  relation  to  it, 
and  urgent  that  congress  would  adopt  it  He  had  been  uni 
formly  in  favor  of  the  measure  ;  and  this  was  well  known,  both 
in  and  out  of  the  walls  of  congress.  Immediately  after  the 
vote  was  passed  in  favor  of  independence,  Mr.  M'Kean  was 
called  away  to  perform  duties  which  were  demanded  of  him 
as  a  military  officer,  and  he  was  absent  from  the  house  seve 
ral  months  ;  arid  his  name  was  not  signed  to  the  engrossed 
parchment,  until  some  time  in  October  of  the  same  year.  It 
was  at  that  time,  that  he  was  called  away  to  aid  General 
Washington  in  New  Jersey,  at  the  head  of  a  regiment  of  asso- 
ciators  of  Philadelphia,  which  had  chosen  him  for  their  colonel 
commandant. 

Ever  ready  to  obey  the  call  of  his  country,  he  placed  him 
self  at  the  head  of  his  patriotic  command,  and  marched  with 
them  to  Perth  Amboy,  in  New  Jersey,  and  remained  there 
ready  for  active  service  at  any  moment.  He  continued  with 
his  regiment  until  a  flying  camp  was  formed,  which  was 
deemed  adequate ;  and  then  being  dismissed  from  that  service, 
they  returned  to  Philadelphia.  It  was  after  this  absence,  and 
on  his  return,  that  he  set  his  name  to  the  enrolled  Declara 
tion  of  Independence. 

It  is  not  correct  to  say,  that  all  who  signed  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  were  present  and  voted  for  it,  on  the  fourth 
day  of  July,  1776  ;  neither  is  it  correct  to  say  that  all  who 
were  present,  and  gave  their  vote  in  favor  oif  it,  have  their 
names  affixed  to  that  instrument.  Henry  Wisner,  a  member 
from  New  York,  was  present,  and  gave  his  vote  in  favor  of 
independence ;  but  his  name  is  not  on  the  parchment.  On 
the  contrary,  Matthew  Thornton,  Benjamin  Rush,  George 
Clymer,  James  Smith,  George  Taylor,  and  George  Ross, 
were  none  of  them  members  of  congress  on  that  day,  nor 
until  several  days  afterwards.  These  facts  are  derived  from 
the  before  mentioned  letter  of  Governor  M'Kean  to  Mr.  Dallas. 

While  he  was  absent  on  his  military  tour  of  duty,  in  New 
Jersey,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  a  convention  for  forming 
a  constitution  for  Delaware ;  he,  with  only  two  days,  delay 
set  off  for  Dover  in  that  state,  to  meet  that  body.  He  was 
immediately  requested  to  prepare  a  constitution  for  that  state. 
He  accepted  the  appointment,  prepared  it  before  the  next 
morning ;  and  when  the  convention  met,  presented  it.  It  was 
udopted  by  an  unanimous  vote  of  the  members. 


DELAWARE.  243 

Both  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  claimed  Mr.  M'Kean  as 
a  citizen,  and  he  was  willing  to  serve  them  both.  Hence,  in 
1777,  he  was  president  of  Delaware,  and  chief  justice  of 
Pennsylvania  ;  at  the  same  time  he  was  a  delegate  to  con 
gress  from,  the  former.  At  the  time  of  his  appointment  to 
the  chief  justiceship  of  Pennsylvania,  he  acted  in  the  several 
offices  of  president  of  Delaware,  speaker  of  the  house  of 
assembly,  and  a  representative  in  congress,  from  the  same 
state  ;  this  was  in  1777.  In  the  same  year  he  was  compelled 
to  move  his  family  for  their  security  from  the  enemy,  no  less 
than  five  times ;  and  even  then  they  were  exposed  to  the  de 
predations  of  the  hostile  Indians. 

He  was  appointed  president  of  congress,  as  successor  of 
Mr.  Samuel  Huntington  of  Connecticut,  in  July,  1781;  that 
office  he  resigned  in  October  following.  Although  congress 
accepted  his  resignation,  he  was,  by  a  resolve  passed  on  the 
day  following,  requested  to  resume  the  office,  and  discharge 
its  duties  from  the  twenty-fourth  of  October,  until  the  first  of 
November  ;  to  this  request  he  acceded.  On  the  5th  of  that 
month,  congress  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  President  M'Kean, 
in  testimony  of  their  approbation  of  his  conduct  while  he  was 
in  the  chair. 

After  having  held  the  office  of  chief  justice  of  Pennsylva 
nia,  from  the  twenty-eighth  of  July,  1777,  until  1799,  twenty- 
two  years,  he  was  elected  governor  of  Pennsylvania. 

In  1778,  in  a  time  of  high  party  spirit  in  Pennsylvania,  an 
attempt  was  made  to  impeach  Judge  M'Kean,  but  it  failed. 

He  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  state  convention  of  Penn 
sylvania,  to  whom  the  federal  constitution  was  submitted.  He 
advocated  its  adoption  with  great  zeal  and  much  ability.  He 
was  also  a  member  of  a  convention  of  that  state,  chosen  for 
amending  their  existing  constitution,  which  experience  had 
proved  to  be  very  inadequate  to  the  necessities  of  the  people. 
His  influence  was  powerfully  exerted  in  favor  of  framing  a 
new  one  instead  of  amending  the  old;  and  he,  to  a  great  de 
gree,  effected  his  wishes  relative  to  that  object. 

He  was  elected  governor  of  Pennsylvania  in  1799  ;  and  he 
held  the  office  to  the  end  of  the  term,  for  which  any  man  may 
constitutionally  be  chosen.  He  was  elected  three  successive 
times,  and  held  the  office  nine  years.  In  1807  and  1808, 
another  attempt  was  made  in  the  house  of  representatives,  to 
impeach  him  for  maladministration  in  his  office  of  chief  ma 
gistrate.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  consider  and  report 
on  a  motion  oresented  to  the  house,  for  that  purpose.  Their 


244  THOMAS  M'KEAN, 

report  led  to  a  presentment  of  articles  of  impeachment  for 
the  consideration  of  the  house,  and  a  resolve  "  that  Thomas 
M'Kean,  governor  of  the  commonwealth,  be  impeached  of 
high  crimes  and  misdemeanors." 

After  several  attempts  to  bring  that  resolution  up  for  dis 
cussion,  in  which  the  vote  of  the  house  was  equally  divided, 
it  was  at  length  carried,  on  the  27th  day  of  January,  about 
seven  weeks  after  the  first  motion  to  postpone  it  until  the  2d 
Monday  in  January  had  failed.  It  was  then  fairly  before  the 
house,  and  open  for  discussion.  On  that  same  day  the  house 
gave  it  its  quietus,  by  their  vote  of  an  indefinite  postpone 
ment.  The  report  of  the  committee,  which  closed  with  the  re 
solve  above  copied,  was  highly  wrought,  positive,  and  strongly 
accusatory.  The  charges  were  exhibited  in  strong  terms,  cor 
responding  with  the  feelings  indulged  by  one  party  towards 
the  governor.  And  the  summary  manner  of  getting  rid  of  the 
investigation  adopted  by  the  other,  may  be  viewed  as  evincing 
a  feeling  equally  ardent,  and  a  determination  equally  resolute 
to  shield  him  from  investigation,  before  the  only  tribunal 
which  could  hear  and  determine  the  matter.  Thus  the  busi 
ness  was  disposed  of.  But  whether  in  a  way  fully  exculpa 
ting  the  governor,  and  redounding  to  his  honor,  is  still,  and 
probably  will  continue  to  be  a  question,  on  which  wise  and 
good  men  will  hold  different  sentiments. 

Having,  in  1808,  finished  his  term  of  nine  years,  as  gover 
nor  of  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  M'Kean  bid  adieu  to  public  life, 
for  the  remainder  of  his  days. 

After  the  last  war  with  Great  Britain  commenced,  and  an 
enemy's  force  had  landed  on  the  American  shore,  at  no  great 
distance  from  Philadelphia  ;  when  it  was  discovered  by  the  in 
habitants  that  their  city  was  destitute  of  defence,  and  that  the 
enemy  might  attack  them  in  three  or  four  days,  a  meeting 
was  called  by  some  of  the  most  influential,  and  interested 
citizens,  to  take  their  condition  into  consideration. 

By  special  invitation,  Governor  M'Kean  attended  that  meet 
ing,  and  presided  over  its  deliberations.  This  was  the  last 
public  transaction  in  which  he  took  an  active  part. 

Having  as  many  vicissitudes,  and  shared  as  many  honors 
by  the  favor  of  his  fellow  citizens,  as  most  public  men,  at 
length  he  expired,  on  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  June,  1817,  a 
little  past  the  age  of  eighty-three  years. 

He  received  honorary  degrees  from  two  colleges  ;  from 
Princeton,  in  1781,  and  from  Dartmouth,  in  1782.  He  was 
an  honorary  member  of  several  societies  in  Pennsylvania. 


MARYLAND.  245 


MARYLAND. 


SAMUEL  CHASE. 

AMONG  the  distinguished  and  dauntless  patriots  who  were 
nctive  in  bringing  about,  and  establishing  the  American  revo 
lution,  few  have  been  more  distinguished  than  the  gentleman, 
whose  name  stands  at  the  head  of  this  article. 

Samuel  Chase,  the  only  child  of  a  respectable  clergyman 
of  the  episcopal  church  in  Somerset  county,  in  the  province 
of  Maryland,  was  born  in  that  county,  on  the  seventeenth  day 
of  April,  1741. 

The  death  of  his  wife,  and  an  invitation  to  Mr.  Chase,  to 
take  the  pastoral  charge  of  a  congregation  in  Baltimore,  oc 
curring  almost  at  the  same  time,  he  removed  to  that  city,  with 
his  son,  then  hardly  three  years  of  age.  The  means  afforded 
for  acquiring  a  good  education  in  the  southern  colonies,  at  that 
early  period  of  their  history,  being  very  small,  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Chase  undertook  the  superintendence  of  that  of  his  son, 
which  he  performed  with  care  and  fidelity,  and  laid  a  founda 
tion  for  the  distinction  which  he  afterwards  attained,  and  dis 
played,  both  in  the  legislative  councils  of  his  country,  and  on 
the  bench  of  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  in  the  United  States. 

Being  considered  as  well  qualified  for  commencing  his 
professional  studies,  by  the  classical  instructions  given  him  by 
his  father,  at  the  age  of  eighteen  years  he  commenced  the 
study  of  law,  under  the  superintendence  of  Mr.  Hammond 
and  Mr.  Hall,  of  Annapolis,  barristers  of  good  reputation. 
By  his  intense  application  and  assiduity,  he  was  deemed 
qualified  for  admission  to  practice  before  the  mayor's  court 
at  the  age  of  twenty ;  and  after  two  years  more,  he  was 
received  as  a  member  of  the  bar,  to  practice  in  chancery,  and 
the  other  courts  in  the  colony. 

He  established  himself  in  Annapolis,  and  soon  became  dis 
tinguished  for  that  intrepidity  of  character,  which  he  mani 
fested  on  numerous  and  trying  occasions,  during  the  remain 
der  of  his  life. 

His  success  in  his  professional  pursuits,  was  fully  equal  to 
his  anticipations,  and  commensurate  with  the  high  characte 

21* 


246  SAMUEL  CHASE, 

he  early  established,  for  an  able  and  eloquent  advocate,  and 
a  lawyer,  possessing  much  more  than  ordinary  learning  and 
talents. 

Early  in  life,  and  before  the  commencement  of  those 
alarming  measures  of  the  English  parliament,  which  event- 
ually  kindled  the  flame  of  American  patriotism,  provoked 
open  resistance,  and  finally  terminated  their  colonial  union 
with  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Chase  became  a  member  of  the 
Maryland  provincial  legislature,  and  manifested  talents  of  a 
superior  order,  and  that  independent  spirit  which  he  re 
tained  through  life.  The  latter  he  particularly  indulged,  in 
what  was  thought  by  "prudent"  politicians  uncourtly  treat 
ment,  of  the  governor  and  royal  partizans  of  the  province. 
Mr.  Chase's  feeling  of  independence,  was  too  elevated  to 
admit  of  compromise  with  any  man,  whom  he  suspected  of 
timeserving,  or  obsequiousness. 

After  the  famous  "  Stamp  act"  was  begun  to  be  put  in  ope 
ration  in  Maryland,  he  was  connected  with  the  sons  of  liberty, 
and  a  band  of  youthful  patriots,  who  violently  assaulted  the 
public  offices,  seized  on  and  destroyed  the  stamps,  and  burnt 
the  stamp  distributer  in  effigy.  In  these  early  displays  of 
opposition  to  the  usurpations  of  government,  which  were  con 
ducted  in  a  bold,  and  somewhat  violent  manner,  Mr.  Chase 
bore  a  leading  part ;  and  hence  he  became  very  obnoxious 
to  the  city  government  of  Annapolis.  He  was  soon  engaged 
in  a  paper  war  with  the  mayor  and  corporation  of  that  city, 
in  which  they  sought,  by  applying  to  him  harsh  epithets,  to 
degrade  him  and  to  put  down  the  rising  influence  of  a  young 
man,  whose  bold  and  daring  spirit  they  saw,  unless  it  was 
effectually  curbed,  might  in  his  future  progress,  become 
unmanageable  and  cause  them  such  difficulties,  as  they  did 
not  wish  to  encounter.  But  their  attempts  produced  the  con 
trary  effect.  They  brought  young  Chase  into  more  extensive 
notice,  and  secured  to  him  many  friends. 

When  the  proceedings  of  the  British  parliament  had  pro 
duced  the  effect  of  inducing  the  leading  men  in  Massachusetts 
to  propose  a  meeting  of  delegates  of  the  several  colonies  in  con 
gress,  in  Philadelphia,  and  they  had  addressed  their  proposa 
to  them  severally ;  the  several  counties  of  ]^arj*Iand  adopted 
measures  for  calling  a  convention.  That  convention  agreed 
to  the  proposal  from  Massachusetts,  and  appointed  five  dele 
gates  to  meet  the  first  continental  congress.  Mr.  Chase  was 
one  of  the  five.  On  the  same  occasion  he  was  also  appointed 
one  ot  the  committee  c.C  correspondence  for  the  colony  of 


MARYLAND.  247 

Maryland.  These  appointments  will  serve  to  show  the  confi 
dence  which  was  reposed  in  him  by  his  fellow  citizens.  To 
the  adherents  of  royalty  he  was  peculiarly  obnoxious. 

He  met  the  congress  of  1774,  in  September,  according  to 
his  appointment. 

He  was  again  appointed  to  the  same  office  in  December  of 
that  year,  to  attend  the  session  of  congress  in  May,  1775. 
He  attended,  and  with  feelings  of  cordiality,  united  in 
appointing  George  Washington  commander  in  chief  of  the 
American  armies;  and  went  forward  with  the  most  decided 
members  of  that  assembly,  in  promoting  every  measure  for 
defending  the  country  against  the  British  invading  forces,  and 
their  abettors  in  the  colonies.  He  had  no  patience  for  listen 
ing  to  proposals  for  halfway  measures.  He  early  fastened  his 
eye  on  the  ultimate  object,  which  his  feelings  and  judgment, 
both  prompted  him  to  seek  for  ;  and  he  never  allowed  his  atten. 
tion  to  be  diverted  from  it  for  one  moment.  On  its  attainment 
he  was  convinced  depended  the  safety  of  his  country,  and 
the  liberty,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  future  generations. 
For  its  achievement,  he  exerted  every  faculty  of  his  mind,  zea 
lously  advocated  every  means,  and  personally  assisted  in  ren 
dering  every  measure  effectual,  so  far  as  practicable.  From 
the  beginning  of  his  public  career,  he  proposed  to  his  own 
mind  nothing  short  of  the  absolute,  unqualified  independence 
of  his  country. 

He  was  chosen  again  in  the  summer  of  1775,  but  the  irre 
solute,  temporizing  spirit  of  the  Maryland  convention,  which 
they  pertinaciously  adhered  to,  and  expressed  in  their  instruc 
tions  to  their  delegates,  although  irksome  to  all  of  their  mem 
bers  of  congress,  were  peculiarly  unsatisfactory  to  him.  Feel 
ing  as  he  did,  and  firmly  persuaded  as  he  was,  that  the  success 
ful  issue  of  the  contest  in  which  the  colonies  were  engaged, 
depended  on  their  withdrawing  their  allegiance  from  Great 
Britain  ;  and  that  this  must  be  effected,  or  the  colonies  be 
conquered  and  enslaved  ;  he  was  impatient  of  delay.  He 
wished  to  declare  independence  at  once,  that  congress  might 
take  an  attitude,  that  would  command  respect  among  other 
nations,  and  lay  a  foundation  for  negotiating  treaties,  and 
thus  procure  such  foreign  aid  as  they  needed  ;  which  they 
could  not  do  so  long  as  they  recognized  the  colonial  relation 
to  the  British  government. 

He  engaged,  with  all  his  constitutional  ardor,  in  every 
measure  for  increasing  the  military  forces,  and  strengthen 
ing  the  defences  of  the  country.  Hence  the  northern  cam- 


248  SAMUEL  CHASE, 

*paign,  under  the  command  of  Generals  Schuyler  and  Mont, 
gomery,  became  a  favorite  object  with  him. 

Still  restrained  by  the  instructions  of  the  Maryland  conven 
tion,  from  favoring  any  project  which  might  be  started  in  con 
gress,  and  lead  to  independence,  he,  not  without  satisfaction, 
accepted  an  appointment  by  congress,  with  Doctor  Franklin, 
and  Mr.  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  p  the  spring  of  1776, 
to  go  to  Canada  on  a  mission  ;  for  a  due  execution  of  which 
it  was  deemed  highly  important  to  select  men  of  the  highest 
qualifications.  Great  benefits  were  expected  to  result  from 
that  mission.  But  Mr.  Chase,  however  flattering  the  appoint 
ment  with  such  colleagues  might  be  to  his  ambition,  was  the 
more  willing  to  undertake  the  enterprise,  because  it  would  re 
lieve  him  from  the  necessity  of  acting  and  voting  on  important 
questions,  which  he  knew  would  soon  come  before  congress, 
contrary  to  his  own  convictions  of  sound  policy,  and  opposed 
to  his  ardent  wishes.  He  was  thus  relieved  from  the  painful 
embarrassment  which  his  instructions  must  have  imposed  on 
his  feelings  and  judgment,  had  he  been  present  in  congress. 

His  northern  mission,  however,  did  not  wholly  remove  the 
difficulties  under  which  he  labored.  For  when  he  returned  to 
Philadelphia,  the  proposition  for  declaring  independence  had 
already  been  introduced,  while  the  instructions  forbidding 
him  and  his  associates  to  raise  their  hands,  or  their  voices 
in  its  favor,  were  in  full  force,  and  the  prospect  of  their 
being  soon  removed,  was  far  from  flattering.  But  for  rea 
sons  which  have  been  mentioned  already,  the  convention 
having  removed  those  restrictions,  left  their  delegates  to  act 
according  to  the  dictates  of  their  judgment  and  discretion, 
relative  to  the  great  question  ;  and  he  was  at  liberty  to  record 
his  in  favor  of  the  measure,  and  subscribe  his  name  to  the  in 
strument  declaring  it. 

It  was  about  this  tjme  that  an  event  took  place  which  caused 
much  indignation,  and  for  a  time,  riot  a  little  alarm  in  con- 

fress.  A  certain  Rev.  Doctor  Zubly  of  Georgia,  was  then  a 
elegate  from  that  colony,  and  present  in  congress.  By  some 
means,  now  not  known,  Mr.  Chase  discovered  that  he  was  in 
correspondence  with  the  royal  governor  of  Georgia.  He 
rose  and  denounced  him  to  congress  as  a  traitor.  Zubly  im 
mediately  fl'ed,  was  pursued,  but  without  success.  But  no 
material  injury  to  the  American  cause  resulted  from  his  treach 
erous  conduct.  This  act  of  Mr.  Chase  was  characteristic  of 
the  man.  He  was  equally  prompt,  bold,  and  fearless  through 
out  his  whole  life. 


MARYLAND  249 

Mr.  Chase's  re-appointments  to  congress  succeeded  each 
other,  from  that  time,  in  the  manner,  and  at  the  dates  follow 
ing.  On  the  fourth  of  July  and  the  twentieth  of  November 
1776;  in  February  and  December,  1777;  and  he  continued 
his  attendance  in  congress,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  weeks 
only,  until  the  end  of  the  year  1778. 

Possessing  an  uncommon  aptitude  for  the  discharge  of  bu 
siness,  Mr.  Chase  was  appointed  a  member  of  almost  every 
important  committee  in  the  congress,  during  the  time  he  was 
a  member.  His  attention  to  his  various  duties  thus  multiplied, 
and  was  unwearied  ;  and  his  fidelity  was  never  questioned. 

One  of  the  disagreeable  duties  which  he  had  to  perform, 
as  chairman  of  a  committee  of  congress,  was  presenting  a 
report  to  that  house,  in  which  the  committee  recommended 
the  apprehension  and  imprisonment  of  sundry  persons,  who 
were  believed  to  aid  the  enemy,  by  giving  him  information 
injurious  to  the  American  cause.  Among  the  persons  impli 
cated,  were  several  wealthy  and  respectable  Quakers  of 
Philadelphia,  and  other  places,  who  united  in  publishing  their 
communications  to  their  brethren,  from  time  to  time,  inten 
tionally  so  framed  as  to  weaken  the  hands  of  Americans,  and 
strengthen  those  of  the  British,  whose  cause  he  clearly  es 
poused.  In  such  a  time  as  that,  there  could  be  no  reasona 
ble  doubt  respecting  the  right,  however  there  might  about  the 
expediency,  of  such  a  course  as  that  committee  recommended. 
It  must  also  be  acknowledged,  that  the  Friends  furnished 
sufficient  cause  for  the  congress  to  have  adopted  strong  mea 
sures  with  regard  to  them. 

After  Mr.  Chase  left  congress,  he  spent  two  or  three  of 
the  last  years  of  the  revolutionary  war,  in  the  practice  of  law. 
To  his  professional  studies  he  had  never  failed  to  devote  as 
large  a  portion  of  his  time  and  attention,  during  his  congres 
sional  and  other  employments,  as  he  could  abstract  from  the 
important  duties  he  owed  to  the  public.  Hence  he  was  con 
tinually  advancing  in  professional  science,  at  a  time  and  in 
situations,  when  it  would  seem  next  to  impossible  that  he 
could  have  done  more  than  discharge  the  official  duties,  which 
were  incessantly  crowding  on  his  time  and  attention.  Few 
persons  indeed  would  have  achieved  what  he  did.  But  his 
quick  and  elastic  mind  was  not  confined  within  ordinary 
limits. 

It  wars  during  this  period  of  his  attention  to  his  professional 
duties,  that  being  on  a  call  of  business  at  Baltimore,  he  at 
tended  a  debating  society,  at  one  of  its  meetings,  as  a  spec- 


•>5v)  SAMUEL  CHASE, 

tator.  It  was  in  the  hall  which  they  met,  that  his  attention 
was  attracted  to  a  youth,  whose  style,  manner,  and  elocution, 
were  so  peculiar  and  prepossessing,  as  to  excite  a  desire  to 
learn  his  name  and  vocation.  It  was  the  late  William 
Pinckney,  Esq.  who  subsequently  became  attorney  general 
of  the  United  States,  and  who  held  many  high  and  honorable 
offices  both  at  home  and  abroad. 

Mr.  Chase  found  him  an  apprentice  to  a  druggist,  without 
resources,  and  without  patronage.  He  was  from  Annapolis, 
where  Mr.  Chase  resided.  His  manner  was  so  impressive, 
that  Mr.  Chase  at  once  advised  him  to  engage  in  the  study 
of  the  law.  Young  Pinckney  stated  his  numerous  embar 
rassments,  which  were,  without  assistance,  insuperable  ;  and 
he  had  no  one  to  whom  he  might  look  for  the  necessary 
aid,  with  the  faintest  hope  of  success.  On  hearing  this 
statement,  with  the  feeling  of  strong  sympathy  for  native 
genius  unfriended,  and  with  that  benevolence  which  warmed 
his  own  breast,  Mr.  Chase  invited  him  home,  gave  him  a  seat 
at  his  table,  the  benefit  of  his  instruction,  arid  the  use  of  his 
valuable  and  extensive  library. 

Previous  to  the  revolution,  the  colony  of  Maryland  held 
funds  to  a  considerable  amount,  which  were  vested  in  bank 
stock  in  England.  Subsequent  to  the  conclusion  of  the  war, 
Mr.  Chase  was  sent  by  that  state  as  agent,  to  put  in  the  claim, 
and  to  urge  a  restoration  of  that  property  to  its  rightful  pro 
prietors.  He  succeeded  so  far  in  the  object  of  his  mission, 
that  the  state  finally  realized  the  sum  of  six  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  dollars.  This  negotiation  was  commenced  by 
Mr.  Chase  ;  and  the  justice  of  the  claim  so  far  established, 
that  when  his  once  grateful  beneficiary  and  pupil,  became 
his  successor  in  that  agency,  while  minister  of  the  United 
States  to  the  court  of  St.  James,  having  urged  the  business 
to  a  final  adjustment,  the  favorable  award  was  obtained, 
and  the  state  of  Maryland  received  the  above  mentioned  sum 
into  its  treasury. 

Among  the  numerous  warmly  attached  friends  of  Mr.  Chase 
in  his  native  state,  was  the  highly  distinguished  Colonel  John 
E.  Howard  of  Baltimore.  He  was  induced,  in  1786,  to  leave* 
Annapolis,  and  take  up  his  residence  in  that  city.  To  this 
determination  he  was  induced  in  part,  certainly,  by  the 
urgency  of  Colonel  Howard,  which  he  strengthened  bv  a 
most  liberal  offer,  communicated  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
Mr.  Chase.  Colonel  Howard  was  owner  of  a  larjre  landed 
estate  in  the  then  vicinity,  but  rjow  in  the  midst  of  the  city  of 


MARYLAND.  251 

Baltimore.  Of  this  estate  he  offered  to  give,  and  actually 
did  convey,  on  condition  of  his  settling  in  Baltimore,  one  full 
square  sufficient  for  many  city  building  lots  ;  a  property  then 
of  much  value,  and  now  greatly  enhanced.  On  a  part  of 
that  noble  donation,  Judge  Chase  built  the  house  in  which  he 
lived  and  died  ;  and  the  property  is  still  possessed  by  his  de 
scendants.  These  facts  are  introduced  in  this  narrative,  as 
honorable  testimonials  of  the  liberality  of  Colonel  Howard, 
and  his  high  esteem  for  the  character,  services,  and  moral 
worth  of  Mr.  Chase.  This  unrivalled  instance  of  affectionate 
esteem,  and  cordial  friendship,  is  alike  honorable  to  both 
the  donor  and  the  recipient. 

In  1788,  it  was  found  expedient  that  a  new  criminal  court 
should  be  organized  for  the  county  and  town  of  Baltimore ; 
the  increase  of  population  rendering  such  a  tribunal  necessary. 
The  legislature  of  Maryland  instituted  it,  and  appointed  Mr. 
Chase  the  chief  justice.  He  was  also,  in  the  same  year  chosen 
a  member  of  the  state  convention,  to  which  the  new  constitu 
tion  for  the  federal  union  was  submitted,  and  in  a  short  time 
after,  he  received  and  accepted  the  appointment  of  chief 
judge  of  the  highest  court  of  the  state. 

In  1796,  President  Washington,  who  had  been  intimately 
acquainted  with  Mr.  Chase  from  an  early  day  in  the  revolu 
tionary  war,  nominated  him  a  judge  of  the  supreme  court  of 
the  United  States.  The  senate  confirmed  the  nomination 
without  hesitation  ;  and  it  was  while  he  was  a  member  of  that 
bench,  that  he  was  impeached  before  the  senate  of  the  United 
States,  for  malconduct  on  the  bench.  This  was  undoubtedly 
the  effect  of  strong  party  feelings.  Judge  Chase  was  tried, 
and  acquitted ;  and  retained  his  seat  in  the  court  until  his 
death. 

He  held  the  office  of  judge  about  fifteen  years  ;  during 
which,  he  was  considered  as  a  very  able,  learned,  and  up 
right  judge  ;  and  uncommonly  prompt  in  his  decisions.  Their 
correctness  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact,  that  his  decisions 
were  rarely  reversed,  or  set  aside  by  the  supreme  court. 

A  distinguished  member  of  the  bar  in  Philadelphia,  who 
was  neither  a  personal  or  political  friend  of  Judge  Chase, 
said  of  him,  that  he  was  the  greatest  judge  he  had  ever  seen. 

But  it  forms  no  part  of  the  plan  of  this  work  to  give  a  his 
tory  of  his  individual  decisions  on  the  bench,  were  the  writer 
competent.  His  proceedings  in  the  celebrated  cases  of 
Fries,  and  Callender,  are  not  forgotten  by  those  who  were 


252  WILLIAM  PACA, 

contemporary  with  those  events.  These  it  was  principally 
which  were  made  the  grounds  of  his  impeachment. 

In  the  year  1811,  his  health  was  so  much  impaired,  that 
I  e  was  disabled  for  active  employments,  and  his  excursions 
were  limited  to  his  favorite  exercise,,  which  was  riding  on 
horseback.  This  he  continued  to  pursue  until  the  following 
-spring,  when  his  increased  debility  obliged  him  to  relinquish 
it.  From  this  time  he  languished,  until  the  nineteenth  day 
of  June,  when  he  expired,  having  commenced  his  seventy- 
first  year. 

He  was  twice  married.  His  children  were  two  sons  by 
the  first,  and  two  daughters  by  the  second  marriage,  all  of 
whom  survived  him. 

He  was  a  professed  believer  in  the  Christian  religion,  and 
a  communicant  in  St.  Paul's  church  in  Baltimore,  to  the  pas- 
toral  charge  of  which  his  father  was  invited  while  he  was  but 
a  child.  Judge  Chase  commenced  his  career  in  life  early ; 
at  which  time  he  gave  unequivocal  manifestations  of  constitu 
tional  ardor.  This  he  retained  to  the  close  of  his  life. 


WILLIAM  PACA. 

WILLIAM  PACA  entered  into  public  life  in  the  province  of 
Maryland.  He  was  born  in  Wye  Hall,  his  paternal  residence, 
on  the  east  shore  of  Maryland,  in  the  year  1740.  He  had  the 
usual  advantages,  at  the  time  of  his  youth  available  in  that 
part  of  the  country  ;  and  in  his  early  life,  he  is  said  to  have 
been  carefully  instructed  in  the  principles  of  morality.  He 
completed  his  preparatory  studies  in  the  Philadelphia  College, 
and  then  commenced  the  study  of  law  in  the  same  office  with 
Samuel  Chase,  afterwards  one  of  the  judges  of  the  supreme 
court  of  the  United  States,  under  the  federal  constitution.  It 
was  there,  that  those  two  fellow  students  and  distinguished 
actors  in  the  revolutionary  contest,  formed  an  intimacy  which 
continued  uninterrupted,  till  it  was  terminated  by  death.  The 
scene  of  their  studies  was  Annapolis  in  Maryland. 

Their  first  appearance  in  public  life  was  simultaneous  in 
the  year  1761,  when  Pacawas  only  twenty-one  years  of  age. 
They  then  both  became  members  of  the  provincial  legislature, 
and  made  a  favorable  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  mem. 


MARYLAND.  253 

bers,  of  their  talents  and  qualifications  for  future  usefulness 
ri  public  life. 

It  was  between  that  time  and  the  year  1771,  that  there  had 
been  a  paper  war  carried  on  for  some  time,  on  the  question  of 
the  right  claimed  by  the  governor  of  the  province,  to  regulate 
the  fees  of  civil  officers  by  proclamation.  It  was  conducted 
with  much  spirit  on  both  sides.  Mr.  Charles  Carroll  had 
engaged  in  this  controversy,  in  opposition  to  the  governor's 
claim,  and  on  the  side  of  the  liberty  of  magistrates  to  regu 
late  their  own  fees.  He  was  considered  by  the  citizens  of 
Annapolis  as  entitled  to  their  thanks  for  his  exertions,  "  as  an 
advocate  for  liberty  ;"  which  they  communicated  to  him  in  a 
public  letter,  by  the  hands  of  Mr.  Paca  and  Mr.  Hammond. 
This  fact  serves  to  indicate  the  feelings  of  the  citizens  of  that 
ancient  town,  at  that  early  period,  on  the  subject  of  the  liberty 
and  rights  of  the  citizens;  and  the  estimation  in  which  they 
held  their  youthful  candidate  for  honorable  fame  and  distinc 
tion.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  especially  if  we  take  into  con 
sideration  the  divided  opinions  prevailing  at  that  time  in 
Maryland,  that  the  citizens  of  Annapolis  introduced  into  their 
letter  of  thanks  to  Mr.  Carroll ;  the  sentiment  afterward 
asserted  and  vindicated  by  force  of  arms  in  the  country  at 
large,  that  a  claim  of  right  by  government,  to  impose  taxes 
on  a  people  without  their  consent,  and  appropriate  them 
according  to  the  pleasure  of  the  government,  without  their 
participation,  is  an  act  of  tyranny  not  to  be  submitted  to  and 
endured  by  a  free  people. 

If  any  business  of  public  interest  was  contemplated,  requir 
ing  the  superintendence  of  special  agents,  the  attention  of 
the  community  seems  to  have  been,  thus  early,  immediately 
directed  to  Mr.  Paca.  Such  was  the  fact,  when  the  legisla 
ture  made  provision  for  erecting  a  state  house  for  their 
accommodation;  they  appointed  Mr.  Paca  one  of  the  commis 
sioners  for  procuring  a  design,  and  superintending  the  erec 
tion  of  that  structure.  These  things  are  comparatively  unim 
portant,  except  thaf  they  serve  to  show  the  rank  he  held  at 
that  early  age,  in  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  his  fellow 
citizens. 

When  the  act  of  parliament,  closing  the  port  of  Boston, 
(commonly  called  "  the  Boston  port  bill")  was  announced  in 
Maryland,  its  oppressive  and  tyrannical  character,  and  the 
temper  in  which  it  was  dictated  and  passed  were  so  manifest, 
that  a  spirit  of  opposition  and  indignation  was  universally  ex 
cited  throughout  that  province.  County  conventions  were 

22 


254  WILLIAM  PACA, 

immediately  assembled,  of  deputies  chosen  by  the  patiiotic 
portion  of  those  communities,  to  deliberate  on  measures  pro 
per  to  be  adopted  with  respect  to  the  vindictive  conduct  of 
parliament,  and  for  relieving  their  suffering  fellow  citizens  of 
that  patriotic  town. 

This  occurrence,  which  so  clearly  indicated  the  determina 
tion  of  the  British  parliament  relative  to  the  colonies,  point 
ing  clearly  to  what  they  might  hereafter  expect  from  that 
source,  if  not  resisted  in  season,  at  once  suggested  the  pro 
priety  of  concurring  with  the  request  of  the  committee  of 
correspondence  in  Massachusetts,  to  appoint  delegates  from 
the  several  colonies,  to  meet  in  a  congress  to  be  held  at  Phila 
delphia.  A  convention  of  delegates  from  the  several  coun 
ties  in  Maryland  agreed  to  the  proposal ;  and  immediately 
appointed  William  Paca,  Samuel  Chase,  and  three  others  to 
attend  that  congress.  "  To  effect  one  general  plan  of  con 
duct,  operating  on  the  commercial  connection  of  the  colonies 
with  the  mother  country,  for  the  relief  of  Boston,  and  the 
preservation  of  American  liberty." 

In  December  of  the  same  year,  the  same  delegates  with 
the  addition  of  two  others,  were  elected  to  represent  Mary 
land  in  the  second  congress.  Their  instructions  were,  "  to 
agree  to  all  measures  which  might  be  deemed  necessary  to 
obtain  a  redress  of  American  grievances."  They  were  elect 
ed  again  the  following  year. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  particularize  the  several  employments 
assigned  to  him  as  a  member  of  the  committees  with  which 
he  was  associated.  It  may  be  sufficient  to  remark,  that  as 
most  of  the  subjects  which  came  before  congress  for  their 
determination,  were  submitted  to  special  committees;  there 
was  employment  sufficient  to  occupy  the  whole  of  the  mem 
bers  continually,  and  that.  Mr.  Paca  had  an  ample  proportion 
assigned  to  him.  The  discharge  of  the  duties  thus  devolved 
on  him,  was  able  and  faithful,  and  such  as  met  with  the  ap 
probation  of  congress  and  his  constituents. 

To  furnish  one  specimen  of  the  liberal  spirit  of  his  patriot 
ism,  with  that  of  his  friend  and  colleague  Mr.  Chase,  it  is  proper 
to  state,  that  those  two  gentlemen,  knowing  the  want  of  pecu 
niary  resources  of  the  government,  supplied  a  volunteer  corps 
of  their  public  spirited  countrymen  with  rifles,  from  their  pri 
vate  funds,  at  an  expense  of  about  a  thousand  dollars. 

While  the  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  independence  wag 
fast  extending,  and  rapidly  increasing  in  the  colonies  gene 
rally,  the  people  of  Maryland,  even  the  patriotic  portion  of 


MARYLAND.  255 

tiem  were  tardy,  and  seemed  reluctant,  at  the  idea  of  ap 
proaching  that  crisis,  which  their  delegates  in  congress  clearly 
perceived,  would  render  the  measure  indispensable.  Hitherto, 
however,  their  constituents  were  not  prepared  for  so  bold  arid 
decisive  an  act,  as  a  dissolution  cf  all  connection  with  the 
British  government ;  and  knowing  that  this  step  was  contem 
plated  by  congress,  and  fearing  that  the  young  and  ardent  po 
liticians  whom  they  had  sent  to  represent  them  in  congress, 
might  be  prevailed  with  to  sanction  the  measure  by  their  act, 
and  thus  commit  their  constituents  ;  the  convention,  in  great 
apprehension  and  alarm,  issued  special  instructions,  in  the 
early  part  of  1776,  which  prohibited  them  from  sanctioning  a 
proposition  for  declaring  the  colonies  independent ;  and  they 
curried  their  opposition  so  far  as  to  pass  a  vote,  "  that  Mary 
land  would  riot  be  bound  by  a  vote  of  a  majority  of  congress, 
to  declare  independence."  That  vote  serves  to  show,  in  the 
clearest  manner,  the  feeling  that  prevailed  in  Maryland,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1776.  For  it  contained  strong 
expressions  of  loyalty  and  affection  towards  the  king  and  peo 
ple  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  positively  declared  that  Maryland 
neither  contemplated,  nor  desired  independence. 

This  state  of  feeling  in  Maryland,  and  the  measures  which 
were  thus  publicly  avowed  by  their  leading  patriots,  in 
dicated,  being  in  direct  opposition  to,  and  clashing  with 
their  own,  placed  their  delegates  in  congress,  in  a  perplex 
ing,  and  most  unenviable  situation.  Although  the  restric 
tions  laid  on  Mr.  Paca  and  his  colleagues,  were  sufficiently 
irksome,  as  they  counteracted  their  own  sentiments  ;  and  al 
though  they  rnay  have  thought  that  the  implied  censure  of 
iheir  principles  which  they  conveyed,  would  justify  them  in 
Manifesting  their  feelings  by  resigning  their  seats,  as  many 
persons  probably  would  have  done,  when  placed  in  similar 
circumstances;  they  still  retained  them,  confidently  hoping 
that  a  change  would  take  place  in  the  sentiments  of  their  con 
stituents,  and  that  they  would  soon  be  persuaded  of  the  neces 
sity  for  adopting  that  decisive  measure,  for  their  own,  and 
their  country's  preservation  from  absolute  ruin.  Had  they 
vacated  their  seats,  they  foresaw  clearly,  that  they  might  be 
occupied  by  successors,  whose  principles  were  directly  op 
posed  to  their  own.  The  consequences  to  be  apprehended 
by  them  from  such  a  result,  were  of  a  kind  which  could  afford 
them  no  gratification.  Mr.  Paca  therefore  continued,  not 
withstanding  all  those  mortifying  Considerations,  to  go  on 
steadily  in  favoring,  and  promoting  such  a  system  of  prepara- 


256  WILLIAM  PACA, 

tory  measures,  as  he  hoped  would  prepare  the  minds  of  his 
constituents  for  acquiescence  in  a  declaration  of  absolute,  and 
perpetual  independence  of  the  American  colonies  of  the 
kingdom  of  Great  Britain. 

The  contrast  between  the  course  he  was  pursuing  in  con- 
gress,  and  the  declared  views  of  the  Maryland  convention,  at 
the  same  time,  was  very  apparent.  While  they  were  declar 
ing  their  loyal  attachment  to  Great  Britain,  he  was  providing 
ways  and  means  for  furnishing  an  army,  to  be  employed  in 
resisting  the  orders  of  her  government.  While  they  were 
saying  to  the  king  and  people  of  England  that  they  were  op 
posed  to  a  separation,  and  would  not  be  bound  by  an  act  sanc 
tioned  by  a  majority  of  congress  dissolving  the  connection, 
he  was  engaged  in  planning  a  naval  force,  to  contend  under 
a  national  flag,  which  his  instructions  from  them  forbid  to 
be  hoisted  ;  and  so  strenuous  were  they  in  their  hostility  to 
the  contemplated  independence,  so  late  as  the  middle  of  May, 
1776,  that  the  convention  repeated  their  prohibition  to  their 
delegates,  by  new  instructions  issued  at  that  date.  Congress 
at  the  same  time,  with  the  cordial  approbation  of  *he  dele 
gates  from  Maryland,  were  declaring  that  the  royal  authority, 
in  the  American  colonies  was  at  an  end,  and  recommending 
to  them  severally,  to  organize  governments  for  their  own  in 
dependent  legislation,  founded  on  the  authority  of  the  people. 
It  appeared  perfectly  obvious,  that  such  a  conflicting  state 
of  views  between  Maryland  and  congress,  could  not  long 
continue.  A  change  must  soon  take  place.  Either  congress 
must  recede,  or  Maryland  acquiesce.  It  did  not  escape  the 
discernment  of  her  delegates,  that  Maryland  could  not  as 
sume  and  maintain  a  neutral  position  in  the  centre  of  the  field 
of  hostilities.  It  was  not  believed  that  she  would  join  the 
British,  and  compound  for  the  consequences  ;  and  it  was  well 
understood  that  congress  had  proceeded  too  far,  with  the  ex 
pressed  approbation  of  almost  the  entire  country,  (with  the 
exception  of  Maryland,)  to  recede  from  its  purpose.  It  was 
therefore  believed,  that  the  statesmen  of  that  province  would 
soon  feel  the  importance  of  concurring  in  the  measure,  and 
unite  in  declaring  the  American  nation  free  and  independent. 

To  effect  this  desirable  object,  several  of  her  ardent  and 
influential  patriots  made  great  exertions,  and  with  such  effect, 
that  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  May,  only  thirteen  days  after 
they  issued  their  last  opposing  instructions  to  their  delegates 
in  congress,  the  convention  dispensed  with  praying  for  tho 
king  and  royal  family.  The  first  step  was  now  taken  to- 


MARYLAND  257 

wards  a  union  with  the  other  states  ;  and  the  succeeding  ones 
were  less  difficult  to  be  effected.  They  had  "  faced  about," 
and  the  forward  march  to  their  station  in  the  combined  arrav 
was  become  comparatively  easy. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  day  of  June,  the  convention  recalled 
their  instructions,  took  off  the  restrictions  from  their  dele- 
gates,  and  gave  them  permission  to  vote  on  the  great  ques 
tion,  then  before  congress,  according  to  their  own  views  of 
expediency.  The  record  of  their  names  to  the  engrossed 
parchment,  which  contains  the  declaration,  "  that  America 
is,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  a  free  and  independent  nation," 
evinces  their  views  of  expediency  on  that  subject. 

So  entire  was  the  revolution  in  the  feelings  and  views  of 
the  people  of  Maryland,  in  that  short  period,  that  on  the  very 
day  when  Mr.  Paca  and  his  colleagues  assented  to  the  Decla 
ration  of  Independence  in  their  behalf,  they  re-elected  him 
to  his  seat  in  congress ;  and  in  a  few  weeks  passed  a  resolve, 
approving  of  the  measure  they  had  so  lately  and  so  strenu 
ously  opposed.  They  re-elected  him  on  the  fifteenth  of 
November  of  the  same  year,  (1776,)  and  again  on  the  fif 
teenth  of  February,  1777.  By  a  similar  act,  they  gave  a 
decisive  manifestation  of  their  undiminished  and  continued 
confidence. 

Early  in  the  year  1778,  they  gave  him  a  new  pledge  of 
their  esteem,  by  appointing  him  chief  judge  of  the  supreme 
court  of  the  state.  Having  faithfully  served  his  state  in  per 
forming  the  duties  of  that  office,  until  1782,  they  called  him 
to  lay  aside  the  ermine,  and  accept  the  office  of  chief  magis 
trate  of  their  commonwealth.  He  sustained  the  office  of  go 
vernor,  however,  but  one  year,  and  then  retired  to  the  quiet 
repose  of  private  life. 

When  a  convention  was  called  in  Maryland,  to  decide  on 
accepting  the  federal  constitution,  he  was  a  member.  And 
when  the  new  government  went  into  operation,  and  the  seve 
ral  offices  created  by  congress,  under  its  auspices,  were  to 
be  filled,  General  Washington  nominated  him  judge  of  the 
district  court,  for  the  district  of  Maryland.  This  office  he 
retained  until  his  decease.  This  event  occurred  in  the  six 
tieth  year  of  his  age.  He  left  the  world  with  the  regrets  of 
his  numerous  friends,  and  carried  with  him  an  irreproachable 
character  to  the  grave. 

22* 


258  THOMAS  STONE, 


THOMAS   STONE. 

OF  this  gentleman  little  is  recorded  in  the  memorials  of  his 
public  life,  and  owing  to  circumstances,  somewhat  peculiar 
in  the  changes  which  have  taken  place  since  his  decease, 
about  forty  years  ago,  among  his  connections  and  acquaint 
ances,  by  death  and  removals,  but  little  has  been  remembered 
of  his  character  and  pursuits.  Of  necessity,  therefore,  the 
sketch  of  his  history  must  be  short.  But  the  fact,  that  he  was 
one  of  those  bold  and  daring  patriots,  who  advocated  and 
signed  the  declaration  of  his  country's  independence,  is  suffi 
cient  to  transmit  his  name  on  the  records  of  American  histo 
ry,  with  perpetual  approbation. 

Thomas  Stone  was  born  at  the  Pointon  Manor,  in  Mary 
land,  in  the  year  1743 ;  and  educated  to  the  profession  of 
law  ;  and  he  commenced  the  practice  of  it  with  a  good  repu 
tation  for  talents,  and  with  flattering  prospects  of  success  and 
prosperity. 

By  all  the  evidence  which  could  be  collected  from  his  few 
remaining  cotemporaries,  who  were  at  all  acquainted  with  his 
character,  and  the  incidents  of  his  short  life  ;  it  is  apparent 
that  he  was  a  modest  unambitious  man,  fond  of  domestic  retire 
ment,  and  satisfied  with  attending  to  the  necessary  duties  of 
his  profession.  And  when  he  stepped  forth  from  private  life 
to  take  a  part  in  the  great  and  difficult  questions  relative  to  his 
country's  welfare,  in  the  continental  congress,  that  he  did  it 
more  in  compliance  with  the  call  of  his  fellow  citizens,  than 
to  gratify  any  ambitious  feelings,  or  from  any  desire  to  ex 
hibit  his  talents  on  the  great  theatre  which  then  drew  the 
attention,  not  only  of  the  American  colonies  and  Great  Bri 
tain,  but  of  the  other  nations  of  Europe.  For  so  soon  as  the 
great  business  was  accomplished  for  the  promotion  of  which 
he  entered  congress,  he  withdrew  again  to  his  private  pur 
suits,  and  declined  a  reappointment  to  a  seat  in  that  as 
sembly.  He  was  however  called  at  a  subsequent  date, 
again  to  render  his  services  to  the  public  in  that  national 
council. 

At  that  eventful  period,  when  the  proceedings  of  the  Bri 
tish  parliament  excited  the  fears  of  the  colonies,  and  caused 
serious  apprehension  of  danger  to  their  constitutional  r.ghts 
and  liberties,  Mr.  Stone  was  too  young  to  take  an  active  part 
in  the  public  discussions  which  were  held,  as  well  in  Mary- 


MARYLAND.  25§ 

iand  as  in  the  other  provinces.  The  interest  and  anxiety 
which  the  several  enactments  of  parliament,  laying  an  impost 
on  articles  consumed  in  the  colonies  produced,  was  common 
to  every  class,  and  all  ages  in  society.  Youths,  listening  to 
the  remarks  of  their  seniors,  imbibed  their  sentiments,  and 
partook  of  their  feelings.  Mr.  Stone  attended  those  places 
where  the  character  of  the  "  Stamp  act"  and  other  obnoxious 
statutes  of  parliament  was  discussed  ;  and  hearing  their  op- 
pressive  character  described,  their  unconstitutionally  demon 
strated,  and  their  tendency  to  the  destruction  of  the  privileges 
of  the  colonists  depicted,  in  the  glowing  colors  of  impas 
sioned  eloquence,  and  the  high-wrought  feelings  of  indigna 
tion,  rvhich  had  pervaded  the  country;  he  caught  their  spirit, 
und  early  imbibed  their  opinions;  which  were  confirmed  as 
he  increased  in  years,  and  became  the  established  principles 
\>f  his  life.  Although  his  principles  were  established  in  early 
life,  they  savored  too  strongly  of  determined  resistance  to 
British  supremacy,  to  suit  the  cold  prudence  and  vacillating 
policy  of  a  majority  of  the  citizens  of  Maryland.  He  was 
several  years  in  advance  of  a  great  portion  of  his  fellow  citi 
zens,  in  his  patriotic  feelings  and  sentiments.  A  knowledge 
of  these  spread  among  them,  probably  was  the  principal  cause 
of  his  not  being  earlier  brought  into  public  life.  But  the 
causes  which  operated  to  keep  him  back  for  a  time,  shortly 
furnished  the  motives  for  calling  him  forth  from  private  life, 
and  putting  him  forward  as  a  fit  representative  of  men.  then 
in  power,  whose  sentiments  and  feelings  fully  corresponded 
with  his  own. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1775,  he  was  elected  a  dele 
gate  to  the  second  congress,  whose  duty  it  became  to  make 
provision  for  the  defence  of  the  country  against  an  invasion, 
and  to  prepare  for  sustaining  a  war  with  Great  Britain,  which 
they  saw  was  inevitable  ;  and  which  must  be  sustained,  or 
the  people  must  seal  the  death  warrant  of  all  their  constitu 
tional  liberties  and  privileges. 

The  reluctance  on  the  part  of  Maryland,  to  renounce  all 
filial  connection  with  Great  Britain,  was  manifested  in  the 
instructions  which  their  legislative  council  gave  to  their  dele 
gates  in  congress,  even  after  independence  had  been  declared. 
The  following  clause  is  found  in  those  issued  by  the  Mary 
land  convention  to  their  delegates  in  congress,  after  they  had 
voted  for  and  signed  the  Declaration  of  American  Indepen. 
dence,  in  conformity  to  instructions  previously  issued  by  them. 
*  And  the  said  delegates,  or  any  three  or  more  of  them,  are 
12 


260  THOMAS  STONE, 

hereby  authorized  and  empowered,  notwithstanding  any  mea 
sures  heretofore  taken,  to  concur  with  the  congress,  or  a 
majority  of  them,  in  accommodating  our  unhappy  differ 
ences  with  Great  Britain,  on  such  terms  as  congress,  or  a 
majority  of  them  shall  think  proper." 

This  official  extract,  while  it  shows  the  fond  affection 
which  a  majority  of  the  leading  politicians  of  Maryland  still 
retained  for  the  mother  country,  serves  also  to  show  the  diffi 
culties  and  embarrassments  which  her  delegates  in  congress 
had  to  encounter  and  overcome,  in  proceeding  to  discharge 
their  duty  with  a  good  conscience,  according  to  their  own 
views  of  sound  wisdom,  and  true  patriotism.  All  these  em 
barrassments  Mr.  Stone  and  his  colleagues  had  to  meet  and 
remove. 

The  feelings  of  the  people  of  that  colony  were,  however, 
somewhat  shaken  by  the  example  of  Virginia  on  one  side,  and 
Pennsylvania  on  the  other  ;  and  in  June,  1776,  she  was  con 
strained  to  recall  the  instructions  which  she  had  given,  and 
reiterated  to  her  delegates  in  congress,  by  which  they  were 
emphatically  prohibited  from  favoring  any  and  every  measure 
congress  might  agitate,  tending  to  widen  the  breach  already 
existing  between  the  colonies  and  the  parent  government ; 
and  more  especially  enjoined  them  to  oppose  any  proposition 
for  declaring  the  colonies  independent.  Accordingly  new 
instructions  were  issued,  while  the  subject  was  under  discus 
sion  by  congress,  on  the  resolution  introduced  for  that  pur 
pose,  by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia,  which  gave  the 
delegates  from  Maryland  full  permission  to  act  according  to 
the  sentiments  they  had  long  entertained  in  favor  of  it. 

On  the  day  on  which  the  vote  of  the  Maryland  delegates 
was  recorded  in  favor  of  independence,  they  were  re-elected 
by  the  same  convention  that  had  so  long  held  back,  and  ulti 
mately  consented  to  the  measure,  with  manifest  feelings  of 
regret. 

Mr.  Stone  does  not  appear,  by  the  journals  of  congress,  to 
have  been  a  very  prominent  member ;  yet  he  was  a  laborious 
and  useful  one.  He  acted  his  part  with  fidelity  and  industry 
on  various  committees  of  congress  ;  and  particularly,  he  was 
the  only  member  of  the  committee  for  arranging  and  report 
ing  .articles  for  a  confederated  government  from  that  state. 
This  committee  consisted  of  one  delegate  from  each  state  in 
the  union  ;  and  the  duty  they  had  to  perform  was  among  the 
most  difficult  and  arduous  that  was  ever  brought  before  the 
old  continental  congress.  So  many  opposing  views,  clashing 


MARYLAND.  261 

interests,  and  corresponding  feelings  of  partiality,  the  dele 
gates  from  the  different  sections  of  the  country  were  so  tena 
cious  of  protecting  their  own  local  interests,  with  so  little  sym 
pathy  and  regard  for  those  of  others,  that  it  was  extremely  dif 
ficult  to  form  any  system  of  government,  extending  the  power 
of  congress  over  the  united  colonies,  adequate  to  the  indis 
pensable  necessities  of  that  body,  for  prosecuting  the  war  to 
a  successful  result.  Indeed  it  was  almost  a  hopeless  effort, 
even  at  the  commencement ;  and  nothing  but  the  universal 
conviction  that  congress  could  not  proceed  without  such  an 
union,  would,  in  all  probility,  have  been  able  to  effect  it.  In 
the  existing  circumstances,  it  was  brought  forward,  and  re 
peatedly  discussed  and  reconsidered,  until  after  a  lapse  of 
several  months,  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  November,  1777,  it 
was  finally  agreed  to. 

Mr.  Stone  was  again  elected  a  member  of  congress  in 
1777.  Having  seen  the  confederation,  which  had  so  long 
occupied  him  and  his  colleagues,  finally  accepted  by  con 
gress,  at  the  close  of  the  period  of  service  for  which  he  was 
last  chosen,  he  retired  from  the  national  legislature,  declined 
a  re-election,  and  having  been  chosen  a  member  of  the  state 
legislature,  warmly  advocated  the  adoption,  by  that  body,  of 
the  confederation.  It  met  a  powerful  opposition  in  the  legis 
lative  council  of  Maryland,  in  which  they  persisted  until  1781, 
notwithstanding  the  eloquent  and  urgent  appeal  of  congress 
in  their  circular  to  the  several  state  legislatures,  pressing  on 
them,  in  the  most  forcible  manner,  the  necessity  of  its  re 
ceiving  their  immediate  acceptance. 

Although  it  appears  to  have  been  his  intention  to  withdraw 
wholly  from  congress,  at  the  time  he  declined  being  a  candi 
date  for  re-election,  yet  he  was  persuaded  to  represent  that 
state  once  more  under  the  confederation.  His  last  election 
to  that  assembly  was  in  1783.  He  was  present  to  witness 
that  interesting,  eventful,  and  solemn  scene,  the  resignation, 
by  General  Washington,  of  his  commission  to  congress,  after 
having  achieved  the  great  object  for  which  he  received  it. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1784,  he  was  president  of 
congress  pro  tempore ;  and,  according  to  usage,  had  he  not 
declined  a  re-election,  he  would,  in  all  probability,  have  been 
preferred  to  the  same  office  the  following  year.  But  his  na 
tive  modesty  appears  to  have  kept  him  from  aspiring  after 
official  distinction.  He  seems  to  have  had  no  other  ambition 
in  his  public  life,  than  to  perform  his  duty  to  his  constituents 


262  CHARLES  CARROLL, 

and  the  community  with  fidelity ;  and  to  merit  and  receive 
their  approbation. 

The  remainder  of  his  short  life  he  spent  in  the  active  du 
ties  of  his  profession,  at  Port  Tobacco,  the  place  of  his  resi 
dence.  He  seems  to  have  retained  his  popularity  with  his 
fellow  citizens  ;  as  in  1787,  they  proposed  him  for  a  member 
«f  that  ever  memorable  convention  which  met  in  Philadel 
phia,  to  form  the  new  constitution.  But  he  declined  the  ap 
pointment,  and  never  again  appeared  on  the  stage  of  public 
action,  for  in  the  autumn  of  1787,  he  closed  his  short,  but 
useful  life,  at  forty-two  years  of  age. 


CHARLES  CARROLL  OF  CARROLLTON. 

THIS  gentleman,  at  the  present  time  very  highly  distin 
guished  throughout  the  American  republic,  on  many  ac 
counts,  and  not  the  least,  as  being  the  only  surviving  signer 
of  the  Declaration  of  American  Independence,  is  descend 
ed  from  Irish  ancestry.  His  grandfather,  Daniel  Carroll,  a 
native  of  Littamourna,  in  Ireland,  was  a  clerk  in  England,  in 
the  office  of  Lord  Povvis,  in  the  reign  of  James  the  second ; 
but  he  left  England,  and  emigrated  to  America  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  seventeenth  century.  He  came  to  Maryland, 
under  the  patronage  of  Lord  Baltimore,  the  principal  paten 
tee  or  proprietor  of  that  colony,  and  was  appointed  as  his 
agent,  to  receive  his  rents,  and  also  as  judge  and  register  of 
the  land  office. 

Charles  Carroll,  the  son  of  Daniel,  and  the  father  of 
Charles,  of  Carrollton,  was  born  in  1702  ;  and  after  spending 
a  long  and  active  life,  he  died  at  the  age  of  eighty  years. 
His  son  Charles,  the  subject  of  this  notice,  now  universally 
called  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  was  born  on  the  twen 
tieth  of  September,  at  Annapolis,  Maryland,  in  the  year  1737. 
His  father  took  him  when  only  eight  years  old  to  France, 
and  placed  him  in  an  English  Jesuits'  college  at  St.  Omer's, 
*o  be  educated.  After  remaining  there  six  years,  he  went  to 
Rheims,  to  a  college  of  French  Jesuits,  to  pursue  his  studies 
in  that  seminary.  There  he  continued  but  one  year,  and 
then  was  removed  to  the  college  of  Louis  Le  Grand.  Here 
he  remained  two  years,  and  then  went  to  Bourges  to  study 


MARYLAND.  263 

law ;  and  at  the  termination  of  a  year's  residence  there,  h 
removed  to  Paris.  Here  he  continued  till  1757  ;  and  then 
left  France,  and  went  to  London,  to  study  law  in  England. 
For  this  purpose  he  took  apartments  in  the  Inner  Temple. 
From  England  he  returned  to  the  place  of  his  nativity  in 
17G5,  just  ahout  the  time  when  the  British  ministry  began  to 
promulgate  their  system  of  measures,  which  eventually  led 
to  the  independence  of  the  American  colonies. 

Soon  after  opposition  began  to  be  manifested  to  those  mea 
sures,  Mr.  Carroll  became  associated  with  the  persons  who  were 
afterwards  his  colleagues  in  congress,  in  openly  opposing  the 
claims  which  were  advanced  by  the  ministry,  and  advocated 
by  their  partizans  in  Maryland.  Messrs.  Chase,  Paca,  Stone, 
Dulany,  and  Carroll,  united  in  principle  and  spirit,  through  the 
press  successfully  contended  with,  and  ultimately  triumphed 
over  their  parlizan  adversaries,  by  the  force  of  sound  argu 
ments,  which  they  wielded  with  such  dexterity,  that  the  latter 
retired  from  the  field,  and  left  them  in  its  possession. 

Mr.  Carroll  was  eminently  distinguished  as  an  able  and  suc 
cessful  political  writer  in  1771-2,  when  an  attempt  was  made 
to  establish  the  fees  of  office  by  the  governor's  proclamation. 
This  measure  was  in  perfect  accordance  with  the  system 
which  had  been  adopted  in  England,  without  regard  to  the 
constitution  of  the  kingdom,  or  the  rights  of  the  colonists,  as 
members  of  the  British  nation.  The  attempt  met  with  de 
cided  oposition  at  the  threshold.  Mr.  Carroll  took  up  the  pen 
in  hostility  to  it ;  and  the  provincial  secretary  appeared  as 
his  antagonist.  Mr.  Carroll  triumphed.  Thus  the  great 
question  on  which  was  soon  after  suspended  the  American 
revolution,  "  the  right  to  tax  a  free  people  without  their 
consent,"  was  argued  and  settled  in  Maryland,  and  decided 
in  favor  of  the  colonial  doctrine.  Mr.  Carroll  had  written 
and  published,  under  the  signature  of  "  The  First  Citizen  ;" 
and  his  essays  were  so  convincing  to  the  people,  that,  on  the 
day  of  the  election  of  their  representatives  to  the  legislative 
assembly,  they  instructed  their  members,  "to  return  their 
hearty  thanks  to  the  First  Citizen,"  which  was  done  officially 
by  William  Paca  and  Matthew  Hammonds  through  the  me 
dium  of  the  newspapers,  that  being  their  only  channel  of 
communication  with  an  unknown  writer.  With  that  testimo 
nial  of  their  approbation,  so  strong  was  the  public  feeling  of 
obligation  to  the  writer,  that  as  soon  as  it  became  known  that 
Mr.  Carroll  was  the  writer  of  "  The  First  Citizen,"  great  num 
bers  of  people  went  in  a  body,  and  personally  returned  him 


264  CHARLES  CARROLL, 

their  thanks  for  the  services  he  had  rendered  them,  in  defen 
ding  their  rights  tgainst  the  exercise  of  illegal  power. 

Mr.  Carroll  was  now  elevated  to  the  summit  of  popular 
favor,  and  became  at  once  possessed  of  the  full  confidence 
of  the  friends  of  the  people's  rights,  throughout  the  province 
of  Maryland.  He  appeared  as  a  leader  of  the  opposition  to 
the  ministerial  claims  of  parliamentary  prerogative,  and  all 
their  corresponding  measures  in  1773—4-5  ;  and  in  all  his 
proceedings,  he  manifested  an  undaunted  spirit  and  unwearied 
activity.  Mr.  Carroll,  at  a  very  early  day  declared  to  Mr. 
Chase,  that  the  enemy,  although  silenced  by  argument,  would 
not  be  put  down  without  a  resort  to  arms.  Clearly  foresee, 
ing  that  result,  he  prepared  to  meet  the  approaching  conflict. 

The  bold  and  decided  sentiments  he  so  frankly  expressed 
on  all  occasions,  had  rendered  him  the  most  popular  leader 
in  the  province  ;  and  his  advice  and  counsel  were  sought  by 
the  people  with  great  avidity,  on  all  occasions  in  which  they 
felt  a  strong  interest.  One  instance,  which  will  show  the  ex 
tensive  influence  he  exercised  over  his  fellow  citizens,  is 
worthy  to  be  mentioned.  A  Mr.  Stewart  had  imported  a 
quantity  of  tea  into  Annapolis,  which  was  contrary  to  a  reso 
lution  of  the  delegates  of  Maryland,  passed  in  June,  1774. 
It  was  at  a  time  when  the  provincial  court  was  in  session, 
and  the  people,  in  a  considerable  number,  were  collected 
from  the  adjacent  counties  to  attend  it.  This  fact  being 
made  known,  they  became  quite  exasperated  ;  and  threatened 
violence  to  the  consignees  and  master  of  the  vessel,  and  de 
struction  to  the  cargo.  A  committee  of  the  delegates  imme 
diately  convened ;  and  to  prevent  disorderly  proceedings,  if 
practicable,  they  appointed  a  sub-committee  to  superintend 
the  unlading  of  the  vessel,  and  see  to  it  that  the  tea  was  not 
landed.  This  step,  however,  did  not  satisfy  the  multitude. 
Mr.  Stewart's  friends  applied  to  Mr.  Carroll  to  interpose 
his  influence  with  the  populace,  to  prevail  with  them  to  suffer 
the  unlading  to  proceed,  under  such  a  pledge,  that  the  tea 
should  not  be  landed.  But  it  would  not  avail.  Mr.  Carroll 
perceived  the  strength  of  feeling  which  was  excited  by  reason 
of  the  importation,  and  told  those  friends,  that  however  highly 
he  might  personally  esteem  Mr.  Stewart,  and  whatever  might 
be  his  wish  to  prevent  the  people  from  resorting  to  violent 
measures,  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  to  protect  Mr. 
Stewart,  unless  he  would  consent  to  abandon  his  vessel,  and 
let  it  and  the  cargo  both  be  committed  to  the  flames.  To  that 
course  Mr.  Carroll  advised  ;  and  after  a  momentary  pause,  it 


MARYLAND.  265 

was  assented  to,  and  immediately  carried  into  execution,  with 
the  consent  of  Mr.  Stewart  the  owner. 

It  will  be  recollected,  that  at  the  commencement  of  the  re- 
volutionary  troubles,  many  committees  of  observation,^  vigi- 
lanco,  of  safety,  of  correspondence,  &e.  were  instituted  in 
the  several  provinces  ;  all  of  which  were  charged  with  duties 
of  high  responsibility.  In  1775,  Mr.  Carroll  was  appointed 
a  member  of  the  first  committee  of  observation  that  was  es 
tablished  in  Annapolis  ;  and  in  the  same  year,  he  was  chosen 
a  delegate  from  Anne-Arundel  county,  in  the  provincial  con 
vention. 

The  intense  interest  he  felt  in  the  proceedings  of  congress, 
induced  him  in  the  early  part  of  1776,  to  visit  Philadelphia  as 
a  spectator  of  their  deliberations,  and  to  learn  their  proposed 
measures.  His  character,  his  sentiments,  and  the  measures 
he  had  pursued  in  Maryland,  were  well  known  and  justly  es 
timated  by  congress  ;  and  although  he  was  not  one  of  their 
body,  congress  joined  him  with  Doctor  Franklin,  and  his  own 
friend  and  fellow  la-borer,  Samuel  Chase,  in  an  important 
mission  to  Canada.  The  object  of  that  unsuccessful  mission 
has  been  before  mentioned. 

He  returned  from  that  mission  to  Philadelphia,  after  Mr. 
Lee  had  introduced  before  congress  his  resolution  for  declar 
ing  independence,  and  when  the  important  subject  was  under 
discussion.  Feeling  the  vast  importance  of  having  that  reso 
lution  adopted  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  colonies,  and 
knowing  the  shackles  which  were  put  on  the  Maryland  dele 
gates,  by  the  prohibitory  instructions  from  the  convention 
of  Maryland,  which  still  remained  in  force,  Mr.  Carroll  re 
turned  to  his  native  province,  to  exert  himself  for  procuring 
their  removal.  This  object  being  accomplished,  and  new 
instructions  having  been  issued,  according  to  his  wishes,  he 
was  immediately  appointed  a  delegate  to  the  congress,  then 
deliberating  on  the  great  question.  With  these  instructions 
in  his  possession,  he  reached  Philadelphia  on  the  eighth  day 
of  the  memorable  July,  in  which  the  birth  of  American  inde 
pendence  took  place  ;  and  had  the  consummate  pleasure  of 
giving  to  it  his  sanction  and  his  signature. 

Mr.  Carroll  was  among  the  earliest  in  setting  his  name  to 
the  instrument,  after  it  was  prepared.  On  the  eighteenth  day 
of  July,  only  ten  days  after  he  took  his  seat  in  congress,  he 
was  appointed  a  member  of  the  "  board  of  war;"  which  office 
he  held  during  his  continuance  in  congress. 

Although  the  convention  of  Maryland  had  appointed  him  a 
23 


266  CHARLES  CARROLL, 

delegate  to  congress,  and  he  was  an  acting  member  of  that 
body,  Mr.  Carroll  still  retained  his  seat  in  that  convention, 
and  all  the  time  he  could  be  spared  from  the  former,  he  devo 
ted  to  the  business  of  the  latter,  by  his  personal  attendance. 
In  this  year  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  convention  for 
framing  a  constitution  of  government  for  the  newly  formed  in- 
dependent  state  of  Maryland  ;  and  after  it  was  adopted,  he 
was  in  the  same  year,  chosen  a  member  of  the  state  senate. 
Thus  the  honors  of  the  state  were  bestowed  on  him  bounte 
ously  by  a  grateful  people,  who  now  began  to  realize  the  mag- 
nitude  of  the  services  he  had  rendered  them. 

Early  in  1777,  he  was  re-appointed  to  a  seat  in  the  con 
gress,  where  his  services  had  been  so  truly  patriotic  and  bene 
ficial  ;  and  he  continued  to  hold  his  seat  until  1778,  when  he 
relinquished  it.  He  was  again  chosen  to  the  senate  of  Mary 
land  in  1781  ;  and  after  the  federal  government  was  estab 
lished  by  an  adoption  of  the  new  constitution  of  the  United 
States,  in  1788,  in  the  month  of  December  he  was  appointed 
a  member  of  the  first  United  States  senate,  for  the  state  of 
Maryland. 

At  the  balloting  for  classing  the  senators,  which  look  place 
at  the  first  session  of  the  first  congress,  Mr.  Carroll  fell  into 
the  first  class  ;  and  his  term  of  service  closed  at  the  end  of  the 
first  two  years.  In  May,  1791,  he  was  chosen  into  the  senate 
of  Maryland.  Of  this  body  he  continued  a  member,  until 
1801,  at  which  time  he  was  left  out  by  a  revolution  of  the 
parties  in  the  state.  Thus  terminated  his  political  life.  From 
that  period  he  has  spent  his  time  in  the  happy  circle  of  his 
family,  in  domestic  tranquillity,  and  in  the  interchange  of 
kind  offices  among  his  fellow  citizens  ;  for  whose  benefit,  and 
for  that  of  posterity,  he  had  devoted  so  many  years  of  his 
life.  In  1801,  when  he  retired  from  public  employment,  he 
was  in  the  sixty-third  year  of  his  age.  He  is  the  last  sur 
viving  patriot  who  set  his  name  to  the  Declaration  of  Ameri 
can  Independence.  He  is  now  the  patriarch  of  the  United 
States. 

He  is  at  this  time  the  only  connecting  link  of  the  political 
ghain  which  unites  the  past  with  the  future,  in  the  United 
States.  He  is  justly  venerated,  and  respected  by  the  existing 
generation,  and  he  will  be  honored  and  revered  by  all  suc 
ceeding  generations. 


VIRGINIA.  267 


VIRGINIA. 


GEORGE  WYTHE. 

GEOUGE  WYTHE  was  a  native  of  Virginia.  He  was  born 
n  1726,  in  the  county  of  Elizabeth.  On  the  decease  of  his 
father,  who  was  a  wealthy  farmer,  he  came  into  possession 
of  an  ample  estate,  sufficient  to  render  him  independent. 

His  mother  was  a  woman  of  superior  intellect  and  acquire 
ments,  and  she  took  much  pains  to  have  him  well  instructed. 
All  the  education  he  derived  from  schools,  amounted  only  to 
reading  and  writing  his  native  language,  with  but  a  slight  ac 
quaintance  with  the  rules  of  common  arithmetic.  But  his 
mother,  who  was  well  instructed  in  the  Latin  language,  took 
on  herself  the  instruction  of  her  son,  and  aided  him  much  in 
acquiring  a  knowledge  of  both  the  Latin  and  Greek.  He  lost 
both  of  his  parents  by  death,  before  he  had  reached  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  and  was  left  to  his  own  guidance,  in  possession 
of  pecuniary  means  sufficient  for  indulging  all  his  desires  for 
worldly  pleasure  and  amusement,  which  unrestrained  youth 
are  too  prone  to  pursue.  After  the  decease  of  his  mother, 
he  gave  way  to  the  seductions  of  pleasure,  laid  aside  study, 
and  devoted  several  years  to  amusement  and  dissipation. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  years,  however,  he  seems  to  have 
come  to  sober  reflection,  for  at  about  the  age  of  thirty,  he 
withdrew  himself  from  his  gay  associates,  relinquished  hi? 
levities,  and  returned  to  his  studies  with  a  zeal  and  applica 
tion,  which  prepared  him  for  the  distinguished  honor  and  use 
fulness  to  which  he  afterwards  obtained.  This  assiduous 
application  he  continued  to  the  end  of  his  life.  He  did  not 
cease  to  lament  the  misimprovemerit  of  his  early  years,  even 
in  his  old  age,  and  he  always  viewed  the  time  he  spent  in 
pleasure,  not  only  as  a  heavy,  but  an  irreparable  loss. 

Having  by  his  own  efforts  acquired  a  preparatory  educa 
tion,  superior  to  that  of  many  who  enjoy  better  advantages 
than  he  did,  he  commenced  the  study  of  law,  under  the  in 
struction  of  Mr.  John  Jones,  a  distinguished  lawyer  in  theeo. 
lony.  Soon  after  his  admission  to  the  bar,  he  rose  rapidly  to 


268  GEORGE  WYTHE, 

the  head  of  the  profession  in  the  county  where  he  resided.  In 
his  practice,  Mr.  Wythe  uniformly  observed  a  course  of  con 
duct  worthy  of  universal  imitation.  He  would  never  know- 
ingly  engage  in  an  unjust  or  unrighteous  cause.  His  integ 
rity,  and  his  strict  attention  to  business  were  such,  as  in 
spired  the  community  with  the  fullest  confidence  in  his 
character,  and  he  rose  rapidly  in  his  profession.  He  was 
highly  distinguished  for  his  learning,  and  for  the  purity  and 
correctness  of  his  conduct  in  his  profession  ;  and  when  on  the 
recommendation  of  congress,  Virginia  organized  a  govern 
ment  for  herself,  Mr.  Wythe  was  appointed  chancellor  of  the 
state,  which  was  the  first  judicial  office  in  the  gift  of  the 
state.  That  office  he  held,  and  the  duties  of  it  he  discharged, 
with  strict  justice  and  impartiality  to  the  end  of  his  life. 

He  was  called  early  by  his  fellow  citizens,  to  a  seat  in  the 
house  of  burgesses  ;  in  which  he  continued  by  periodical  re- 
elections  till  near  the  commencement  of  the  American  revo 
lution.  In  the  legislative  hall  he  was  associated  with  some 
of  the  first  men  and  most  ardent  patriots  of  Virginia.  It  will  be 
sufficient  to  name  Messrs.  Lee,  Hanson,  Peyton  Randolph, 
Pendleton,  Bland,  and  Henry.  He  was  of  a  kindred  spirit 
in  politics  with  them ;  and  he  enjoyed,  as  he  fully  deserved, 
their  confidence  and  esteem. 

That  system  of  oppressive  measures,  which  the  British 
ministry  intended  to  pursue  relative  to  the  American  colonies, 
of  which  the  "  Stamp  act"  was  the  leader,  found  a  decided 
and  resolute  opposer  in  George  Wythe,  in  connection  with 
his  no  less  resolute  and  decided  associate  fellow  patriots  in 
Virginia.  With  them  he  continued  a  stedfast  and  uniform 
opposition  in  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  to  the  encroachments 
of  the  British  parliament  on  the  rights  and  liberty  of  the  Ame 
rican  colonists,  until  their  perseverance  brought  forth  the 
great  crisis,  when  the  people  of  the  provinces,  finding  their 
oppression  no  longer  to  be  endured,  began  to  resort  to  arms 
in  their  own  defence.  At  that  memorable  juncture,  tylr 
Wythe  joined  a  volunteer  corps,  and  girded  on  his  armor,  pre 
pared  to  meet  in  the  field  the  hostile  invaders  of  his  country. 

In  1775  he  was  remanded  to  the  duties  of  legislation,  by  his 
confiding 'countrymen,  and  was  appointed  a  delegate  to  the  ge 
neral  congress  ;  of  which  he  continued  a  member  in  the  year 
following,  when  the  great  question  of  declaring  the  American 
colonies  free  and  independent  of  the  government  of  Great 
Britain,  was  introduced,  and  decided  in  the  affirmative.  This 
object,  which  had  been  contemplated  by  him,  received  his 


VIRGINIA.  269 

cordial  support ;   and  he  set  his  signature  to  it  with   much 
satisfaction. 

After  Virginia  had  formed  a  government  for  herself,  it  be- 
came  necessary  to  adapt  her  code  of  laws  to  the  new  political 
condition  in  which  she  was  now  placed,  as  an  independent 
state.  A  revision  of  the  laws  became  necessary ;  and  for 
this  important  purpose  a  committee  was  appointed  ;  one  of 
which  was  Mr.  Wythe.  His  acting  colleagues  were  Jeffer 
son  and  Pendleton. 

At  that  time,  when  the  country  demanded  the  active  em- 
ployment  of  all  the  best  talents  it  contained,  Mr.  Wythe  was 
kept  constantly  employed  in  some  public  business  of  impor 
tance.  In  1777,  he  was  chosen  speaker  of  the  house  of  bur 
gesses  ;  and  the  same  year,  he  was  elevated  to  a  high  judiciary 
station,  one  of  the  three  judges  of  the  high  court  of  chancery 
A.nd  when  that  court  was  organized  anew,  he  was  constituted 
sole  judge.  In  that  character  he  occupied  the  bench  more 
than  twenty  years,  with  the  full  approbation  of  the  community. 
While  in  that  station  he  was  called  to  give  the  first  decision 
on  the  great  question,  whether  debts  contracted  by  persons  in 
the  United  States,  to  men  in  Great  Britain,  previously  to  the 
revolution,  were  recoverable  at  law.  Popular  feeling  was 
strong  against  it ;  and  the  excitement  was  extensive  in  Ame 
rica.  But  Chancellor  Wythe,  acting  with  uprightness,  having, 
after  a  thorough  investigation,  satisfied  his  mind  that  they 
were  recoverable,  decided  the  question,  with  an  independence 
which  is  highly  creditable  to  his  firmness  and  integrity. 

In  addition  to  his  judicial  office,  he  held  for  a  season  the 
office  of  professor  of  law  in  the  college  of  William  and  Mary  ; 
but  on  his  removal  to  Richmond,  he  resigned  it,  finding  it  in 
compatible  with  his  other  duties. 

In  1786,  he  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  convention  for 
forming  the  new  constitution  of  the  United  States.  In  1788, 
he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  state  convention,  assembled 
to  consider  the  question  of  adopting  or  rejecting  that  consti 
tution,  After  its  adoption,  and  the  government  had  gone  into 
operation,  he  was  twice  chosen  an  elector  of  a  president  of 
the  United  States. 

His  was  the  singular  honor  of  having  been  the  law  in 
structor  of  two  presidents  and  one  chief  justice  of  the  United 
States. 

Notwithstanding  all  his  public  occupations,  he  instituted 
a  private  school,  which  he  instructed  personally,  free  for 
those  who  attended  it ;  as  he  demanded  no  compensation  for 

23* 


*/0          GEORGE  WYTHE, 

his  services.  He  took  also  a  favorite  young  negro  boy,  and 
instructed  him  to  some  extent  in  the  Latin  and  Greek  lan 
guages,  intending  to  give  him  a  literary  education ;  but  he 
died  a  short  time  before  his  benefactor. 

Mr.  Wythe,  like  several  of  his  fellow  laborers  in  the  cause 
of  his  country,  and  of  civil  liberty,  rose  from  obscurity  to  high 
literary,  political,  and  professional  eminence,  by  his  own  reso 
lute  and  persevering  exertions,  with  but  little  collateral  assist 
ance.  He  resolved  to  rise  to  distinction  ;  and  he  accomplished 
his  purpose.  And  this  he  effected  by  adopting  and  pursuing, 
with  untiring  perseverance,  a  course  of  application  to  study 
of  integrity,  and  impartiality  in  business,  of  virtuous  moral 
deportment  among  men,  and  an  undeviating  and  inflexible 
adherence  to  what  he  believed  was  right. 

His  death  occurred  on  the  8th  day  of  June,  1808,  and  was 
undoubtedly  occasioned  by  poison,  administered  by  some 
person  in  a  portion  of  his  food.  Suspicion  fell  strongly  on  a 
person  nearly  related  to  him  ;  but  he  was  acquitted  by  a  jury. 
He  was  in  his  eighty-first  year  when  this  melancholy  event 
took  place. 

During  his  life  he  gave  freedom  to  his  slaves,  and  furnished 
them  with  the  necessary  means  of  support  until  they  could 
provide  for  themselves  ;  and  in  his  will,  he  made  provision 
for  the  support  of  a  man,  woman,  and  child,  whom  he  had 
manumitted  during  their  lives.  The  boy  fell  a  victim  to  the 
same  poisoned  food  which  caused  his  master's  decease,  and 
died  a  short  time  before  him. 

Mr.  Wythe  was  twice  married.  His  first  wife  was  a  daugh 
ter  of  his  preceptor,  Mr.  Jones.  He  had  but  one  child,  who 
died  young.  He  left  no  offspring  to  survive  him. 

The  character  of  Mr.  Wythe  was,  and  still  is,  much  vene 
rated  ;  and  his  violent  death  justly  lamented  hy  his  surviving 
friends  and  fellow  citizens,  to  whom  he  had  been  a  public 
benefactor. 


RICHARD  HENRY  LEE. 

IF  a  lineal  descent  from  ancestors,  who  through  successive 
generations  were  distinguished  by  rank  and  office,  both  hon 
orable  and  lucrative,  can  confer  gratification  to  the  feelings 
of  a  republican,  no  man  can  justly  claim  more,  than  Richard 


VIRGINIA.  271 

Henry  Lee  was  entitled  to  assume.  The  family  from  which 
he  was  descended  was  highly  distinguished,  in  that  respect, 
even  among  those  which  claimed  distinction  in  Virginia,  the 
place  of  his  birth.  But  he  seems  not  to  have  partaken  of  the 
feeling  of  superiority  so  common  among  men.  He  was  truly 
a  republican. 

Richard  Henry  Lee  was  born  in  the  county  of  Westmore 
land,  in  the  colony  of  Virginia,  on  the  twentieth  day  of  Janu 
ary,  1732. 

When  he  had  reached  a  suitable  age,  according  to  the 
prevailing  fashion  at  that  period  of  the  colonial  history, 
among  gentlemen  of  affluence  in  the  southern  colonies,  his 
father  sent  him  to  England  to  obtain  his  education.  He  placed 
him  at  Wakefield,  in  Yorkshire,  at  a  flourishing  school,  in 
which  he  could  have  all  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from 
the  refined  society  of  the  town,  combined  with  the  simple 
manners  and  economical  habits  of  the  country.  The  leading 
object  which  he  seems  to  have  contemplated  in  acquiring  his 
education,  was  to  possess  himself  of  those  branches  of  ele 
gant  literature  and  useful  science,  which  comprise  the  educa 
tion  of  a  gentleman,  who  had  no  particular  profession  in  view. 

History,  especially  that  of  ancient  republics,  engaged  much 
of  his  attention.  By  an  acquaintance  with  it,  he  became 
attached  to  civil  liberty  in  his  youth ;  an  attachment  which 
increased,  as  he  advanced  in  years  and  in  maturity  of  under 
standing  and  judgment,  even  to  the  end  of  his  life. 

He  left  his  school  in  England,  and  returned  to  Virginia, 
before  he  had  completed  his  nineteenth  year.  There  he 
applied  himself  assiduously  to  literary  pursuits,  the  results  of 
which  are  still  in  being.  They  are  contained  in  manuscripts 
of  considerable  size,  in  which  he  systematized  his  views  of 
ethics,  and  the  philosophy  of  history,  which  he  gathered 
from  reading,  or  were  suggested  by  his  own  reflections. 

The  first  that  we  hear  of  him  in  public  employment,  was 
at  the  time  when  General  Braddock  arrived  from  England, 
and  summoned  the  governors  of  the  colonies  to  assemble  in 
Alexandria,  in  Virginia,  to  confer  on  what  means  should  be 
adopted  and  applied  for  the  public  safety,  at  that  time 
threatened  by  the  French  and  Indians,  particularly  on  the 
western  frontier  settlements.  Mr.  Lee  was  then  at  the  head 
of  the  troops  of  the  county  of  Westmoreland  ;  and  those  he 
led  to  Alexandria,  and  tendered  his  services  to  General  Brad- 
dock,  together  with  those  gallant  volunteers  who  comprised 
the  band  which  he  commanded,  for  the  service  of  his  coun- 


272  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 

try.  But  as  that  proud  officer  could  not  conceive  that  the  aid 
of  the  provincials  was  necessary,  for  such  a  disciplined  force 
as  he  had  brought  with  him  from  England,  Mr.  Lee  with 
his  troops  returned  to  his  home  ;  while  Braddock  paid  the 
price  of  his  presumption,  by  the  loss  of  his  own  life  and  the 
destruction  of  his  army. 

Before  Mr.  Lee  had  reached  the  age  of  twenty-five  years, 
he  had  established  such  a  character  for  integrity,  knowledge, 
and  influence,  in  the  community  where  he  resided,  that  num 
bers  on  their  dying  beds,  or  when  contemplating  their  ap 
proach  to  the  close  of  life,  in  their  solicitude  for  the  welfare 
of  their  surviving  children,  selected  him  for  their  guardian 
and  protector. 

When  he  was  but  twenty-five  years  old,  in  concurrence 
with  the  wishes  of  the  people,  he  was  appointed  a  justice  of 
the  peace  for  the  county,  by  the  royal  governor ;  and  in  the 
same  year,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  house  of  burges 
ses.  At  that  early  age,  the  other  magistrates  united  in  a 
petition  to  the  governor,  that  Mr.  Lee's  commission  might  be 
so  dated,  as  to  obviate  some  existing  impediment  to  his  being 
chosen  president  of  the  court,  which  could  not  be  legally  done 
without  such  a  measure.  This  fact  serves  to  show  the  confi 
dence  they  entertained  in  his  fitness  for  the  station,  at  that 
early  period  of  life. 

Diffidence  prevented  him  from  appearing*  in  public  debate 
for  a  considerable  time,  and  kept  him  from  displaying  his 
powers  of  oratory,  which  at  an  after  period  he  exercised 
with  such  power  and  effect,  both  in  that  house  and  in  con 
gress,  as  gained  for  him  the  appellation  of  the  Cicero  of 
America.  But  happily  he  was  excited  to  shake  off  that  dif 
fidence,  and  come  forward  with  all  his  native  force,  and  an 
elegance  of  manner,  for  which  he  was  afterwards  so  highly 
distinguished.  The  first  debate  in  which  he  took  an  active 
part,  was  on  the  limitation  of  slavery.  The  immediate  ob 
ject  of  the  resolution  proposed,  and  which  engaged  all  his 
heart  and  exertions  in  its  behalf,  was  "  to  lay  so  heavy  a  duty 
on  the  importation  of  slaves,  as  effectually  'to  stop  that  dis 
graceful  traffic." 

On  this  subject  he  addressed  the  speaker  in  a  speech,  which 
astonished  the  audience,  and  gave  an  earnest  of  the  eloquence 
in  debate,  which  afterwards  attended  him  through  his  public 
life. 

There  was  another  occasion  which  called  him  forth  in  the 
same  body,  in  which  he  evinced  his  integrity  and  fearless 


VIRGINIA.  273 

ness  in  performing  his  duty  for  the  public  benefit,  against  a 
formidable  opposition,  before  which  others  had  shrunk,  the 
odds  being  fearfully  against  them  at  the  outset.  The  opposi 
tion  consisted  of  men  of  dissolute  morals,  who  had  dissipated 
their  estates,  yet  affecting  the  show  of  wealth,  haughtily  look 
ed  down  on  what  they  termed  "  the  lower  classes  of  society," 
and  asserted  that  the  mass  of  the  people  were  incompe 
tent  to  manage  their  own  concerns  ;  and  the  right  of  govern 
ing  was  limited  to  but  a  few,  who  possessed  the  requisite 
qualities  for  performing  the  duty.  Their  income  did  not 
meet  their  expenses,  which  were  incurred  by  an  extrava 
gant  style  of  living,  which  they  could  not  afford.  They  had 
too  much  pride  to  conform  to  their  circumstances ;  and  to 
supply  the  deficiency,  resorted  to  borrowing.  In  the  house 
of  burgesses,  they  on  all  occasions  voted  with  the  adminis 
tration.  Many  of  these  had  borrowed  large  sums  of  Mr. 
Robinson,  the  colonial  treasurer.  He  was  of  a  very  obliging 
and  accommodating  disposition,  a  gentleman  in  his  manners; 
and  was  also  the  leader  of  the  aristocratic  party  in  Virginia. 
He  lent  to  them  until  his  private  funds  were  exhausted  ;  and 
he  unfortunately  loaned  to  them  redeemed  treasury  bills, 
which  his  duty  enjoined,  and  fidelity  required  him  to  destroy, 
to  secure  the  public  against  a  loss. 

The  treasurer  felt  that  he  was  strongly  fortified  against  the 
consequences  of  an  investigation,  by  the  members  whom  he 
had  accommodated,  who  were  pledged  to  defend  him  should 
he  be  prosecuted.  He  felt  secure  of  a  majority  who  would 
sustain  him  by  their  vote  ;  and  if  he  should  be  arraigned,  and 
not  convicted,  whoever  undertook  the  labor,  would  be 
come  an  object  of  public  odium,  and  must  sink  under  the  bur 
then  which  would  be  cast  upon  him.  Hence,  no  one  was  found 
adventurous  enough  to  encounter  the  opposition  he  must 
meet,  but  Richard  Henry  Lee,  though  all  were  convinced  of 
its  necessity.  But  he,  regardless  of  the  consequences  to 
himself,  with  a  moral  courage  worthy  of  his  character,  entered 
on  the  prosecution  of  the  delinquent  treasurer ;  nor  did  he 
desist  from  the  pursuit,  until  he  had  finished  the  business, 
which  his  public  duty  required  at  his  hands.  The  magna 
nimity,  decision,  and  address,  which  he  manifested  on  that 
occasion,  and  the  success  which  crowned  his  efforts,  notwith 
standing  the  formidable  opposition  he  had  to  encounter,  placed 
him  on  a  high  and  commanding  eminence  in  the  republican 
party,  and  acquired  for  him  the  gratitude  of  the  community 
whom  he  had  saved  from  suffering  a  severe  loss 


274  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 

It  is  needless  to  recapitulate  in  this  place,  the  causes  which 
led  to,  and  terminated  in  the  separation  of  the  British  colo 
nies  from  their  parent  government.  It  has  been  often  done, 
in  this  series  of  memoirs,  and  they  operated  in  a  similar  man 
ner  on  the  minds  of  the  leading  patriots,  at  nearly  the  same 
moment,  in  every  part  of  the  country.  Mr.  Lee  was  among 
the  foremost  in  observing  them,  in  detecting  their  consequen 
ces,  if  they  were  not  successfully  opposed,  and  in  sounding 
the  alarm  among  his  countrymen. 

He  organized  the  first  association  which  existed  in  Vir 
ginia,  for  opposing  British  oppression  in  that  colony.  It  was 
in  direct  hostility  to  an  execution  of  the  duties  enjoined  Vy  the 
celebrated  "  Stamp  act."  There  was  at  that  time  an  open 
and  avowed  party  in  Virginia,  of  great  power  and  influence 
It  was  odious  to  his  feelings  ;  and  he  determined  to  com 
mence  an  attack  upon  it,  with  a  view  to  its  ultimate  prostra 
tion,  and  thus  do  away  the  distinction  that  was  continually 
maintained  between  the  wealthy  inhabitants  and  the  commor 
people.  To  some  extent  he  accomplished  his  purpose.  He 
had  united  with  him,  in  spirit  and  in  purpose,  the  celebrated 
Patrick  Henry.  They  were  unlike  in  their  manner,  but  for 
mutual  aids,  none  perhaps  were  ever  better  associated.  They 
may,  in  one  point  of  view,  be 'happily  compared  to  Luther 
and  Melanchton.  Mr.  Henry's  eloquence  had  the  majesty 
and  overwhelming  force  of  a  storm,  which  shook  every  thing 
within  its  sweep.  His  opponents  trembled  when  he  rose,  anc 
feared  that  the  first  flash  of  his  fire  would  strike  them  pros- 
trate.  Mr.  Lee  met  them  without  any  threatening  aspect 
while  his  sweet  sounding  eloquence  fell  on  them  like  a  gentle 
shower,  and  animated  their  feelings,  and  revived  their  des 
ponding  spirits,  till  a  new  aspect  was  given  to  all  who  heard 
him.  They  were  not  only  formidable,  but  irresistible,  when 
they  united  in  an  attack  upon  their  opponents. 

Richard  Henry  Lee,  was  the  first  man  in  Virginia,  who 
stepped  forward  in  open  opposition  to  an  execution  of  the 
"  Stamp  act."  The  patricians  generally  were  strongly  pre 
disposed  to  support  the  authority  and  measures  of  the  British 
ministry,  towards  the  American  colonies.  Mr.  Lee  for  a 
time  stood  almost  single  handed,  in  opposing  them.  Ana 
those  who  favored  the  cause  generally,  by  reason  of  constitu 
tional  timidity,  or  some  other  cause,  hesitated  about  the  mea. 
sures  to  be  adopted,  and  fell  far  behind  him  in  spirit  and  firm 
ness.  But  nothing  daunted  by  the  opposing  force,  he  perse 
vered  until  he  broke  their  ranks,  and  scattered  their  forces. 


VIRGINIA.  275 

The  merit  of  having  first  proposed  "  committees  of  corres 
pondence,"  which  had  such  a  powerful  and  favorable  influence 
in  preparing  the  people  to  resist  the  British,  and  finally  for  the 
revolutionary  conflict — Virginia  or  Massachusetts,  has  been 
claimed  both  for  the  convention  of  Massachusetts,  and  that  ot 
Virginia;  and  the  fact  appears  to  be,  that  both  bodies  con 
ceived  the  project  about  the  same  time.  But  letters,  now  in 
being,  show  that  the  proposal  had  been  made  by  Mr.  Lee  to 
gentlemen  both  north  and  south  of  Virginia,  several  years 
before  any  measure  of  the  kind  had  been  suggested  by  any 
other  man  in  the  country.  The  proposals  for  the  measure, 
in  the  legislative  bodies  in  those  two  colonies,  were  as  late  as 
1773,  whereas  the  letter  of  Mr.  Lee  to  Mr.  Dickinson,  of 
Pennsylvania,  is  dated  the  twenty-fifth  of  July,  1768. 

The  situation  of  Mr.  Lee  was  singularly  favorable  for  ob 
taining  early  information  of  what  was  doing  in  England, 
which  peculiarly  interested  the  colonies ;  and  this  is,  proba 
bly,  one  reason  why  he  became  one  of  the  most  forward  of 
the  leaders  in  that  early  period.  His  brother,  Doctor  Arthur 
Lee,  who  was  a  distinguished  literary  character,  was  at  that 
time  in  Great  Britain,  and  spent  much  of  his  time  in  Lon-* 
don.  He  associated  with  a  number  of  eminent  civilians  and 
statesmen,  and  with  several  of  both  classes,  of  those  who 
were  friendly  to  the  American  colonies,  on  terms  of  intimacy. 
He  kept  up  a  constant  correspondence  with  his  brother,  in 
which  he  furnished  him  with  the  earliest  political  intelligence 
of  parliamentary  projects  and  proceedings,  relating  to  the 
colonies,  that  he  could  obtain.  Mr.  Lee  had  watched  their 
progress  with  a  cautious  vigilance,  partaking  in  some  de 
gree  of  jealousy,  from  the  time  of  his  return  from  his 
school.  His  suspicion,  which  was  awakened  in  his  youth, 
was  continually  on  the  alert  to  detect  the  designs  of  the 
ministry  upon  his  native  land  ;  always  anticipating  such  a 
design,  when  their  measures  assumed  the  most  plausible  and 
conciliating  aspect.  Hence,  when  the  law  repealing  the 
"  Stamp  act"  arrived,  and  furnished  such  universal  congratu 
lation  throughout  the  colonies,  the  pleasure  he  derived  from  that 
source,  was  diminished  by  the  clause  which  accompanied  it, 
declaring  the  right  of  parliament  to  bind  the  colonies.  His 
knowledge  of  the  British  constitution  was  too  clear  and  cor 
rect,  to  suffer  him  to  assent  to  that  principle  ;  and  his  love 
of  his  native  country,  and  his  attachment  to  civil  liberty  and 
the  principles  of  republicanism,  too  ardent  and  unbending,  to 
admit  of  his  assenting  to  such  a  claim,  by  parliament,  or  any 


276  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 

other  power,  in  which  his  country  was  not  duly  represented. 
Doctor  Lee  being  on  the  ground,  and  associating  with  lead> 
ing  men  of  all  parties,  in  parliament  and  out  of  it,  was  fur 
nished  with  the  best  means  for  obtaining  information  ;  and 
his  love  of  freedom,  and  of  his  own  country,  induced  him  to 
watch  the  course  of  the  British  cabinet,  that  he  might  be  able 
to  communicate  early  and  correct  information  to  his  brother, 
of  what  might  be  expected,  for  the  benefit  of  his  countrymen. 
The  correctness  of  his  opinions  may  be  estimated  by  those 
communications.  The  facts  and  opinions  thus  conveyed  to 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  left  no  room  for  doubt  on  his  mind,  as 
to  the  proper  course  to  be  pursued  by  the  colonies,  if  they 
did  not  intend  to  submit  to  a  state  of  bondage  to  Great  Bri 
tain,  and  patiently  wear  the  chains  which  the  English  cabinet 
was  forging  to  secure  their  obedience.  He,  therefore,  feel 
ing  determined  on  resistance  himself,  at  all  hazards,  was 
abundant  in  labors  and  efforts,  to  enlighten  his  countrymen 
on  their  condition,  and  future  prospects ;  and  to  prepare  their 
minds,  and  rouse  their  patriotic  love  of  liberty,  to  meet  the 
shock,  whenever  the  gathering  storm  might  burst  upon  them. 
To  effect  this  important  object,  he  exerted  himself  in  every 
way  he  could  devise.  As  a  member  of  the  house  of  bur 
gesses  in  Virginia,  he  brought  the  claim  of  parliament  to  bind 
the  colonies  Sefore  that  body,  in  resolutions,  in  which  he 
expressed  his  sentiments  of  opposition  in  strong  and  explicit 
terms,  such  as  some  denominated  the  ebullitions  of  sedition, 
and  disloyal  madness.  He  also  corresponded  with  influential 
gentlemen  in  other  colonies,  published  his  sentiments  in  news 
papers,  and  conversed  with  his  fellow  citizens,  as  opportuni 
ties  presented.  Thus  it  was,  that  while  many  were  contem 
plating  the  independence  of  the  colonies  as  a  future  and 
contingent  event,  and  began  cautiously  to  speak  of  it  as  pos 
sible,  a  few  months  only  before  the  measure  was  irrevocably 
decided  by  congress,  Richard  Henry  Lee  had  long  had  his 
mind  prepared,  and  his  judgment  as  freely  decided,  as  at  the 
time  when  he  introduced  the  resolution  for  the  consideration 
of  congress  in  June,  1776. 

He  early  saw  the  importance  of  adopting  measures,  'to  di 
minish  the  commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain,  by 
abstaining  from  the  use  of  every  luxury  and  superfluity 
which  had  been  customarily  imported  from  thence  by  the  colo 
nial  merchants,  and  by  exertions  to  procure  all  the  necessa 
ries  of  life  from  the  productions  of  domestic  labor.  This  sys 
tem  he  began  to  practise  himself,  and  urged  upon  the  citizens 


VIRGINIA.  277 

of  his  county,  a  considerable  time  before  the  party  opposed  to 
royalty  in  Virginia  had  become  united,  or  resolute  enough 
to  meet  in  a  private  house,  and  recommend  such  a  measure 
to  their  fellow  citizens.  With  a  view  to  convince  the  people 
of  England  that  the  American  colonies  could,  and  if  urged 
to  do  it,  would  live  independently  of  that  nation,  he  had  manu 
factured  wine  from  the  native  grape  of  the  country ;  speci 
mens  of  which  he  sent  in  bottles,  to  several  of  his  friends  in 
Great  Britain,  "  to  testify  his  respect  and  gratitude  for  those 
who  had  shown  a  particular  kindness  to  Americans."  This 
wine,  he  assured  them,  was  the  produce  of  his  own  hills  ; 
and  he  gave  orders  to  his  merchant  in  London,  who  had  fur 
nished  his  supplies  heretofore,  not  to  send  him  any  articles 
on  which  parliament  had  imposed  a  duty  to  be  paid  by  Ame 
ricans.  This  he  did  prior  to  any  non-importation  agreement 
in  any  part  of  the  country ;  and  probably,  at  a  time  when  no 
other  individual  even  thought  of  such  a  measure. 

No  proceeding  of  parliament,  which  had  a  bearing  unfa 
vorable  to  the  liberties  of  his  country,  escaped  his  notice. 
No  event  took  place  in  the  colonies,  of  importance  to  their 
interests,  of  which  he  could  avail  himself  for  extending  his 
correspondence,  and  impressing  his  own  views  and  sentiments 
on  the  minds  of  others,  which  he  did  not  improve.  The 
burning  of  the  British  schooner  Gaspee,  in  Narragansett  Bay, 
about  this  period,  was  an  event  which  he  improved,  for  opening 
a  correspondence  with  that  influential  and  resolute  patriot, 
Samuel  Adams,  of  Boston.  While  others  were  speculating 
on  the  consequences  of  the  occurrence,  and  looking  with  me 
lancholy  forebodings  to  what  might  result  from  the  repre 
sentations  made  by  the  court  of  inquiry,  Mr.  Lee  sought  for 
correct  information  of  the  facts  relating  to  that  bold  and  da 
ring  enterprise. 

On  hearing  from  his  brother  in  London,  of  the  "  Boston 
port  bill,"  Mr.  Lee  immediately  drew  up  resolutions  to  offer 
to  the  consideration  of  the  house  of  burgesses,  which  evinced 
a  spirit  of  bold  determination,  that  excited  the  resentment  of 
the  royal  governor  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  immediately  dis 
solved  the  house,  before  he  had  an  opportunity  to  offer  them. 
This  step  of  regal  power  produced  good  to  the  cause  which 
Mr.  Lee  espoused,  and  contributed  to  strengthen  his  hands, 
by  concentrating  his  friends,  and  awakening  them  to  the  ne 
cessity  of  united,  resolute,  and  vigorous  effort.  Notwithstand 
ing  the  dissolution  of  the  house  by  the  governor,  the  patriotic 
members  assembled  voluntarily,  before  whom  he  laid  his  reso 

24 


278  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 

lutions  ;  one  of  which  recommended  the  calling  a  general  con 
gress.  This,  however,  was  too  strong  a  measure  for  the 
.feelings  of  a  majority.  They  thought  Mr.  Lee  rash,  and 
precipitate ;  and  they  chose  to  soften  it  down  many  degrees 
of  temperature.  Although  they  ultimately  came  to  the 
ground  where  he  then  stood,  yet  he;  and  a  few  others  who 
acted  with  him,  were  at  that  time,  far  in  advance  of  the  pa 
triotism  of  Virginia.  They  adjourned  to  meet  again  at  a  fu 
ture  day.  That  day  was' the  first  of  August,  1774.  The 
controversy  between  the  governor  and  his  adherents  on  the 
one  side,  and  the  patriotic  friends  of  the  people  on  the  other, 
was  becoming  more  open  and  spirited.  To  prevent  the  meet 
ing  by  adjournment  of  the  delegates  of  the  people,  on  the  first 
of  August,  the  governor  issued  his  writs  for  a  choice  of  re 
presentatives,  to  meet  on  the  eleventh  of  the  same  month.  But 
his  plan  did  not  succeed.  At  the  call  of  the  people,  without 
consulting  the  pleasure  of  the  governor,  many  of  the  most  dis 
tinguished  men  in  the  colony  came  together  on  the  day  of  ad 
journment,  to  compose  the  first  assembly  of  the  people  of 
Virginia,  that  ever  met  on  that  authority  alone.  The  die  was 
now  cast,  and  the  cause  which  he  had  been  so  long  contend 
ing  for,  was  now  won.  The  spirit  of  the  people  was  roused, 
and  their  tardy  time-serving  representatives,  who  had  been 
vacillating  .so  long,  were  replaced  by  others  of  a  less  timid 
disposition,  and  whose  spirit  and  fortitude  were  more  in  uni 
son  with  those  of  their  constituents. 

At  this  meeting  Mr.  Lee  introduced  his  favorite  plan  of 
choosing  delegates  to  meet  with  those  from  other  provinces, 
in  a  general  congress,  to  consult  on  measures  for  the  public 
good  ;  measures  in  which  all  the  people  were  deeply,  and  vi 
tally  interested.  Here  success  crowned  his  long  and  arduous 
efforts,  to  rouse  and  call  forth  the  energy  and  spirit  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  prepare  them  to  breast  the  storm  he  had  long  seen 
gathering,  and  which  there  was  too  much  reason  to  apprehend 
would  burst  upon  them,  while  they  were  slumbering  in  a  care 
less  security.  The  representatives  of  the  people  in  that  as 
sembly  did  awake.  The  result  was  that  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Patrick  Henry,  and  George  Washington,  were  elected  to  meet 
the  delegates  chosen  by  the  other  colonies,  in  a  general  con 
gress  in  Philadelphia,  on  the  fifth  day  of  September  of  that 
year.  When  the  day  arrived,  it  found  him  and  his  colleagues 
:«  the  floor,  actuated  by  all  that  noble  and  elevated  love  of 
country  and  civil  liberty,  and  impelled  by  all  that  zealous  and 


VIRGINIA.  279 

untiring  patriotism,  which  shone  forth  with  such  lustre  du 
ring  their  future  lives. 

The  meeting  of  the  first  congress  presented  a  scene,  unpre 
cedented  in  the  annals  of  this  or  any  other  country.  It  was 
new,  interesting,  and  solemn,  beyond  expression.  The  conse 
quences  which  might  result  from  it  were  momentous,  to  a  de 
gree  which  the  human  mind  cannot  easily  comprehend.  The 
responsibility  was  weighty  enough  to  bear  down  the  firmest 
and  most  resolute.  The  eyes  of  three  millions  of  people 
were  intently  fixed  on  them.  The  consequences  of  their 
determinations  would  vitally  affect  posterity  to  the  end  of 
time  ;  and  an  uncertainty  as  to  each  others  views,  pervaded 
the  whole  assembly. 

The  seals  were  successively  broken,  and  the  instructions 
of  the  several  delegations  disclosed.  When  the  last  seal  was 
broken  by  Mr.  Henry,  a  universal  silence  pervaded  the  house, 
anxiety  was  visible  in  every  countenance,  and  a  half  sup 
pressed  quiver  agitated  every  lip.  At  this  moment  Richard 
Henry  Lee  arose,  and  broke  the  portentous  silence.  He 
saw,  as  by  intuition,  that  the  feeling,  and  the  crisis,  were  such 
as  might  be  turned  to  good,  or  to  evil,  according  as  they 
might  be  improved  at  the  instant.  He  addressed  the  assembly 
with  a  voice  so  melodious,  a  language  so  persuasive,  and  sen 
timents  so  enlarged  and  just,  as  soothed,  though  they  did  not 
suppress  the  emotions  of  the  meeting  ;  and  when  with  the  most 
pleasing  and  convincing  eloquence,  he  declared  that  there 
was  but  one  hope  for  the  country,  and  that  was  in  the  vigor 
of  her  resistance.  Every  heart  beat  in  unison  with  the  senti 
ment,  and  was  prepared  to  enter  on  the  system  which  shoultf 
render  resistance  effectual.  Then  was  achieved  a  triumph, 
which  began  immediately  to  be  felt  through  the  American 
colonies. 

In  this  congress,  Mr.  Lee  was  placed  on  all  the  most,  im 
portant  committees,  and  associated  with  the  most  distinguished 
delegates  from  the  other  colonies.  It  cannot  be  necessary  to 
mention  them  in  detail.  It  was  here  that  the  extent  and  va 
riety  of  his  information,  were  manifested  in  his  extensive  in 
fluence  and  usefulness.  His  counsel  and  advice,  were  sought 
for  by  members  of  committees  with  which  he  was  not  con 
nected,  respecting  their  reports,  more  than  those  of  any  other 
member  of  the  house.  When  the  first  congress  adjourned 
in  the  twenty-sixth  day  of  October,  1774,  the  part  which 
Mr.  Lee  had  acted  in  that  body,  during  its  session ;  the  intel 
ligence  he  had  displayed  ;  the  spirit  he  had  manifested  ;  his  ac- 


280  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 

tivity  in  business  ;  the  straight  forward  course  he  pursued  ;  his 
devoted  patriotism,  strict,  honor,  and  unyielding  fidelity  ;  his 
elegance  of  manners,  and  his  persuasive  eloquence  ;  left  an 
impression  on  the  public  mind  respecting  his  character,  most 
honorable  to  his  talents,  and  truly  grateful  to  his  feelings.  It 
was  an  impression  which  any  man  might  desire  to  make,  but 
which  few  were  able  to  secure. 

Immediately  on  the  return  of  the  delegates  from  congress 
to  their  homes,  Mr.  Lee  and  Mr.  Henry  <were  elected  to  the 
legislature  of  Virginia.  Mr.  Lee  had  the  unanimous  vote  of 
his  fellow  citizens  of  the  county  of  Westmoreland.  In  that 
assembly  their  united  influence  had  become  paramount ;  and 
almost  any  measure  which  they  advocated,  the  members  were 
almost  prepared  to  carry  by  acclamation.  Mr.  Henry  intro 
duced  a  resolution  for  arming  the  militia  of  the  colony.  At 
first  it  met  with  opposition.  But  by  the  influence  of  their 
united  eloquence,  the  assembly  became  impatient  of  delay, 
and  the  measure  was  adopted  with  eagerness  ;  and  their  three 
delegates  to  congress,  with  some  others,  were  appointed  a 
committee  to  carry  it  into  effect. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  hostile  events  which  had  taken 
place  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  towards  the  colonies,  there 
were  not  a  few  timid  people,  who  still  cherished  a  hope  that 
a  reconciliation  with  the  mother  country  would  be  effected, 
and  peace  preserved.  This  undoubtedly,  was  thought  desi 
rable  by  a  large  proportion  of  the  people,  could  it  be  accom 
plished  on  just,  and  safe  principles.  Many  had  long  since 
relinquished  all  hope  respecting  it;  and  were  firmly  persuaded 
that  the  only  alternative  remaining  for  them  to  decide  was 
resistance,  or  absolute  submission.  About  the  time  when  the 
second  congress  convened,  all  expectation  of  the  restoration 
of  harmony  and  continued  peace,  had  departed  from  the  most 
fastidious  advocates  for  forbearance.  Timidity,  under  the 
influence  of  a  conviction  that  war  was  inevitable,  now  gave 
place  to  a  determined  spirit  of  resistance  ;  and  vigorous  prepa 
rations  to  meet  the  exigency  were  desired  by  all,  except  the 
adherents  to  the  royal  cause. 

Mr.  Lee  and  his  former  colleagues  were  delegated  to  the 
second  congress,  by  which  Washington  was  appointed  com 
mander  in  chief  of  the  American  armies  ;  and  his  commission 
and  instructions  were  drawn  up  by  Richard  Henry  Lee.  He 
was  appointed  to  provide  munitions  of  war,  to  promote  by 
judicious  encouragement  the  manufacture  of  arms,  and  salt 
petre,  for  the  manufacture  of  gunpowder,  of  both  which  the 


VIRGINIA.  281 

country  was  very  destitute  ;  and  to  devise  a  plan  for  a  rapid 
communication  of  intelligence  with  all  parts  of  the  country, 
indispensable  in  a  time  of  war.  In  these  important  duties 
he  was  not  alone  ;  but  congress,  discovering  his  superior  fit 
ness  for  the  purpose  availed  itself  of  his  distinguished  talents 
and  information,  for  maturing  plans,  and  urging  forward  their 
execution,  in  connection  with  others ;  and  in  performing  the 
duties  assigned  him,  his  labors  were  as  abundant,  as  they 
were  important. 

The  second  address  of  congress  to  the  people  of  Great 
Britain,  was  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Lee  ;  and  its  beauty,  force, 
and  elegance,  had  its  full  share  of  influence  in  calling  forth 
the  well  known  eulogy  of  the  great  Earl  of  Chatham,  which 
he  pronounced  in  the  British  parliament,  on  the  character  of 
the  American  congress,  displayed  in  their  state  papers.  A 
eulogy  honorable  alike  to  the  great  man  who  pronounced,  and 
the  great  men  who  were  the  subjects  of  it. 

The  royal  governor  of  Virginia  had  summoned  a  general 
assembly  of  the  burgesses  of  that  colony,  to  consider  of  the 
conciliatory  propositions  of  Lord  North,  by  which  he  hoped 
to  deceive,  and  divide  the  people  of  America.  A  recess  in 
congress  occurred  just  in  season  for  Mr.  Lee  to  be  present, 
w7hen  they  came  up  for  discussion.  He  was  amply  prepared 
to  expose  their  artful  sophistry,  and  by  tearing  off  the  mask, 
to  expose  their  insidiousness  in  all  its  deformity,  to  the  clear 
apprehension  of  the  people. 

After  the  lapse  of  a  short  recess,  which  furnished  Mr.  Lee 
with  no  relaxation  from  his  arduous  duties,  he  returned  to 
meet  congress,  which  assembled  again  on  the  thirteenth  of 
September,  1775.  Here  his  time,  talents,  and  attention 
were  incessantly  employed  in  all  the  most  important  measures 
which  devolved  on  that  assembly.  The  blood  of  Americans 
had  been  shed  by  the  British  soldiers  at  Lexington,  in  Massa 
chusetts,  and  the  cry  for  vengeance  which  was  sounded  aloud 
from  the  North  and  the  East ;  rolled  forward  in  every  direc 
tion,  and  was  echoed  and  responded  from  the  South  and  West, 
in  terms  which  portended  the  desperate  determination  of  the 
injured,  to  visit,  their  invaders  with  a  full  measure  of  merited 
retribution. 

Even  the  sluggish  patriotism  of  Georgia,  which  Lyman 
Hall  and  a  few  others,  had  been  trying  in  vain  to  arouse  to 
serious  alarm,  by  this  intelligence  was  kindled,  and  it  showed 
itself  for  the  first  time  in  the  attitude  of  resistance,  and  eager 
for  retaliation. 

24* 


282  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 

The  time  was  fast  approaching,  when  it  would  become  not 
only  expedient,  but  indispensable  for  congress  to  take  a  deci 
ded  step,  and  boldly  bid  defiance  to  the  enemy,  in  this  unna 
tural  conflict.  Hitherto  the  nations  of  Europe,  could  only 
look  on  the  struggling  colonies  with  feelings  of  sympathy  and 
commiseration.  However  well  disposed  they  might  be  to 
assist  them,  they  would  be  restrained  from  treating,  and  ne 
gotiating  alliances  with  colonies  in  rebellion  against  their 
legitimate  sovereign.  To  obviate  these  impediments  in  the 
way  of  obtaining  foreign  aid,  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that 
congress  should  renounce  the  allegiance  of  the  colonies  to  the 
jnnatural  parent,  and  declare  themselves  free.  Thus  step 
ping  forth  in  the  character  of  an  independent  nation,  they 
might  look  to  other  nations  for  the  aid  which  they  so  much 
aeeded  in  this  time  of  their  extremity. 

The  necessity  for  taking  this  decisive  step,  was  perceived 
tnd  felt,  and  widely  extended  through  the  country.  The 
legislature  of  Virginia  instructed  their  delegates  in  congress, 
to  urge  that  body  to  adopt  it  without  unnecessary  delay.  Con 
gress  felt  fully  impressed  with  its  indispensable  necessity ; 
and  Richard  Henry  Lee  was  designated  to  move  the  resolu 
tion.  Fully  aware  of  what  might  be  the  consequences  to 
himself,  if  the  issue  of  the  contest  proved  unsuccessful  to  the 
colonies,  relying  on  the  justice  of  the  cause  he  had  espoused, 
and  appealing  to  Him  who  is  the  great  and  righteous  arbiter 
between  nations,  he  put  his  life  into  his  hand,  and  on  the 
seventh  day  of  June,  1776,  introduced  a  resolution,  declaring 
"  That  these  united  colonies  are.,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free 
and  independent  states  ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegi 
ance  to  the  British  crown  ;  and  that  all  political  connection 
between  them,  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain,  is,  and  ought  to 
.be  totally  dissolved." 

On  the  day  when  this  resolution  was  postponed  till  the 
first  Monday  in  July,  an  express  reached  Philadelphia  from 
Mr.  Lee's  family,  announcing  that  the  sickness  of  some  of  its 
members  rendered  his  return  to  them  necessary.  He  imme 
diately  obtained  leave  to  retire  from  his  congressional  labors 
for  a  season,  and  returned  to  Virginia,  to  attend  to  the  duties 
which  the  condition  of  his  family  demanded.  This  providen 
tial  call  from  the  theatre  of  his  public  service,  furnishes  the 
reason  why  the  draught  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  not,  according  to  the  established  usage  at  that  time,  from 
the  pen  of  the  original  mover  of  the  resolution.  Mr.  Lee 
was  necessarily  absent,  and  unable  to  prepare  the  document 


VIRGINIA.  283 

Hence  congress  appointed  a  committee  for  the  purpose,  of 
which  Mr.  Jefferson  was  chairman.  Thus  it  became  his  duty 
to  present  the  original ;  which  after  some  alterations,  was 
approved  by  congress,  and  adopted  on  the  fourth  of  July, 
1776. 

In  consequence  of  Mr.  Lee's  great  and  persevering  exer 
tions  to  procure  the  independence  of  his  country,  and  to  pro 
mote  an  effectual  resistance  to  the  oppressions  of  the  king 
and  his  ministers,  he  became  peculiarly  an  object  of  their  en 
mity  ;  and  great  efforts  were  made  to  obtain  possession  of  his 
person.  In  two  instances  he  very  narrowly  escaped  their 
grasp  ;  in  both  of  which  he  was  in  imminent  danger  of  cap 
tivity.  In  one  instance,  his  preservation  was  owing  to  the 
fidelity  of  his  slaves  ;  and  in  the  other,  to  his  own  dexterity 
and  presence  of  mind. 

He  resumed  his  seat  in  congress  on  the  beginning  of  Au 
gust,  after  an  absence  of  several  weeks,  and  having  signed 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  immediately  entered  upon 
his  active  and  arduous  duties  in  that  assembly.  These  he 
continued  stedfastly,  and  with  his  accustomed  fidelity  and 
talent  to  perform,  until  June,  1777.  It  is  rational  to  believe, 
that  exertions  so  numerous,  sacrifices  so  great,  and  services 
so  important,  and  long  continued,  and  all  consistent  with  his 
uniform  declarations  in  behalf,  and  for  the  benefit  of  his  coun 
try,  might  have  secured  him  against  the  slanderous  charge 
of  toryism.  Bui  such  was  not  the  case  ;  the  accusation  was 
founded  upon  the  fact,  that  at  a  certain  period  he  received  his 
rents  in  produce,  instead  of  the  depreciated  colonial  money. 
Circumstances  induced  him  to  request  an  investigation  of  his 
conduct ;  the  result  of  which  was,  as  might  have  been  anticipa 
ted,  highly  gratifying  to  his  feelings.  The  house  of  assembly, 
after  hearing  the  report  of  the  investigating  board,  passed  the 
following  resolution  ;  and  directed  their  speaker,  who  was 
George  Wythe,  to  communicate  it  to  Mr.  Lee,  which  he  did 
in  the  presence  of  the  senate  and  house  of  assembly,  after 
having  prefaced  it  with  a  short,  but  elegant  complimentary 
address :  "  That  the  thanks  of  this  house  be  given  by  the 
speaker,  to  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Esq.  for  the  faithful  services 
he  has  rendered  his  country,  in  discharge  of  his  duty,  as  one 
of  the  delegates  from  this  state  in  general  congress." 

The  assembly  immediately  appointed  Mr.  Lee  to  supply 
a  vacancy  in  congress.  Again  he  repaired  to  his  station, 
and  manifested  his  usual  talent  and  devotion  to  his  country's 
welfare.  The  multitude  and  variety  of  his  labors,  together 

13 


284  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 

with  his  anxiety  for  the  national  welfare  and  prosperity 
preyed  on  his  health,  which  was  perceived  to  decline  daily 
Consequently,  he  was  constrained,  at  intervals,  to  withdraw 
from  burdens,  which  he  found  himself  unable  longer  to  sus 
tain,  without  occasional  relaxation.  Thus  he  was  absent  from 
his  seat  several  times,  during  the  sessions  of  1778  and  1779. 

To  ascertain  and  correctly  estimate  the  real  character  of  a 
professed  patriot,  it  may  be  well  to  examine  his  conduct  on 
occasions,  when  local  feelings  and  sinister  interests,  affecting 
himself  and  his  immediate  constituents,  are  to  come  into  com 
petition  with  those  of  the  whole  community,  and  may  be  ex 
pected  to  sway  his  decisions,  in  favor  of  those  which  most 
immediately  affect  himself  and  his  friends.  A  case  of  this 
nature  is  presented  in  the  congressional  debates,  respecting 
the  instructions  which  should  be  given  to  our  ministers,  who 
might  hereafter  be  required  to  negotiate  the  treaty  of  peace  ; 
and  determine  the  conditions  on  which  it  should  be  settled. 
Respecting  what  should  be  required  as  an  ultimatum,  Mr.  Lee 
generally  recorded  his  vote  in  opposition  to  all  his  immediate 
colleagues,  and  many  other  southern  delegates.  He  uniformly 
insisted  on  a  right  to  the  fisheries,  and  a  free  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi  River  ;  while  his  colleagues  seem  to  have  been 
\villing,  if  their  own  peculiar  interests  were  once  secured,  to 
relinquish,  or  at  least  not  earnestly  to  contend  for,  these  two 
great  interests  of  the  East  and  West.  This  fact  may  furnish  a 
political  thermometer,  by  which  to  measure  comparatively 
the  expansiveness  and  elevation  of  their  respective  views. 
No  sectional  feelings,  nor  narrow  local  interests,  could  sway 
his  mind  from  the  path  of  true  patriotism,  nor  induce  him  to 
regard  the  interests  of  his  own  vicinity  with  any  partiality  or 
favor,  which  he  would  withhold  from  those  of  the  most  remote 
settlements  in  his  country.  His  sentiments  were  of  the  most 
liberal  and  elevated  character. 

At  the  period  when  the  enemy  were  turning  their  forces 
more  immediately  to  the  southern  states,  Mr.  Lee's  attention 
was  directed  to  the  defence  of  his  native  state.  As  lieu 
tenant  of  the  county  of  Westmoreland,  the  command  of  the 
militia  of  that  county  devolved  on  him  ;  and  he,  by  taking 
the  field,  and  by  a  judicious  application  of  the  means  com 
mitted  to  his  direction  for  the  defence  of  that  region,  saved 
the  inhabitants  from  much  suffering,  and  from  the  severe  losses 
which  they  must  otherwise  have  sustained. 

He  declined  a  seat  in  congress  during  the  three  last  years 


VIRGINIA.  285 

of  the  war  of  the  revolution,  believing  that  his  services  would 
be  more  important  in  his  own  state. 

The  time  having  arrived  which  saw  the  struggle  of  the 
American  states  for  independence  triumphant ;  and  Mr. 
Lee  having  been  gratified  by  seeing  the  leading  principles 
for  which  he  had  uniformly  contended,  recognized  in  the 
treaty  of  peace  ;  he  again  accepted  an  appointment  to  a  seat 
in  the  general  congress  ;  and  once  more  appeared  in  that  body 
in  November,  1784.  By  the  unanimous  choice  of  that  assem 
bly,  he  was  appointed  their  president ;  the  duties  of  which 
office  he  discharged  with  the  talent,  industry,  faithfulness,  and 
dignity,  which  had  marked  the  whole  course  of  his  public  life  ; 
and  at  length  he  closed  his  career  by  receiving  "  the  thanks 
of  congress  for  his  able  and  faithful  discharge  of  the  duties 
of  president,  while  acting  in  that  station."  It  was  an  honora 
ble  testimony  to  his  worth,  as  truly  merited  and  as  justly 
bestowed,  as  perhaps  was  ever  done  on  any  similar  occasion. 

He  was  not  a  member  of  the  convention  of  "Virginia  to 
which  the  federal  constitution  was  submitted,  and  by  which 
it  was  finally  adopted ;  but  he  was  opposed  to  its  adoption 
without  amendments.  In  this  respect,  he  was  far  from  being 
singular.  But  his  opposition  was  grounded  on  honest  prin 
ciples,  and  was  open  to  conviction.  He  was  too  upright 
and  conscientious  a  man  to  cavil  for  the  sake  of  fault-finding, 
or  for  affecting  to  appear  wiser  than  others.  He  had  no 
other  end  in  view  in  opposing  its  adoption,  than  the  good 
of  his  country;  and  if  he  had  believed  he  could  not  vindi 
cate  his  opposition  by  reason  and  sound  argument,  he  would 
have  frankly  relinquished  it.  These  were  the  only  weapons 
which  he  would  use  himself,  or  justify  others  in  wielding,  in 
the  support  of  such  a  cause.  Whether  his  views  were  or 
were  not  correct,  his  object  was  worthy,  and  his  patriotism 
pure,  elevated,  and  inflexible. 

He  was  appointed  the  first  senator  of  Virginia  under  the 
new  constitution,  and  proposed  several  amendments  to  it, 
which,  having  been  adopted,  his  fears  and  apprehensions  of 
the  dangers  he  had  pointed  out  were  allayed.  He  retained 
the  office,  until  increasing  age  and  infirmities  admonished 
him  to  withdraw  from  public  life,  to  the  repose  of  domestic 
retirement,  that  he  might  participate  in  the  endearments  of 
the  family  circle,  and  abstracted  from  all  other  cares,  but 
that  of  ripening  and  preparing  for  the  close  of  a  long  and 
useful  life. 

In  his  retirement,  he  received  another  vote  of  thanks  from 


286  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 

the  senate  of  Virginia  as  an  honorable  testimonial  of  their 
views  of  his  merit,  couched  in  happy  language,  and  sincerely 
expressive  of  their  high  estimation  of  the  important  services 
he  had  rendered  to  the  country,  and  respect  for  his  truly  ex- 
cellent  character. 

The  following  quotation  from  Sanderson's  Biography,  is 
too  beautiful,  and  too  just,  not  to  merit  an  insertion  in  this 
history : — 

"  The  preceding  sketch  may  give  some  idea  of  the  public 
services  of  Mr.  Lee,  but  who  can  depict  him  in  that  sphere 
of  which  he  was  the  centre  ?  giving  light  and  happiness  to  all 
around  him ;  possessing  all  the  enjoyment  which  springs  from 
virtue,  unblemished  fame,  blooming  honors,  ardent  friend 
ship,  eloquence  of  taste,  and  a  highly  cultivated  mind.  His 
hospitable  door  was  open  to  all ;  the  poor  and  the  distressed 
frequented  it  for  relief  and  consolation  ;  the  young,  for  in- 
struction  ;  the  old,  for  happiness  ;  while  a  numerous  family 
of  children,  the  offspring  of  two  marriages,  clustered  around, 
and  clung  to  each  other,  in  fond  affection  ;  imbibing  the  wis 
dom  of  their  father,  while  they  were  animated  and  delighted, 
by  the  amiable  serenity  and  captivating  graces  of  his  con 
versation.  The  necessities  of  his  country  occasioned  fre 
quent  absences  ;'  but  every  return  to  his  home  was  celebrated 
by  the  people,  as  a  festival ;  for  he  was  their  physician,  their 
counsellor,  and  the  arbiter  of  their  differences ;  the  medi 
cines  which  he  imported,  were  carefully  and  judiciously  dis 
pensed ;  and  the  equity  ol  his  decisions  was  never  contro 
verted  by  a  court  of  law." 

And,  to  give  a  finishing  polish  to  this  beautiful  portrait  of 
this  estimable  man,  it  may  be  added,  that  he  was  a  professed 
believer  in  the  Christian  religion;  and  this  avowal  of  his 
faith  was  made  amid  the  accumulated  honors  of  the  world, 
which  were  lavishly  bestowed  on  him,  with  sincere  good 
will,  and  in  the  full  unclouded  exercise  of  his  vigorous  mind. 

This  highly  honored  and  distinguished  man,  and  eminent 
benefactor  of  his  country,  closed  his  useful  life,  at  Chantilly, 
in  the  county  of  Westmoreland,  in  Virginia,  on  the  nineteenth 
day  of  June,  1794,  in  the  sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age. 


VIRGINIA.  2S7 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON  was  born  in  Shadwell,  in  Albemane 
county,  Virginia,  on  the  second  day  of  April,  1743,  old  stile. 

But  little  is  known  of  his  early  years ;  and  of  that  little, 
nothing  that  presents  any  striking  indications  of  his  future 
distinction.  Instead  of  following  the  fashion,  at  that  time 
prevalent  in  the  southern  colonies,  of  resorting  to  England 
for  an  elementary  and  professional  education,  to  which  many 
of  his  contemporaries  conformed,  he  entered  as  a  student  in 
William  and  Mary  College,  in  his  native  province  ;  and,  on 
leaving  that  seminary,  he  became  a  student  of  law  in  the 
office,  and  under  the  instruction  of  George  Wythe,  Esq.,  be 
tween  whom  and  his  pupil,  a  mutual  attachment  continued 
until  the  death  of  the  preceptor. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  first  appearance  as  a  practising  lawyer  at 
the  bar,  was  in  the  year  1786.  His  first  essay  was  flattering, 
and  his  success  considerable.  Indeed,  with  the  influence  of 
Mr.  Wythe  in  his  favor,  talents  more  than  commonly  promis 
ing,  and  in  possession  of  an  ample  fortune,  it  could  hardly  be 
otherwise.  During  the  short  term  of  his  attendance  on  the 
courts,  he  reported  a  volume  of  cases  decided  in  the  supreme 
court  of  Virginia,  which  was  published. 

The  exhibition  which  he  gave  of  his  talents,  was  such,  that 
in  1769,  he  was  called  to  a  station  in  the  legislative  assembly 
of  Virginia.  There  he  became  associated  with  men  of  kin- 
dred  feelings,  relative  to  the  great  political  subjects  that  were 
even  then  beginning  to  excite  the  suspicion  of  the  American 
colonies,  and  which  led  on  to  the  revolution.  With  those 
distinguished  men  he  acted  through  the  stormy  period  that 
ensued,  and  appeared  among  them,  with  their  full  approba 
tion,  as  one  of  the  tnost  distinguished  actors,  for  a  long  suc 
cession  of  years.  At  an  early  period  he  fixed  his  attention 
on  the  measures  of  the  British  parliament,  and  was  among 
the  first  to  discern  their  tendency,  and  the  design,  for  the 
attainment  of  which  they  were  put  in  operation.  He  was 
satisfied  what  would  be  their  ultimate  effect  on  the  people  of 
the  colonies,  if  unresisted. 

From  the  time  when  his  fellow  citizens  elected  him  to  a 
seat  in  the  provincial  legislature,  a  higher  destiny  than  foren 
sic  discussions  awaited  him ;  and  the  pathway  to  its  attain 
ment  was  soon  thrown  open  to  him. 


288  THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 

Those  who  recollect  as  far  back  as  a  few  years  previous 
to  the  commencement  of  the  revolutionary  war,  will  also  re- 
member  the  agitated  feelings  which  pervaded  the  colonies, 
and  the  early  measures  which  were  then  concerted,  by  means 
of  which  a  general  understanding  of  views  and  sentiments  was 
obtained.  Among  them,  and  one  of  the  most  efficient  and 
important,  were  the  committees  of  correspondence.  The 
first  established  in  Virginia  was  in  1773,  of  which  Mr.  Jeffer 
son  was  a  member. 

In  the  next  year  he  continued  to  hold  a  seat  in  the  legisla 
tive  assembly.  It  was  then  that  he  wrote,  and  published  a 
pamphlet  entitled,  "A  summary  view  of  the  rights  of  British 
America."  This  pamphlet  he  addressed  to  the  king,  as  the 
chief  officer  of  the  people.  The  sentiments  he  advanced 
were  bold,  and  couched  in  strong  and  decisive  language.  It 
gave  great  umbrage  to  the  royal  governor  Lord  Dunmore, 
who  threatened  the  author  with  a  prosecution  for  high  trea 
son.  But  he  was  firmly  sustained  by  his  associates,  whose 
sentiments  coincided  with  his  own.  Lord  Dunmore  was  so 
incensed  by  the  publication,  which  Mr.  Jefferson  boldly  ac 
knowledged  was  from  his  pen,  that  he  immediately  dissolved 
the  house  of  burgesses.  But  that  step  resulted  in  their  as 
sembling  in  their  private  capacity,  drawing  up  and  signing  a 
spirited  remonstrance  against  his  arbitrary  proceeding,  and 
alleging  that  by  pursuing  this  unjust  course,  the  governor  had 
left  them  possessed  of  no  other  means  of  acquainting  their 
countrymen,  with  what  they  considered  the  best  course  of 
measures  to  adopt  for  securing  their  rights  and  liberty.  This 
remonstrance  produced  a  powerful  effect  on  the  community ; 
and  was,  though  only  an  unofficial  recommendation  of  mea 
sures,  held  as  sacred  as  a  law  among  the  people.  For  the 
course  which  it  recommended,  was  readily  approved  and 
adopted  by  them,  and  was  soon  put  in  operation. 

The  attempt  for  effecting  a  reconciliation  between  the  go 
vernment  in  England,  and  the  colonies,  which  was  made  in 
that  country  by  both  the  friends  and  enemies  of  the  disaf 
fected  colonies,  in  1775,  utterly  failed,  although  favored  by 
Lord  Chatham,  in  the  house  of  peers  ;  and  by  Mr.  Burke,  in 
the  commons ;  and  left  not  a  shadow  of  hope  to  the  provinces 
of  having  their  grievances  removed,  or  their  condition  meliora 
ted.  There  was  indeed,  a  proposition  made  by  the  ministry 
of  an  illusive  character,  carrying  some  plausibility  on  its 
face,  which  it  was  probably  hoped  would  divide  the  colonists, 
weaken  their  union,  and  alter  their  determination.  It  con- 


VIRGINIA.  289 

tained  a  stipulation,  that  so  long  as  the  colonial  legislatures 
would  consent  to  contribute  their  due  proportion  of  expense 
for  the  support  of  the  civil  government,  and  the  common  de 
fence  of  the  empire,  parliament  would  agree  not  to  impose 
any  tax  upon  them  ;  but  still  it  should  have  the  sole  power  to 
dispose  of  the  amount  thus  raised  in  the  colonies. 

In  the  month  of  June,  1775,  Lord  Dunmore  presented  this 
peace-offering  to  the  legislature,  and  it  was  referred  to  a  com- 
mittee  of  that  body,  of  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  was  one.  On 
him  devolved  the  duty  of  drawing  up  a  reply.  This  task  he 
performed  with  great  force  of  argument,  and  in  a  manner 
deemed  by  the  body  who  employed  him,  entirely  unan 
swerable. 

In  March,  1775,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected,  for  the  first 
time,  a  delegate  to  represent  Virginia  in  the  general  congress, 
in  Philadelphia. 

On  the  twenty-first  day  of  June  in  that  year,  he  appeared 
for  the  first  time,  and  took  his  seat  in  that  body.  He  soon  be 
came  distinguished,  even  among  the  men  of  talents,  who 
were  collected  in  that  memorable  assembly.  Although  com 
paratively  young,  and  a  new  member,  he  was  early  put  on  a 
committee  which  was  appointed  to  draw  up  a  declaration  of 
the  causes,  and  the  necessity,  for  the  colonies  to  take  up  arms 
against  the  parent  government.  The  importance  of  the  man 
ner  in  which  the  duty  devolving  on  this  committee  was  per 
formed,  cannot  easily  be  realized  by  those  of  the  existing  ge 
neration.  To  do  this  correctly  and  fully,  it  would  be  neces 
sary  to  go  back  more  than  half  a  century,  be  placed  in  their 
situation,  and  have  a  thorough  knowledge  of  all  the  embar 
rassments  with  which  they  were  surrounded.  The  impor 
tance  of  it,  connected  with  the  time  and  the  situation  of  the 
provinces,  was  great ;  and  perhaps  no  similar  effort  was  ever 
made  with  more  success. 

In  August,  1775,  another  election  was  held  for  delegates 
to  the  third  congress,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  was  again  appointed. 
During  this  session,  it  appears  by  the  records  of  congress, 
he  principally  devoted  his  time  and  labors  to  subjects  of  ge 
neral  policy,  and  to  an  investigation  of  important  documents, 
for  which  he  was  remarkably  well  qualified. 

Hitherto,  neither  the  people  nor  congress  had  relinquished 
all  hope  of  a  reconciliation  ;  and  a  restoration  of  the  former 
harmony  that  had  long  subsisted  between  the  parent  country 
and  the  colonies. 

25 


290  THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 

The  subject  of  declaring  the  American  colonies  indepen 
dent,  was  therefore  no  longer  problematical,  with  many  lead- 
ing  men  in  all  the  colonies.  They  saw,  and  felt,  that  the 
struggle  which  had  been  forced  on  them  by  Great  Britain, 
could  not  be  maintained  without  foreign  aid ;  and  that  this 
could  not  be  procured  while  they  continued  colonies,  without 
renouncing  their  allegiance  ;  as  no  foreign  government  would 
negotiate  with  colonies  in  a  state  of  revolt,  which  had  not 
publicly  renounced  their  connection  with  the  parent  govern 
ment.  Several  of  the  colonial  governments  had  declared  in 
favor  of  it,  in  their  public  acts  ;  and  Virginia,  particularly  in 
the  spring  of  1776,  had  passed  a  resolution  in  favor  of  an  im 
mediate  Declaration  of  Independence.  But  it  was  delayed 
in  congress  until  June,  when  on  the  seventh  of  that  month, 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  a  prominent  delegate  from  Virginia,  was 
selected  to  bring  the  subject  formally  before  congress.  He 
followed  up  his  resolution  with  one  of  the  most  eloquent 
speeches  ever  delivered  in  the  old  congress,  on  any  occa 
sion.  But  sickness  in  his  family  rendering  his  return  to 
them  indispensable,  at  the  time  when  the  committee  for  pre- 
oaring  a  declaration  was  appointed,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  made 
chairman  ;  and  hence  the  duty  of  drawing  the  Declaration 
of  American  Independence  devolved  on  him. 

His  colleagues  on  the  committee  having  been  mentioned 
in  this  work,  it  would  be  superfluous  to  repeat  their  names. 
The  duty  was  one  of  much  difficulty.  With  what  talent 
and  success  it  was  performed,  is  well  known. 

After  spending  the  summer  of  1776  in  congress,  he  was 
under  the  necessity  of  returning  to  Virginia.  While  he  was 
absent,  on  this  domestic  excursion,  a  commission  to  the  court 
of  France  was  appointed,  consisting  of  Doctor  Franklin,  Mr. 
Silas  Deane,  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  for  negotiating  treaties  of 
alliance  and  commerce  with  that  government.  But  several 
important  reasons  rendered  it  inexpedient  for  Mr.  Jefferson 
to  leave  home  at  that  time  ;  and  he  declined  accepting  the 
appointment.  He  continued  in  Virginia  during  the  revolu 
tionary  war,  devoting  his  services  principally  to  the  concerns 
of  his  native  state.  He  received  a  third  election  to  congress, 
but  resigned  his  seat,  and  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  Benjamin 
Harrison. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  year  1777,  to  the  middle  of 
1779,  he  was  actively  engaged  on  a  committee  appointed  by 
the  Virginia  legislature,  for  effectually  revising  the  laws  of 
the  state,  and  adapting  them  to  their  new  political  situation 


VIRGINIA.  291 

This  was  a  labor  of  much  difficulty,  and  lequired  intense 
application,  and  extensive  research. 

To  his  agency,  Virginia  is  indebted  for  several  of  the  most 
important  statutes  in  her  code. 

After  the  surrender  of  General  Burgoyne,  congress  re- 
solved  not  to  suffer  the  prisoners  to  leave  the  United  States, 
until  it  was  ascertained  that  the  convention  entered  into  by 
him  with  General  Gates,  was  ratified  by  the  British  govern, 
ment.  They  were  therefore  divided,  and  sent  to  different 
states,  to  be  provided  for  during  the  necessary  time  for  as 
certaining  this  fact.  Some  were  stationed  in  Virginia,  where 
Mr.  Jefferson  took  great  pains  to  moderate  the  sufferings  of 
the  prisoners,  and  meliorate  their  condition,  so  as  to  render 
it  as  comfortable  as  possible. 

In  June,  1779,  Mr.  Jefferson  succeeded  Mr.  Henry,  as 
governor  of  Virginia.  Mr.  Henry  was  the  first  chief  magis 
trate  chosen  since  independence  had  been  declared.  His 
term  had  expired,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  was  his  successor. 

The  period  of  his  administration  of  the  state  government 
it  must  be  acknowledged,  was  one  of  uncommon  trial,  diffi 
culty,  and  danger.  Hitherto  the  seat  of  the  war  had  been 
remote  from  Virginia.  But  in  1780,  it  was  threatened 
with  invasion  from  the  South.  Colonel  Tarleton,  a  bold  and 
active  partizan  officer,  whose  conduct  had  rendered  his  ap 
proach  an  object  of  dread,  wherever  he  was  known,  had 
already  appeared  on  its  southern  borders.  Lord  Cornwallis 
was  close  behind  him  with  the  main  army  under  his  command. 
Virginia  was  but  indifferently  prepared  for  a  successful  de 
fence  against  such  a  force.  But,  in  addition  to  this,  it  was 
suddenly  and  in  an  unlocked  for  manner,  assailed  in  another 
quarter.  Arnold  had  undertaken  an  expedition  from  New 
York  against  Virginia  ;  and  having  embarked  about  sixteen 
hundred  men,  accompanied  by  several  vessels  of  war,  he 
sailed  for  James  River,  and  landed  about  fifteen  miles  below 
Richmond.  The  militia  of  the  state,  all  that  could  be  sup 
plied  with  arms,  had  been  marched  to  another  station,  where 
their  services  were  demanded,  before  Arnold's  approach. 
The  capitol  was  without  defence,  and  Governor  Jefferson 
was  destitute  of  the  means  of  providing  for  it.  His  situatipn 
was  extremely  trying ;  and  he  appears  to  have  done  all  that 
was  possible  to  do  in  his  situation. 

During  Arnold's  invasion  of  Virginia,  notwithstanding  his 
destitution  of  the  requisite  means  for  defending  the  state 
against  hostile  incursions,  which  greatly  embarrassed  Gover- 


292  THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 

nor  Jefferson,  he  laid  a  plan  for  taking  the  traitor  a  cap- 
tive  ;  which  plan  appears  to  have  been  well  conceived,  but 
which  was  frustrated  by  Arnold's  extreme  caution,  as  to  suf 
fering  persons  of  all  descriptions,  English  and  Americans,  to 
approach  him.  His  conscious  guilt  made  him  keep  aloof 
from  every  exposure  to  danger. 

The  difficulties  which  he  had  to  encounter  at  that  period 
were  great.  The  legislature  had  been  compelled  to  adjourn 
suddenly,  by  Tarleton's  approach.  They  were  to  meet  on 
the  twenty.fourth  of  May,  in  Charlottesville.  They  fled 
hastily  to  avoid  being  surprised,  and  were  scattered.  The 
state  was  wholly  without  resources  ;  and  the  whole  duty  of 
the  government  devolved  on  him  individually.  All  the  men 
who  had  arms,  or  for  whom  it  was  possible  to  procure  them, 
had  been  called  to  a  distance  remote  from  the  capital. 

Soon  after  the  legislative  assembly  convened  in  Charlottes, 
ville,  which  was  not  until  the  twenty-eighth  of  May,  (four 
days  after  the  time  of  their  adjournment)  Mr.  Jefferson's 
term  of  office  expired,  and  he  retired  to  private  life.  Mon- 
ticello  is  a  short  distance  only  from  Cbarlottesville.  Tarle- 
ton  made  a  sudden  push  to  capture  that  body  ;  but  fortunately 
it  failed.  He  despatched  some  men  to  Monticello,  to  seize 
the  governor.  Intelligence  of  this  was  given  him.  He  or 
dered  a  carriage  to  be  prepared  for  his  family,  who  took 
.heir  breakfast,  and  then  drove  away  to  their  place  of  retreat. 
He  remained  to  arrange  some  things  necessarily  requiring 
his  personal  attention.  Information  was  given  him  that  a 
squadron  was  ascending  the  hill,  but  a  short  distance  from  his 
dwelling.  He  then  mounted  his  horse,  took  a  direction  through 
the  woods,  and  joined  his  family  at  the  place  appointed,  which 
was  the  house  of  a  friend,  where  they  dined  together. 

About  the  close  of  the  year  1782,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  ap 
pointed  a  minister  plenipotentiary,  to  unite  with  those  then 
in  Europe,  in  negotiating  a  treaty  of  peace.  He  reached 
Philadelphia  in  December,  intending  to  embark  in  a  French 
frigate,  then  lying  at  Baltimore,  as  soon  as  the  ice  would 
permit  her  to  sail.  But  before  that  time  arrived,  intelligence 
was  received  that  the  preliminary  treaty  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain  had  been  signed;  and  that  particular 
occasion  for  his  services  having  passed,  congress  dispensed 
with  his  going  to  Europe  at  that  time. 

After  an  absence  from  congress  of  several  years,  during 
which  his  attention  was  actively  directed  to  objects  of  gene 
ral  interest,  and  also  more  appropriately  to  the  concerns  of 


VIRGINIA.  293 

his  native  state,  Mr.  Jefferson  was,  in  June,  1783,  again 
elected  a  member  of  congress.  But  his  attendance  was 
deferred  until  the  November  following. 

The  cessation  of  hostilities,  and  establishment  of  peace 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  had  placed  this 
country  in  new  circumstances,  presenting  subjects  for  discus 
sion  and  arrangement,  of  the  first  importance  before  congress. 
Mr.  Jefferson's  acknowledged  qualifications  for  taking  an 
influential  station,  and  being  extensively  useful  at  that  time, 
when  the  domestic  concerns  of  the  country,  and  its  foreign 
relations,  were  all  to  be  revised,  adjusted,  and  settled,  imme- 
diately  called  him  to  act  a  very  prominent  part  in  those  great 
transactions.  The  definitive  treaty  of  peace  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  having  been  signed  in  Paris, 
and  a  copy  of  it  transmitted  to  congress,  it  was  referred  to 
a  committee,  of  which  he  was  chairman.  It  was  ratified  on 
the  14th  of  January,  in  conformity  to  their  report.  In  March, 
1784,  he  was  appointed  chairman  of  a  committee  for  revis 
ing  the  treasury  department.  This  was  a  subject  of  much  dif 
ficulty.  Indeed,  the  experience  of  a  very  few  years  showed 
that  the  country  was  in  no  condition  for  settling  this  an 
many  other  important  national  concerns,  on  such  a  foun 
dation.  as  would  ensure  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the 
country.  The  confederation,  which  had  been  eminently 
useful  in  keeping  the  states  united,  while  they  were  in  a  state 
of  wa-r,  was  found  utterly  inadequate  for  them  in  a  time  of 
peace.  It  was  therefore  found  necessary  to  begin  anew, 
and  form  a  new  constitution  of  government,  in  which  a  firm 
basis  should  be  laid  for  arranging  and  organizing  all  the  £reat 
principles  of  a  republic,  consisting  of  many  separate  commu 
nities,  and  yet  confederated  in  one  sovereignty,  in  which  the 
several  parts  had  interests  in  common,  that  required  to  be 
managed  by  an  united  government,  at  the  same  time  that 
each  should  control  and  regulate  those  which  appertained  to 
itself,  as  an  independent  state.  The  necessity  for  this  be 
came  more  and  more  realized  every  year,  until  it  produced 
the  call  of  a  convention,  for  the  purpose  of  framing  an  entirely 
new  constitution  of  government.  This  was  effected  ;  and  the 
happy  consequences  of  it  we  now  enjoy. 

From  an  early  period,  Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  opposed 
to  the  traffic  in  slaves.  He  introduced  into  his  original  draft 
of  a  Declaration  of  Independence,  a  passage  against  it,  which 
was  stricken  out  by  congress  ;  and  therefore  does  not  appear 
in  the  document  that  was  finally  adopted  by  that  assembly. 

25* 


294  THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 

He  had  manifested  a  firm  opposition  to  it  in  his  native  state, 
on  different  occasions  ;  and  during  the  session  of  congress 
now  under  consideration,  he  made  another  effort  to  bring 
about,  not  only  an  entire  prohibition  of  the  slave-trade,  but 
an  universal  manumission  of  slaves,  throughout  the  United 
States.  It  was  embraced  in  a  plan  of  temporary  government 
of  the  western  territory,  which  it  was  his  duty  to  draw  up,  as 
chairman  of  a  committee  to  whom  the  subject  was  referred. 
A  clause  which  he  introduced  into  that  instrument  provided, 
that  there  should  exist  no  involuntary  slavery  in  any  of  the 
United  States,  after  the  year  1800.  The  proposal,  however, 
was  rejected  by  congress. 

In  May,  1784,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed  on  an  embassy 
to  Europe  the  third  time.  He  was  now  nominated  as  an  ad 
junct  to  Doctor  Franklin  and  Mr.  John  Adams,  for  negotiating 
treaties  of  commerce  with  the  different  commercial  nations  in 
that  quarter  of  the  world,  and  sailed  for  that  purpose  in  July 
following.  He  arrived  at  Paris  in  August,  where  he  joined 
his  colleagues.  But  the  embassy  was  generally  unsuccessful. 

Doctor  Franklin  having  obtained  permission  to  return  to 
Ihe  United  States,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed  his  successor, 
as  minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  court  of  Versailles.  In 
1787,  he  was  again  appointed  to  the  same  office  ;  and  he  re 
mained  in  France  until  1789.  On  this  embassy  he  was  ab 
sent  rather  more  than  four  years. 

During  his  ministry  to  France,  he  embraced  an  opportunity 
to  visit  both  Holland  and  Italy. 

It  was  during  his  absence,  that  the  convention  met  in  Phi 
ladelphia  for  framing  the  federal  constitution.  This  was 
accomplished ;  and  the  instrument  had  been  ratified,  before 
he  returned  to  the  United  States.  His  sentiments  relative  to 
it  had  been  communicated  to  some  of  his  friends  in  this  coun 
try,  who  corresponded  with  him  on  the  subject ;  and  they 
were  well  known  to  have  been  opposed  essentially  to  several 
of  its  most  important  features.  At  what  period,  subsequently 
to  his  return  to  the  United  States,  in  1789,  he  changed  his 
sentiments,  is  not  known. 

The  government  having  commenced  operations,  and  Ge 
neral  Washington  having  been  unanimously  chosen  president 
of  the  United  States,  he  offered  Mr.  Jefferson,  on  his  arrival 
from  Europe,  the  office  of  secretary  of  state.  He  accepted 
the  office,  and  became  a  prominent  member  of  the  first  ad, 
ministration. 

He  held  the  office  of  secretary  of  state  until  the  close  of  the 


VIRGINIA.  295 

year  1793.  His  resignation  of  it  was  said  to  be  owing  to 
differences  in  opinion  in  the  men  who  composed  the  cabinet, 
on  the  policy  proper  to  be  adopted  by  the  United  States,  to 
wards  several  foreign  nations. 

The  situation  of  the  federal  government,  was  at  the  outset, 
one  of  great  difficulty.  It  had  but  just  commenced  its  opera 
tions.  There  had  been  no  time  for  testing  its  principles  by 
experience.  It  was  to  operate  on  a  people  enthusiastically 
attached  to  a  republican  government,  and  ready  to  favor  the 
cause  of  any  people  who  were  struggling  to  throw  off  oppres 
sion,  and  secure  their  own  freedom.  Such  was  the  state,  and 
such  the  feelings  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  when 
the  French  revolution  commenced.  General  Lafayette,  a 
man  greatly  esteemed  in  this  nation,  was  the  great  leader  of 
.hat  revolution  ;  and  it  was  presented  to  the  view  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  as  the  cause  of  a  people,  to  whom  this  nation  owed 
a  debt  of  gratitude.  The  sentiments  of  the  people  of  this 
country  however,  were  soon  divided  on  the  French  proceed 
ings,  and  the  secretary  of  state,  not  agreeing  in  opinion  with 
the  president,  and  a  majority  of  his  cabinet  respecting  many 
points  of  foreign  policy,  he  deemed  it  advisable  to  resign  his 
office. 

Mr.  Jefferson  discharged  the  duties  of  the  office  of  secre 
tary  of  state,  with  much  talent.  His  reports  to  congress  on  a 
uniform  system  of  currency,  weights,  and  measures ;  on  the 
whale  and  cod  fisheries  of  the  United  States,  and  some  others  ; 
and  his  official  correspondence  with  foreign  ministers,  espe 
cially  that  with  Mr.  Hammond,  the  minister  of  the  court  of 
St.  James,  evince  much  ability  and  learning.  This  was 
acknowledged  by  both  parties,  however  they  may  have  dif 
fered  otherwise  respecting  his  character  as  a  politician  and  a 
statesman. 

During  his  retirement,  he  was  visited  by  many  foreigners 
of  distinction,  as  well  as  by  his  own  countrymen.  The  only 
event  of  a  public  nature  which  marked  this  period,  was  his 
election  to  the  office  of  president  of  the  American  Philosophi 
cal  Society. 

On  General  Washington's  retirement  from  office,  the  divi 
sion  of  the  people  into  two  great  parties,  it  was  well  under 
stood,  would  present  two  opposing  candidates  for  the  office 
of  president — Mr.  John  Adams  and  Mr.  Jefferson.  The  con 
stitution  had  not  then  been  altered  from  its  original  form,  as 
it  was  adopted  by  the  states.  The  person  having  the  highest 
number  of  votes  was  the  president ;  and  the  onejtiaving  the 


296  THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 

next  highest,  vice  president.  In  this  instance,  Mr.  Adams 
having  the  highest,  was  declared  president,  and  Mr.  Jefferson 
vice  president  for  the  four  years,  next  after  General  Wash 
ington's  retirement. 

For  the  next  election,  Mr.  Jefferson's  friends  selected  for 
their  candidates,  himself  and  Aaron  Burr.  On  counting  the 
votes  in  congress,  they  were  found  to  have  an  equal  number, 
which  left  the  choice  undecided,  and  carried  it,  according  to 
the  provisions  of  the  constitution,  into  the  house  of  representa 
tives.  After  a  long  contest  in  that  house,  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
finally  elected. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  administration  continued,  by  a  second  elec 
tion,  during  eight  years,  and  the  period  was  very  eventful. 
He  introduced  the  practice  of  communicating  with  congress, 
on  the  opening  of  the  sessions,  by  message,  instead  of  that 
by  a  personal  address.  This  practise  has  been  adopted  by 
all  his  successors  in  that  office. 

On  his  recommendation,  the  constitution  was  so  altered,  as 
that  the  electors  are  required  to  designate  the  office  for  each 
person  for  whom  they  vote. 

The  most  prominent  measures  of  his  administration  were 
the  purchase  of  Louisiana ;  the  unlimited  embargo  on  the 
commerce  and  navigation  of  the  United  States  ;  the  non-im 
portation  and  non-intercourse  systems,  which  successively  fol 
lowed  the  former  ;  the  building  a  large  number  of  gun  boats ; 
the  suppression  of  Burr's  expedition  down  the  Mississippi 
River  ;  and  the  sending  out  an  exploring  company,  on  an  ex 
pedition  through  the  newly  purchased  region  between  the 
Mississippi  River  and  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

The  period  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration,  was  one  of 
great  difficulty  and  perplexity,  by  reason  of  the  belligerent 
state  of  those  nations  with  which  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States  was  connected.  On  the  success  of  that  commerce, 
depended  almost  entirely,  the  revenue  of  the  government ; 
but  to  a  large  extent,  fell  a  sacrifice  to  the  lawless  rapacity 
»f  both. 

When  the  second  term  of  his  presidency  had  expired,  he 
letired  to  private  life,  on  his  estate  in  Virginia,  and  devoted 
lim-self  to  philosophical  pursuits,  and  the  oversight  of  his  farm. 

In  a  great  measure  by  Mr.  Jefferson's  influence,  the  legis 
lature  of  Virginia  resolved  to  establish  a  university  in  that 
state  on  a  comprehensive  scale,  and  located  it  in  Charlottes. 
ville,  in  the  vicinity  of  his  residence.  The  commissioners 
elected  him  their  chairman.  Of  this  university  he  was  ap. 


VIRGINIA.  297 

pointed  rector.  That  office  he  retained,  and  exerted  himself 
industriously  to  advance  the  cause  of  public  education,  until 
his  decease.  This  event,  which  occurred  on  the  fourth  day 
of  July,  1826,  was  connected  with  several  circumstances 
which  were  remarkable,  and  which  will  render  it  memorable 
for  ages ;  much  beyond  what  would  have  been  the  fact,  had 
it  taken  place  at  a  different  time. 

It  occurred  within  one  hour  of  just  half  a  century  from  the 
time  when  he  gave  his  sanction  by  his  vote,  to  the  independence 
of  the  United  States — at  the  moment  when  his  joyful  fellow 
citizens  were  commemorating  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  that 
event ;  on  the  day  which  was  celebrated  as  a  Jubilee,  and  on 
the  day,  and  within  a  few  hours  of  the  time,  when  his  fellow 
laborer  in  procuring  its  establishment  in  1776,  and  his  prede 
cessor  in  the  offices  both  of  vice  president,  and  president  of 
the  United  States,  expired  at  his  residence  in  Quincy,  in  Mas 
sachusetts. 

In  regard  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  political  character,  it  is  well 
known,  that  his  contemporaries  differed  widely  in  their  views. 
The  difference  still  exists  to  a  considerable  extent,  and  pro 
bably  it  will  be  handed  down  to  posterity.  His  true  charac 
ter  will  doubtless  be  more  correctly  estimated,  and  better  un 
derstood,  in  some  future  age,  when  that  generation  has  passed 
o^f  the  stage  of  life. 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 

THE  family  from  which  this  distinguished  gentleman,  and 
zealous  revolutionary  patriot  was  descended,  came  to  Vir 
ginia  at  a  very  early  period  of  its  settlement  by  Europeans. 
It  was  not  far  from  the  year  1640  that  he  arrived,  and  took 
up  his  residence  in  the  county  of  Surrey.  James  River  di 
vides  this  county  from  the  county  of  Charles  City.  An  early 
selection  of  the  fertile  land  bordering  on  that  river,  laid  the 
foundation  of  that  large  estate  which  has  been,  retained  in  the 
family,  through  several  generations  in  succession.  An  alliance 
by  marriage  with  the  family  of  the  king's  surveyor  general, 
by  one  of  the  members,  furnished  also  a  favorable  opportu 
nity,  in  pursuance  of  the  plan  adopted  by  the  first  settlers, 
greatly  to  increase  the  family  estate,  by.selecting  the  most 


298  BENJAMIN  HARRISON, 

valuable  tracts  for  soil  and  residence.  This  opportunity  was 
readily  embraced  by  his  son-in-law,  Harrison,  and  hence 
this  family  has  long  been  one  of  the  large  land  holders  in 
Virginia. 

Benjamin  Harrison,  the  worthy  subject  of  this  memoir,  was 
born  in  Berkley  ;  but  the  exact  date  of  his  birth  has  not  been 
ascertained.  His  venerable  father  resolved  to  give  him  a 
classical  education,  that  he  might  be  qualified  to  serve  his 
generation  in  a  public  station,  with  honor  to  himself  and  be 
nefit  to  the  community.  For  that  purpose  he  sent  him  to  the 
college  of  William  and  Mary  ;  where  he  was  an  under  gradu 
ate  at  the  time  of  his  father's  decease.  Indeed,  he  never  did 
regularly  take  a  degree  ;  for  having  had  a  controversy  with 
one  of  the  professors,  he  left  the  institution  before  the  close 
of  the  usual  course  of  studies  in  that  seminary ;  and  did  not 
return  to  complete  his  collegiate  education. 

On  the  death  of  his  father,  the  care  and  management 
of  a  large  property  devolved  on  him,  then  in  his  mino 
rity.  He  was  the  eldest  of  six  sons,  whom  his  father  left  at 
his  decease  ;  which  was  very  sudden  and  melancholy ;  he, 
with  two  of  his  four  daughters,  having  been  struck  dead  in 
stantly  by  lightning,  in  his  mansion  house  in  Berkley. 

Being  at  the  head  of  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  and  an 
cient  families  of  the  province,  he  was  early  elected  to  a  seat 
in  the  house  of  burgesses,  in  the  provincial  legislature.  This 
took  place  even  before  he  was  strictly  eligible,  according  to 
the  provisions  of  law. 

Early  after  he  became  a  member  of  the  legislature,  he  was 
placed  in  the  speaker's  chair.  In  one  instance  he  was  su 
perseded  by  a  rival  candidate,  whose  object  was  the  office 
of  speaker.  Mr.  Harrison  frustrated  him  in  his  views  for 
that  office,  by  being  returned  a  member  for  an  adjoining 
county,  in  which  he  had  extensive  estates.  When  the  house 
convened,  he  was  as  usual  chosen  speaker,  to  the  no  small 
chagrin  and  disappointment  of  his  competitor. 

His  large  property;  his  extensive  connections,  which,  by 
intermarriages,  allied  him  to  a  great  proportion  of  the  wealthy 
families  in  the  province  ;  the  soundness  of  his  intellect,  and 
the  decision  ojf  his  character,  amply  qualified  him  for  be 
coming  an  influential  member  of  the  legislative  body. 

The  royal  government  at  home,  having  secretly  formed 
the  design,  which  they  afterwards  more  openly  prosecuted, 
of  subjecting  the  American  colonies  to  their  absolute  control, 
had  already  begun,  to  erect  their  outworks,  that  they  might 


VIRGINIA.  299 

with  a  confidence  of  success,  make  their  subsequent  ap- 
oroaches  with  greater  security  to  themselves,  and  a  fuller  as 
surance  of  success.  With  this  leading  object  in  view,  the 
ministry  took  care  to  be  informed  who,  among  the  men  of 
distinction,  would  best  promote  their  interest  in  the  colonies. 
Their  method  was  to  tempt  the  ambition  or  cupidity,  or  both 
together,  of  individuals,  by  the  covered  bribe  of  an  office.  The 
office  of  governor  was  always  held  in  reserve  for  some  well 
tried  favorite,  sent  out  from  England.  But  any  one  of  infe 
rior  grade,  was  a  bonus  in  the  hands  of  the  royal  governor, 
(subject  to  ministerial  approbation,)  to  be  given  to  any  promi 
nent  young  man,  whose  influence  it  was  deemed  advisable  to 
secure  in  favor  of  the  ministry.  In  Benjamin  Harrison,  they 
thought  they  saw  a  combination  of  all  those  qualifications, 
which  would  render  him  peculiarly  beneficial  in  promoting 
their  designs  on  the  colony  of  Virginia,  if  they  could  secure 
his  adhesion  to  their  views.  With  this  object  in  viev/,  it  v/a.3 
proposed  to  constitute  him,  though  but  a  youth,  a  member  of 
the  executive  council  of  the  province.  This  office  was  cor 
respondent  with  that  of  the  king's  privy  council ;  and  it  was  con 
sidered  the  chief,  in  point  of  rank,  next  to  that  of  governor.  But 
the  attempt  did  not  succeed  with  young  Harrison.  Of  the  pro 
ceedings  in  Great  Britain,  and  the  measures  already  disclosed 
by  the  ministry,  he  had  been  an  attentive  observer.  He  thought 
he  discovered  in  them  sure  indications  of  the  system  they 
•were  forming,  and  of  the  future  course  they  designed  to  pur 
sue,  relative  to  the  American  colonies.  To  their  projects,  of 
course,  he  was  resolutely  and  firmly  opposed  on  principle. 
And  the  offer  of  any  office  within  their  power  to  confer  on 
him,  was  not  sufficient  to  swerve  him  from  pursuing  steadily 
and  uniformly,  the  course  he  had  deliberately  marked  out  for 
himself,  relative  to  his  native  country.  He  was  therefore 
open  in  his  union  with  the  patriotic  burgesses  of  Virginia, 
and  consequently  became  at  once  an  object  as  obnoxious  to 
the  party  who  courted  him,  as  he  had  been  of  their  favor,  and 
caresses. 

Soon  after  the  measures  of  parliament  became  suspected, 
and  excited  distrust  in  America,  even  so  early  as  1764,  the 
legislative  body  of  Virginia  determined  to  forward  an  address 
to  the  king,  a  memorial  to  the  house  of  lords,  and  a  renton- 
strance  to  the  house  of  commons,  relating  to  resolutions  that 
had  already  been  passed ;  in  which  they  discovered  cause  of 
alarm.  These  resolutions  were  preliminary  to  the  "  Stamp 
act."  For  the  purpose  of  preparing  those  several  papers, 


300  BENJAMIN  HARRISON, 

they  appointed  a  committee  of  several  distinguished  members 
of  their  body,  on  which  committee  they  placed  Benjamin 
Harrison.  This  was  done  about  the  middle  of  November, 
1764.  They  made  their  report  on  the  eighteenth  of  Decem 
ber  following 

During  the  period  of  ten  years,  which  intervened  between 
the  years  1764  and  1774,  he  was  united  in  sentiment,  and 
acted  in  harmony,  with  the  first  characters  in  Virginia,  at 
that  eventful  era.  Peyton  Randolph,  the  first  president  of 
congress,  had  married  one  of  his  sisters ;  and  his  brother 
William  another.  Among  his  political  associates  may  be 
mentioned,  Messrs.  Randolph,Wythe,  Jefferson,  Henry,  Brax- 
ton,  and  others  of  high  distinction ;  who,  nearly  foreseeing 
the  approaching  storm,  as  faithful  watchmen  of  their  country's 
danger,  fanned,  nourished,  and  raised  from  a  small  begin 
ning,  the  spirit  of  freedom  in  Virginia ;  until,  like  an  uncon 
trolled  conflagration,  it  made  all  resistance  yield  to  its  mighty 
power,  throughout  that  extensive  province. 

The  first  convention  of  delegates  from  the  several  counties 
and  corporations  in  Virginia,  assembled  in  Williamsburg  on 
the  first  of  August,  1774.  This  convention,  after  passing 
several  resolutions,  strongly  indicating  the  spirit  of  the  times, 
entered  with  warmth  and  cordiality  into  the  plan  of  calling  a 
general  congress  of  delegates  from  all  the  colonies,  which 
had  been  proposed  by  Massachusetts,  to  meet  and  consult 
for  the  good  of  the  whole.  They  zealously  approved  of  the 
proposal ;  and  in  testimony  of  it,  appointed  seven  delegates 
to  represent  Virginia  in  that  assembly.  Benjamin  Harrison 
was  one  of  the  seven. 

Mr.  Harrison  was  present,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  first 
congress,  on  the  first  day  of  their  session ;  and  he  was  grati 
fied,  by  the  unanimous  elevation  of  a  delegate  from  that 
state,  and  a  near  relative,  to  the  office  of  president  of  con 
gress.  The  session  of  this  congress  was  short,  it  having 
been  continued  less  than  two  months.  The  members  were, 
and  they  felt  themselves  to  be,  placed  in  a  situation  where 
every  thing  was  new,  and  without  any  guidance  from  prece 
dent.  It  was  also  a  situation  full  of  delicacy  and  danger; — of 
dehcacy,  as  consisting  of  delegates  from  different  and  distant 
colonies,  each  having  different  interests  to  be  consulted,  and 
provided  for,  and  actuated  by  feelings  corresponding,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  involved  in  one  common  exposure  to  evils, 
on  account  of  which  all  felt  alarmed  for  the  general  safety ; 
of  danger,  inasmuch  as  it  behoved  them  so  to  conduct,  as 


VIRGINIA.  30' 

that  their  enemies  in  the  country  at  large,  should  have  no 
occasion  to  prejudice  the  people  against  their  proceedings 
and  thus  render  them  and  their  cause  odious.  It  was  also 
important  for  them  to  secure  the  approbation  of  other  na 
tioris ;  and  throw  the  blame  of  ulterior  measures  on  then 
rulers  in  the  British  parliament. 

It  was,  in  truth,  a  kind  of  preparatory  meeting,  to  which 
every  thing  was  new,  and  every  thing  to  be  commenced. 
The  elements  were  collected  ;  but  they  were  neither  ar 
ranged  nor  assimilated.  It  was  necessary  to  arrange  and 
assimilate  them;  to  draw  the  outlines  of  a  system  to  be 
pursued  contingently;  to  hold  an  intercommunication,  and 
learn  the  views  and  feelings  of  themselves,  and  the  colo 
nies  they  represented  ;  to  arrange  a  general  plan  of  opera 
tions  ;  publish  an  outline  of  their  proceedings,  and  a  recom 
mendation  of  what  they  deemed  immediately  expedient  for 
the  citizens  generally ;  and  return  to  their  constituents  to 
prepare  them  for  another  congress.  This  congress  may  be 
justly  considered  as  a  preliminary  meeting,  pioneering  the 
way  for  those  which  followed.  Considering  every  thing  that 
should  be  taken  into  the  account,  perhaps  it  may  be  truly 
affirmed,  that  a  more  dignified,  wise,  and  venerable  set  of 
men,  never  assembled  for  the  discussion  of  political  subjects, 
in  any  nation  on  the  globe. 

Soon  after  their  return  from  congress,  another  convention 
of  delegates  from  the  same  sources  as  the  first,  met  in  Rich 
mond,  and  Mr.  Harrison,  having  been  chosen  a  member,  had 
the  satisfaction  of  seeing  all  the  proceedings  of  the  first  con 
gress  approved  by  that  body. 

The  patriotic  spirit  in  Virginia  at  that  time,  ran  high.  A 
proposal  to  adopt  certain  preparatory  measures  of  defence, 
was  introduced,  discussed,  and  finally  carried,  though  op 
posed  as  premature  and  injudicious;  while  a  result  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  late  congress  was  unknown,  and  yet  pend 
ing.  The  proposition  was  opposed  by  Mr,  Harrison  and  his 
colleagues  in  congress,  and  others  who  were  highly  distin 
guished  for  their  patriotism  and  intelligence.  But  when  it 
was  carried,  and  Mr.  Harrison  was  placed  on  the  committee 
for  carrying  it  into  effect,  he  considered  it  his  duty  to  yield 
nis  individual  sentiments,  and  united  cordially  in  promoting 
what  was  now  approved  as  the  policy  to  be  pursued  by  the 
province. 

By  that  convention  he  was  again  elected  a  delegate  to  the 
next  congress.  According  to  his  appointment,  he  took  his 

26 


302  BENJAMIN  HARRISON, 

seat  in  the  second  congress  early  in  May,  1775.  At  this 
time,  the  only  members  present  from  Virginia,  were  George 
Washington,  Peyton  Randolph,  and  Benjamin  Harrison. 
Mr.  Randolph  was  the  president  of  congress.  The  session 
had  but  just  commenced  before  the  president,  who  was  also 
speaker  of  the  house  of  burgesses  in  his  native  province,  was 
called  to  attend  to  discharge  the  duties  of  that  office,  and  was 
necessitated  to  leave  congress  and  return  to  Virginia.  Gene 
ral  Washington  having  taken  the  command  of  the  American 
army  in  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Harrison  only  remained  to  re 
present  Virginia,  in  congress.  Mr.  Randolph's  decease  in 
the  autumn  of  1775,  left  a  vacancy  in  the  office  of  presi 
dent.  Mr.  Hancock,  a  delegate  from  Massachusetts,  had 
recently  taken  his  seat.  His  patriotic  exertions  at  home 
were  well  known  and  highly  estimated ;  and  his  exclusion, 
from  pardon  by  the  royal  governor's  proclamation,  directed 
the  attention  of  congress  to  him  as  successor  to  Mr.  Ran 
dolph,  in  the  president's  chair.  He  was  unanimously  chosen 
to  that  high  and  honorable  office. 

It  has  been  observed,  that  the  principal  business  in  the  old 
congress  was  submitted  to  committees,  appointed  for  tho 
roughly  investigating  the  subjects  referred  to  them,  arranging 
their  details,  and  presenting  them  in  the  form  of  a  report 
The  whole  concerns  of  the  war  department,  of  the  finance 
department,  &c.  &c.  was  transacted  by  a  board,  or  commit 
tee,  without  the  aid  of  a  secretary  to  either.  On  this  general 
principle,  Mr.  Harrison  was  much  employed  on  committees, 
which  had  a  superintendence  of  military  operations,  and 
supplies.  He  was  appointed  early  in  the  second  congress 
on  a  committee,  to  devise  ways  and  means  for  putting  the 
militia  in  a  proper  condition  for  defending  the  country. 
This  was  a  laborious  and  difficult  task,  by  reason  of  a  total 
destitution  of  arrangement ;  and  an  almost  equal  destitution 
of  regular  discipline  among  the  militia,  in  the  colonies,  at 
that  period.  The  report  of  that  committee,  after  some  amend 
ments,  constituted  the  basis  of  the  militia  system  pursued 
through  the  war. 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  first  of  August ;  and  on  the 
eleventh  of  the  same  month  Mr.  Harrison  was  chosen  a  third 
time  to  the  same  office.  By  reason  of  the  strong  interest  he 
had  manifested  in  whatever  related  to  the  military  concerns  of 
the  country,  he  was  selected  to  take  an  active  part  in  that 
portion  of  the  public  business.  Congress  deemed  it  necessary 
to  hold  a  personal  conference  with  the  commander  in  chief 


VIRGINIA.  303 

and  the  governors  of  the  New  England  states,  by  means  of 
a  deputation  from  their  body.  Mr.  Harrison  was  appointed 
one  of  that  deputation,  and  he  with  his  colleagues,  imme 
diately  repaired  to  Cambridge,  in  Massachusetts,  where  the 
head  quarters  of  the  commander  in  chief  then  were.  There 
and  on  that  occasion,  the  plan  for  continuing,  supporting,  and 
regulating  the  continental  army  was  devised.  Immediately 
after  that  mission  had  closed,  and  he  had  reached  the  seat  of 
government,  a  similar  service  was  resigned  to  him,  relative 
to  the  troops  that  were  required  for  the  defence  of  South 
Carolina  and  New  York. 

Hitherto  the  attention  of  congress  had  been  confined  prin 
cipally  to  the  internal  concerns  of  the  country.  But  it 
became  more  and  more  apparent,  that  the  conflict  would  be 
both  arduous  and  protracted  ;  and  congress  felt  the  necessity 
of  preparing  for  such  consequences  as  were  anticipated,  in 
the  best  way  they  were  able. 

The  government  began  near  the  close  of  1775,  cautiously 
to  open  a  correspondence  abroad,  with  a  view  to  extend  its 
political  relations  to  the  rival  powers  of  Great  Britain,  on  the 
European  continent,  preparatory  to  procuring  aid  and  suc 
cours  from  them,  such  as  might  become  indispensable  for 
America,  if  the  war  should  become  a  general  one  over  the 
country.  This  correspondence  could  not  be  carried  on 
openly,  according  to  the  established  forms  of  diplomacy  be 
tween  independent  nations.  America  had  not  taken  the 
ground  of  independence,  and  was  viewed  as  in  a  state  of  re- 
bellion  against  its  lawful  sovereign  ;  although  the  state  of 
things  was  not  contemplated  with  an  unfavorable  eye,  by  the 
European  states,  especially  France  and  Spain.  And  it  may 
be  supposed  that  the  people  of  Holland  did  not  deeply  regret 
any  loss  that  might  be  derived  to  England,  in  consequence  of 
the  struggle.  It  is  highly  probable  that  a  separation  of  the 
colonies  from  Great  Britain,  and  an  establishment  of  an  inde 
pendent  government,  was  contemplated  even  at  that  time,  by 
well  informed  people,  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic. 

With  a  view  to  organizing  a  plan  of  operations,  preparatory 
to  seeking  directly  the  aid  they  foresaw  must  be  obtained,  in 
the  event  that  the  opening  conflict  was  to  be  continued  for 
some  years,  congress  instituted  a  committee  of  foreign  corre 
spondence,  which  might  perhaps  be  correctly  considered  as  a 
board  for  carrying  on  indirect  diplomatic  intercourse.  Its  du 
ties,  as  specified  in  the  resolution  by  which  it  was  constituted, 
were  to  hold  correspondence  with  the  friends  of  the  Americans 


304  BENJAMIN  HARRISON 

m  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  other  parts  of  the  world ,  which 
was  to  be  submitted  to  congress  from  time  to  time,  and  was 
to  be  sustained  at  the  public  expense.  Mr.  Harrison  was 
chairman  of  that  committee.  Thus  cautiously,  and  with  such 
wisdom,  prudence,  and  discretion,  did  the  early  American 
congress  proceed  in  conducting  the  great  business  in  which 
they  had  engaged  ;  with  few  lights  of  experience  before  them, 
and  a  responsibility  resting  on  them,  the  amount  of  which 
can  hardly  be  estimated.  Every  thing  which  congress  un 
dertook,  at  that  early  stage  of  its  existence,  was  done  by 
committees.  All  the  foreign  intercourse,  by  official  corre 
spondence  on  the  part  of  congress,  was  performed  by  that 
board,  until  the  spring  of  1777.  Then  a  committee  of  foreign 
affairs  was  organized,  with  a  secretary  appointed  by  con 
gress,  to  whom  a  permanent  salary  was  paid. 

Mr.  Harrison  was  hardly  inducted  into  this  office,  before 
congress  deputed  him  on  a  mission  to  Maryland,  to  counter 
act,  in  connection  with  other  patriots  in  that  province,  the  in 
cursions  of  Lord  Dunmore,  the  royal  governor  of  Virginia, 
who  had  the  preceding  year  been  driven  from  that  province. 
Being  compelled  to  vacate  his  official  station,  and  to  retire,  in 
the  indulgence  of  a  vindictive  spirit,  he  collected  a  number  of 
adherents  to  the  royal  cause,  consisting  to  a  great  extent  of 
low  and  worthless  characters  ;  and  with  them,  armed  and  man 
ned  a  number  of  small  vessels.  Thus  equipped,  he  selected  the 
shores  of  the  Chesapeake  for  the  theatre  of  their  operations. 
Their  employment  was,  to  invade  the  peaceable  inhabitants 
living  along  both  sides  of  that  extensive  bay,  and  capture  ana 
pillage  the  defenceless  inhabitants,  and  fill  the  region  with 
consternation  and  wretchedness. 

Mr.  Harrison  promptly  attended  to  the  duties  of  his  mis 
sion  ;  and,  although  the  means  for  repulsion  at  his  command 
were  very  small,  yet  by  a  wise  and  judicious  application  of 
them,  he  in  a  great  measure  succeeded  in  counteracting  the 
plans  of  his  lordship,  for  spreading  distress  and  ruin  among 
the  inhabitants  in  that  exposed  region. 

It  is  deemed  unnecessary  to  give  a  minute  detail  of  all 
the  particular  services  to  which  he  was  designated.  They 
were  both  interesting  and  important,  intimately  connected 
with  the  achievmerit  of  our  independence,  and  the  countless 
blessings  resulting  therefrom.  But,  still  the  detail  would  not 
add  any  peculiar  interest  to  a  sketch  of  his  life.  Suffice  it 
then  to  remark,  that  he  was  placed  on  almost  every  commit 
tee  for  promoting  in  various  ways,  and  by  all  practicable 


VIRGINIA.  305 

means,  the  military  and  naval  service  of  the  country,  during 
the  term  he  served  in  the  continental  congress.  In  them  all, 
Mr.  Harrison  was  among  the  most  intelligent  and  prominent 
actors  ;  and  the  services  he  rendered  to  the  cause  of  his  coun 
try,  both  in  the  hall  of  congress,  and  by  journeyings  to  dis 
tant  parts  of  the  continent,  on  special  missions,  were  arduous, 
and  almost  incessant. 

The  first  measure  of  congress,  preparatory  to  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence,  and  decisive  of  the  warlike  attitude 
which  they  intended  to  assume  and  maintain,  was  the  act  au 
thorizing  the  issuing  of  letters  of  marque,  and  for  fortifying 
some  ports  for  the  protection  of  American  cruisers  and  their 
prizes. 

The  business  of  fortifying  these  ports  was  assigned  to  a 
committee,  of  which  Mr.  Harrison  was  the  chairman.  He 
was  also  chairman  of  the  committee  on  the  Canada  expedi 
tion.  The  committee  of  fourteen  members,  whose  duty  it 
was,  in  connection  with  the  general  officers  of  the  army,  to 
arrange  a  plan  for  the  campaign  for  1776,  recognized  him  as 
their  chairman.  It  was  soon  found  that  a  business  so  much 
extended  and  diversified,  as  the  military  concerns  of  the 
country  had  become,  required  a  more  permanent  superinten 
dence  than  occasional  committees,  the  system  hitherto  adopt 
ed  ;  and  a  board  of  war  and  ordnance  was  organized  in 
June,  1776.  This  board  consisted  of  five  members  of  con 
gress,  and  a  secretary,  on  whom  the  whole  superintendence 
of  the  duties  of  that  department  were  devolved.  Of  this  board, 
Mr.  Harrison  was  early  appointed  chairman,  an  office  which 
he  sustained  during  his  continuance  in  congress. 

He  was  very  frequently  called  to  preside  over  the  delibe 
rations  of  congress,  as  chairman  of  that  body,  when  acting 
in  "  committee  of  the  whole  ;"  and  was  in  the  chair,  during 
the  discussions  on  the  great  subject  of  independence. 

The  almost  constant  appointment  of  Mr.  Harrison  to  what 
was  then  viewed  a  highly  honorable  station,  during  the  consi 
deration  of  the  most  interesting,  delicate,  and  important  sub 
jects — that  of  declaring  the  states  free  and  independent, 
and  the  confederation  of  the  states ;  may  serve  to  show  the 
high,  and  honorable  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  all 
the  members  of  the  house,  and  indicative  of  the  satisfactory 
manner  in  which  he  presided  over  their  deliberations. 

While  Mr.  Harrison  was  absent  from  Virginia,  attending 
congress,  the  general  convention  had  met  in  Richmond  ;  and 
beside  forming  a  constitution  of  state  government  they  re 

26* 


306  BENJAMIN  HARRISON, 

solved  to  elect  but  five,  instead  of  seven  delegates  to  congress, 
as  they  had  done  before.  Mr.  Harrison  was  not  included  in 
the  number,  who  were  elected  to  the  next  congress.  His 
term  of  service  expired  in  August.  That  convention  had  as 
sembled  in  June.  He  was  appointed,  however,  to  a  high  of 
fice  in  the  state,  under  their  new  government.  In  that,  there 
were  recognized  eight  counsellors  of  state;  and  he  was 
unanimously  appointed  one  of  that  council.  It  has  been  sug 
gested  that  he  was  left  out  of  their  delegation  to  congress,  by 
reason  of  a  disaffection  which  some  part  of  his  conduct  had 
excited,  when  he  was  a  member.  With  that  question  the 
writer  has  nothing  to  do.  If  it  was  so,- its  effects  were  of 
short  continuance.  For  on  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Jefferson, 
which  occurred  soon  after,  Mr.  Harrison  was  chosen  to  sup 
ply  the  vacancy,  on  the  tenth  of  October  following,  with  but 
five  dissenting  votes. 

By  that  neglect  he  was  absent  from  congress  about  three 
months ;  but  immediately  on  his  return,  he  was  replaced  in 
all  the  offices  he  had  sustained,  and  others  were  added  of 
much  interest,  and  great  importance. 

If  he  had  been  unpopular  in  Virginia  for  a  short  time,  by 
reason  of  any  cause,  the  excitement  against  him  soon  passed 
away ;  insomuch  that  he  was  returned  a  member  of  congress 
again  in  May,  1777,  by  a  joint  ballot  of  both  houses  of  their 
legislature. 

Although  it  is  acknowledged,  that  all  the  members  of  con 
gress  were  active  and  useful;  and  all  have  both  merited  and 
received  the  gratitude  of  posterity,  yet  it  must  be  admitted 
that  few,  if  any  individuals  in  that  memorable  assembly  were 
more  industrious,  or  more  extensively  useful,  than  Benjamin 
Harrison. 

At  one  period  of  the  revolutionary  war,  it  may  be  recol 
lected  that  the  "  Friends"  who  hold  it  to  be  morally  wrong 
to  engage  in  war,  were  pressed  to  take  up  arms  in  defence 
of  their  country.  There  were  some  ardent  individuals  in 
congress,  who  were  not  disposed  to  grant  an  indulgence  of 
the  kind  to  the  members  of  that  respectable  portion  of  the 
Christian  community.  The  perilous  condition,  and  urgent 
necessities  which  then  pressed  the  government,  were  thought 
to  constitute  a  sufficient  ground  to  justify  a  resort  to  compul 
sory  measures,  for  bringing  the  Quakers  to  take  up  arms,  or 
to  provide  substitutes.  This  meeting  with  a  steady  opposi 
tion  from  the  "  Friends,"  led  to  the  arrest  of  some  of  their 
number  in  Philadelphia.  In  this  state  of  the  business,  Mr. 


VIRGINIA  307 

Harrison,  though  an  ardent  supporter  of  the  war  himself 
interposed  as  a  mediator ;  and  in  their  estimation,  he  saved 
them  from  "  persecution,"  by  his  prudent  management  and 
influence.  His  successful  efforts  in  their  behalf,  were  grate 
fully  acknowledged  by  those  who  were  rescued  from  their 
threatened  peril,  by  his  timely  interposition  in  their  favor. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1777,  Mr.  Harrison  for  vari 
ous  and  important  reasons,  expressed  his  wish  to  leave  con 
gress,  and  return  to  his  native  residence  in  Virginia.  He  had 
been  in  congress  more  than  three  years ;  and  all  that  time 
actively  employed  in  attending  to  business  for  the  public,  to 
the  almost  entire  exclusion  of  his  own  private  affairs.  His 
fortune  had  been  impaired  during  that  time.  And  his  servi 
ces  were  much  needed  in  his  native  state.  He  tendered  his 
resignation  and  returned  to  Virginia,  where  he  was  received 
with  warm  expressions  of  respect  and  esteem  by  the  inhabi 
tants. 

His  grateful  fellow  citizens  in  his  native  county,  at  once 
returned  him  a  member  of  the  house  of  burgesses,  and  that 
assembly  immediately  elected  him  their  speaker.  This  sta 
tion  he  continued  to  occupy  till  1782,  without  interruption. 
He  had  other  offices  of  honorable  distinction  conferred  on  him 
by  the  legislature  of  Virginia.  One  of  these  was  that  of 
"  county  lieutenant,"  corresponding  to  the  king's  lieutenant 
under  the  old  government,  when  Virginia  was  a  royal  colony. 
This  appointment  constituted  him  commander  of  the  military, 
and  a  presiding  judge  in  all  the  civil  courts  of  the  county. 
In  fact,  with  the  title  of  "  colonel,"  he  was  by  office  the  chief 
magistrate  of  the  county,  civil  and  military. 

His  active  services  for  the  relief  of  Virginia  at  that  gloomy 
period,  when  she  was  first  invaded  by  Arnold,  and  then  by 
Cornwallis,  are  gratefully  recognized  by  the  inhabitants,  and 
will  continue  to  be  so  long  as  history  presents  to  them  the 
record  of  his  sacrifices,  and  unwearied  patriotic  exertions 
for  her  benefit. 

In  1782,  Mr.  Harrison  succeeded  Mr.  Nelson  as  governor 
of  the  state.  The  situation  was  both  critical  and  perplexing. 
And  although  the  chief  magistrate  of  so  large  a  state,  by  rea 
son  of  the  revulsions  whic^i  were  caused  by  the  approaching 
restoration  of  peace,  was  necessarily  involved  in  many  per 
plexing  and  embarrassing  conditions,  Mr.  Harrison  managed 
the  public  affairs  with  so  much  energy  and  discretion,  that  he 
was  one  of  the  most  popular  governors  that  had  ever  occupied 
that  high  office  in  the  state.  He  served  his  state  in  that 

14 


308  BENJAMIN  HARRISON, 

capacity  two  successive  terms,  until  he  became  constitution, 
ally  ineligible.  He  then  returned  to  private  life.  But  his 
fellow  citizens  did  not  suffer  him  to  remain  long  in  that  situa 
tion.  Immediately,  and  without  his  knowledge,  they  announced 
him  a  candidate 'to  represent  them  in  the  house  of  burgesses. 
This  was  the  instance  before  mentioned,  in  which  he  failed 
of  an  election  by  the  Jntrigues  of  a  rival,  who  was  anxious  to 
be  returned,  that  he  might  be  chosen  speaker.  He  knew 
that  he  could  not  succeed  in  the  last  object  of  his  ambition,  if 
Mr.  Harrison  should  be  elected.  He  was  frustrated,  however, 
by  Mr.  Harrison's  being  chosen  for  an  adjoining  county,  and 
immediately  elected  speaker,  on  the  house  coming  together. 

When  the  federal  constitution  had  been  framed,  he  was 
a  member  of  the  Virginia  convention,  to  which  it  was  submit 
ted  for  adoption. 

In  the  year  1790,  having  again  become  eligible,  he  was 
announced  as  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  governor.  Bui 
he  opposed  the  nomination,  because  the  office  had  been  held 
but  two  years  by  the  then  governor,  Beverley  Randolph;  and 
Mr.  Harrison  thought  the  opposition  to  his  re-election  was 
unreasonable,  and  would  not  by  any  act  of  his  countenance 
it.  And  it  was  by  his  instrumentality  that  Mr.  Randolph  was 
re-elected,  who  was  not  only  an  amiable  man,  but  a  warm 
personal  friend  of  Mr.  Harrison.  He  even  carried  his  gene 
rous  friendship  for  governor  Randolph  so  far,  as  to  prevail 
with  his  own  son,  who  was  also  a  member,  to  vote  for  him, 
in  opposition  to  himself.  He  was  designated  as  a  candidate 
for  the  office,  after  his  friend's  term  had  elapsed. 

The  gout  had  attacked  him  some  years  before.  In  1791, 
it  assumed  a  sudden  and  alarming  appearance.  He  par 
tially  recovered  from  its  effects  at  that  time  ;  so  that  he 
was  again  elected  to  the  legislature  in  1791.  The  day 
after  this  election,  which  was  unanimous,  he  had  invited  a 
party  of  his  friends  to  dine  with  him  ;  and  they  congratulated 
him  on  his  being  the  next  governor  of  Virginia.  But  his 
days  were  already  numbered.  That  very  night  he  experi 
enced  a  relapse  ;  and  the  following  day,  with  composure  arid 
resignation,  he  breathed  his  last. 

He  was  married  in  early  life,  to  Miss  Elizabeth  Bassett, 
a  daughter  of  Colonel  William  Bassett,  and  a  niece  of  Mrs. 
Washington.  She  survived  her  husband  only  one  year.  She 
was  considered  in  her  youth  as  a  beautiful  person,  and  is 
still  remembered  as  having  been  at  a  later  period,  a  woman 
of  eminent  piety  and  benevolence;  thus  uniting  in  person 


VIRGINIA.  309 

and  character,  the  brightest  ornaments  of  the  female  cha 
racter. 

His  offspring  were  numerous,  but  several  of  them  died  at 
their  birth,  or  in  early  infancy.  Seven  survived  to  adult 
years;  three  sons  and. four  daughters.  William  Henry  Har 
rison,  lately  minister  to  the  republic  of  Colombia,  is  his 
youngest  son. 

He  inherited  a  large  fortune  from  his  father  ;  and  accord 
ing  to  the  old  English  law  of  primogeniture,  he  twice  received 
a  lafge  addition  to  it  by  the  decease  of  relatives.  His  for 
tune  suffered  considerable  diminutions,  by  reason  of  the 
adversity  of  the  times,  and  some  unsuccessful  speculations  of 
his  own.  But  he  still  possessed  the  means  of  sustaining  the 
general  reputation  of  southern  hospitality  on  a  very  liberal 
scale.  His  residence  in  Berkeley,  was  the  resort  of  respect 
able  strangers,  who  visited  his  neighborhood,  where  they 
were  received  with  a  cordial  welcome,  and  entertained  with 
the  liberal  hospitality  still  characteristic  of  a  Virginia  planter. 

His  talents  as  a  statesman  were  of  the  solid  and  useful 
kind,  rather  than  brilliant.  He  rarely  took  any  distinguished 
part  in  the  debates  in  congress  ;  but  was  emphatically  a 
man  of  business. 

Such  was  Benjamin  Harrison — a  sincere  and  warm-hearted 
'riend  ;  an  upright,  intelligent,  and  active  statesman  ;  an  in 
flexible,  resolute  patriot,  and  a  high-minded  honorable  man. 
And  his  name,  inscribed  on  the  great  charter  of  American 
freedom,  will  be  handed  down  to  posterity  with  undiminished 
respect  and  gratitude. 


THOMAS  NELSON,  JUN. 

WILLIAM  NELSON,  the  father  of  Thomas  Nelson,  was  of 
English  extract.  The  family  had,  on  their  emigration  to 
America,  settled  at  York,  in  Virginia,  where  he  established 
himself  at  a  suitable  age,  in  mercantile  business.  By  perse 
vering  industry,  care,  and  prudence,  he  accumulated  a  Airge 
property. 

Thomas  Nelson,  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  was  the  oldest 
son  of  his  parents.  He  was  born  at  their  residence  in  York, 
December  the  26th,  1738.  In  1753,  when  he  had  entered 


310  THOMAS  NELSON,  JUN. 

on  his  fifteenth  year,  his  father,  according  to  the  prevailing 
fashion  among  gentlemen  of  affluence  at  the  south,  sent  him 
to  England  for  his  education.  He  was  placed  under  the 
charge  of  a  Mr.  Newcomb,  a  gentleman  who  kept  a  private 
school  in  a  village  a  short  distance  from  London.  After 
spending  a  sufficient  time,  prosecuting  his  preparatory  studies 
v under  that  careful  preceptor,  he  was  removed  to  Cambridge, 
and  was  entered  a  member  of  Trinity  College  ;  and  in  that 
station  he  was  placed  under  the  instruction,  as  his  private 
tutor,  of  the  late  justly  celebrated  Doctor  Proteus,  afterwards 
oishop  of  London. 

In  this  pleasant  situation,  enjoying  the  esteem  and  instruc 
tions  of  his  distinguished  tutor,  connected  with  the  ample 
means  for  acquiring  an  education,  which  are  furnished  in  an 
English  university,  he  continued  his  literary  pursuits  until 
1761,  when  he  returned  to  America. 

The  first  notice  of  his  appearance  in  public  life,  is  in  1774, 
at  which  date  he  was  a  member  of  the  provincial  house  of 
burgesses,  in  his  native  colony.  Tliis  was  the  session  of  that 
body,  in  which  several  spirited  resolutions  were  passed, 
strongly  disapproving  the  "  Boston  port  and  fishery  bill." 

In  consequence  of  these  proceedings  of  the  house  of  bur 
gesses,  Lord  Dunmore,  the  royal  governor  of  Virginia,  tc 
show  his  displeasure,  and  to  prevent  further  disloyal  pro 
ceedings,  exercised  his  vice  regal  authority,  and  by  procla 
mation  dissolved  the  assembly.  This  act  of  the  governor 
the  legality  of  which  was  not  contested,  only  served  mor<* 
highly  to  excite  the  public  feelings.  Eighty-nine  of  the  rnen> 
bers,  among  whom  was  Nelson,  assembled  the  following  day 
at  a  neighboring  tavern,  and  formed  the  celebrated  associa. 
tion,  which  spoke  with  more  boldness,  and  in  a  more  effi« 
cient  manner  to  the  supremacy  of  his  lordship,  than  the  reso 
lutions  passed  by  the  assembly  of  burgesses.  They  declared 
that  their  rights  had  been  unwarrantably  invaded ;  that  they 
would  persevere  in  withholding  all  commercial  intercourse 
with  Great  Britain  ;  and  that  they  recommended  the  appoint 
ment  of  delegates  to  meet  in  a  general  congress.  Shortly 
after  the  dissolution  of  the  assembly  by  Lord  Dunmore,  an 
other  was  elected,  to  which  Mr.  Nelson  was  returned  a  mem 
ber  by  the  same  county,  which  he  had  before  represented. 
The  royal  displeasure  against  the  last  legislative  assembly, 
so  summarily  manifested  by  his  lordship,  did  not  intimidate 
or  discourage  the  patriotic  members,  nor  their  constituents. 
On  the  contrary,  it  rather  increased  their  determination  to 


VIRGINIA.  311 

persevere  in  their  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of 
the  British  parliament ;  and  stimulated  them  to  an  exercise 
of  greater  vigilance,  relative  to  all  their  measures,  which 
were  to  have  a  bearing  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  American 
provinces.  Mr.  Nelson's  constituents  immediately  elected 
him  a  member  of  the  first  general  convention  of  Virginia  ; 
which  met  at  Williamsburgh  in  the  beginning  of  August,  1774. 
This  act  clearly  indicated  their  approbation  of  his  conduct, 
in  the  meeting  of  the  eighty-nine  members  of  the  recently 
dissolved  assembly  ;  and  it  might  have  convinced  his  lordship, 
and  the  other  supporters  of  parliamentary  supremacy,  that 
there  was  a  spirit  roused  among  the  people  that  would  not 
easily  be  quelled  nor  intimidated. 

Mr.  Nelson  was  appointed  in  the  spring  of  1775,  a  mem 
ber  of  a  second  general  convention.  In  this  assembly  he 
exhibited  the  same  boldness  of  spirit,  and  the  same  readiness 
to  promote  and  encourage  such  preparatory  measures  for 
protecting  and  defending  the  colonies,  against  oppression  and 
invasion,  which  had  characterized  him  in  the  preceding  as 
semblies  of  that  description.  Indeed,  his  conduct  on  this 
occasion,  by  its  boldness,  alarmed  some  of  his  personal 
friends,  and  decided  patriotic  coadjutors,  in  the  cause  of  the 
people  against  their  oppressors. 

What  so  greatly  alarmed  Mr.  Nelson's  friends,  when  he 
proposed  it,  was  a  proposition  to  organize  a  military  force  in 
the  province.  It  was  at  that  time  truly,  a  bold  measure  ;  but 
he  had  the  support  of  Mr.  Henry,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  and 
some  others  to  uphold  him  in  his  resolution ;  and  Mr.  Henry 
brought  forward  a  series  of  resolutions,  in  which  the  plan  for 
carrying  that  proposal  into  operation,  was  placed  before  the 
convention  in  its  details.  It  was  warmly  debated.  In  that 
debate  Mr.  Nelson  fearlessly  advocated  its  adoption ;  and 
engaged,  if  the  resolutions  were  adopted,  to  exert  his  per 
sonal  efforts  for  carrying  the  measure  into  full  effect,  in  the 
region  where  he  held  a  command  in  the  militia.  They  were 
adopted  by  the  convention ;  and  he  redeemed  his  pledge. 
From  that  moment  the  course  which  Virginia  would  pursue  in 
the  event  of  open  hostilities,  was  no  longer  doubtful. 

The  design  which  the  ministry  had  secretly  formed,  for 
taking  possession  of  the  ammunition  and  military  stores,  that 
had  been  collected  and  deposited  in  magazines  in  the  several 
provinces,  was  soon  divulged,  by  attempts  on  the  part  of 
several  of  the  governors  to  carry  it  into  effect,  by  means  of 
an  armed  force.  This  furnished  full  evidence,  which  more 


312  THOMAS  NELSON,  JUN. 

effectually  than  a  thousand  arguments,  convinced  the  people 
of  the  wisdom,  and  prudent  foresight  of  those,  who  had  led  in 
that  bold  and  alarming  measure,  and  clearly  satisfied  them  of 
its  necessity. 

A  third  general  convention  was  convened  in  July  of  the 
same  year,  at  the  city  of  Richmond.  The  late  conduct 
of  Governor  Dunmore,  relative  to  the  powder  in  the  ma 
gazine  at  Williamsburgh,  and  his  subsequent  retreat  on 
board  of  an  English  man  of  war,  as  a  place  of  refuge,  clearly 
admonished  the  people  of  Virginia,  that  the  time  for  concilia 
tion  was  passed  by;  and  that  it  became  them  then  to  act. 
Accordingly,  that  convention  assumed  an  attitude,  with  refer 
ence  to  the  measures  of  the  British  government,  which  would 
admit  of  no  doubt  about  their  ultimate  determination,  if  the 
king  and  parliament  persisted  in  their  arbitrary  course  to 
wards  the  American  colonies.  They  divided  the  province 
into  military  districts;  directed  the  number  of  men  to  be 
raised  in  each  ;  appointed  Mr.  Henry  to  the  command  of  one 
regiment ;  Mr.  Nelson  to  the  command  of  another ;  and  Mr. 
William  Woodford  to  that  of  a  third — each  with  the  commis 
sion  of  colonel. 

In  August,  the  same  convention  proceeded  in  their  busi 
ness,  and  appointed  delegates  to  congress  for  the  term  of  one 
year.  Several  causes  had  concurred  in  producing  three 
vacancies  in  the  Virginia  representation.  In  electing  their 
delegates  for  the  year,  these  vacancies  were  to  be  filled ; 
and  Colonel  Thomas  Nelson,  Jun.  was  appointed  to  supply 
one  of  them.  He  took  his  seat  in  congress  on  the  thirteenth 
<5ay  of  September,  1775.  On  almost  all  subjects  his  feelings 
were  naturally  ardent.  While  in  congress,  however,  he  took 
t>ut  little  part  in  debate ;  but  was  actively  employed  on  com 
mittees;  and  his  services  were  rendered  with  punctuality  and 
fidelity.  His  perception  was  quick  ;  his  determinations  were 
promptly  made  ;  and  when  formed,  they  were  adhered  to 
with  a  pei  severance  which  no  obstacle  could  turn  aside. 

His  puulic  services  were  manifestly  acceptable  to  his  con 
stituents  at  home  ;  for,  during  his  absence  at  Philadelphia,  the 
convention  of  Virginia  reappointed  him  a  delegate  to  con 
gress  for  the  year  following,  viz.  1776.  During  that  period 
he  set  his  name  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

On  the  second  day  of  May,  1777,  an  event  occurred  which 
alarmed  him  and  his  friends  in  the  house ;  and  for  a  time, 
suspended  his  attention  to  public  business  entirely.  While 
sitting  in  his  seat  in  the  hall  of  congress  he  was  suddenly 


VIRGINIA.  31S 

seized  with  a  painful  attack  in  his  head,  which  obliged  him 
immediately  to  retire  to  a  private  dwelling.  It  impaired,  and 
for  a  time  nearly  suspended  his  memory. 

It  was  with  difficulty  that  he  could  be  prevailed  with  to 
withdraw  at  that  time  from  the  scene  of  his  public  duties, 
even  for  the  recovery  of  his  health ;  so  desirous  was  he  of 
rendering  every  assistance  to  the  great  cause  in  which  he 
had  engaged.  He  remained  in  Philadelphia  for  some  time, 
with  a  hope  that  a  speedy  recovery  would  obviate  the  neces 
sity  for  his  retiring.  But  this  proved  delusive ;  and  he  yielded 
to  the  necessity  of  the  case,  returned  to  Virginia,  and  when 
the  convention  assembled,  he  resigned  his  seat. 

His  return  to  Virginia,  however,  at  the  same  time  that  it 
contributed  to  a  partial  restoration  of  his  health,  proved  to  be 
a  transfer  of  his  services  from  one  active  theatre  of  public 
service  to  another,  although  of  a  different  kind  from  that  in 
which  he  had  hitherto  been  engaged.  Intelligence  was  com 
municated  to  the  governor  and  council  of  Virginia,  that  a 
British  fleet  had  arrived  on  their  coast,  and  was  then  within 
the  capes  of  Virginia.  The  militia  of  the  commonwealth 
were  ordered  to  march  to  the  exposed  points  of  attack  with  all 
possible  expedition ;  and  Colonel  Nelson  was  immediately 
appointed  by  the  governor  and  council,  brigadier  general  and 
commander  in  chief  of  the  military  forces  of  the  state.  This 
appointment  he  accepted,  but  generously  declined  receiving 
any  emoluments  from  the  office.  His  popularity  in  the  state 
was  almost  unbounded ;  and  the  appointment  of  him  to  the 
chief  command  of  their  military  forces  was  universally  popu 
lar  and  acceptable.  The  sudden  alarm,  however,  passed 
away  without  any  other  service  for  the  militia,  than  that  of 
assembling,  as  Sir  William  Howe  did  not  visft  Virginia  at  that 
time,  but  moved  his  fleet  forward  up  the  Chesapeake  Bay. 

About  this  time  a  motion  was  made  in  the  legislature  of 
Virginia,  to  sequester  the  debts  due  in  that  state  to  English 
merchants.  The  proposition  was  to  collect  the  money  from 
the  debtors,  and  have  it  deposited  in  the  state  treasury.  By 
many  it  was  warmly  advocated.  But  by  General  Nelson  it 
was  warmly  and  inflexibly  opposed.  This  was  in  conformity 
to  his  uniform  character,  and  will  redound  to  his  honor,  so 
long  as  integrity,  justice,  and  morality  hold  their  standing 
among  human  virtues. 

While  the  subject  was  under  discussion  in  the  legislature, 
of  which  he  was  then  a  member,  he  said,  "  I  hope,  for  the 
reasons  I  have  assigned,  this  bill  will  not  pass ;  but  whatever 

27 


314  THOMAS  NELSON,  JUN. 

may  be  its  fate,  I  solemnly  declare,  I  will  pay  my  debts  like 
an  honest  man." 

At  this  period  the  finances  of  the  country  were  exhausted  ; 
the  credit  of  congress  was  gone  ;  and  the  American  army  re 
duced,  and  threatened  with  annihilation  ;  and  it  was  never 
more  necessary  to  have  it  not  only  recruited,  but  greatly  in 
creased,  to  meet  and  repel  the  dangers  with  which  the  coun 
try  was  threatened.  In  these  circumstances,  congress  made 
an  appeal  to  the  honor  and  patriotism  of  the  young  men  of 
property,  and  honorable  standing  in  society,  in  the  several 
states,  as  far  south  as  to  include  North  Carolina.  When  the 
appeal  was  published  in  Virginia,  General  Nelson  entered 
into  the  measure  with  his  characteristic  ardor  in  his  own  state. 
He  published  an  animating  address  on  the  subject,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  raising  a  voluntary  corps  of  about  seventy  young 
men,  to  some  of  whom  he  opened  his  own  purse,  to  enable 
those  who  were  unable  to  equip  themselves  ;  and  furnished  a 
number  of  them  with  the  means  of  defraying  their  expenses; 
while  repairing  to  the  army,  under  the  immediate  command 
of  General  Washington.  At  the  head  of  this  spartan  band, 
whose  commander  he  became,  although  then  a  general  offi 
cer,  he  proceeded  to  Baltimore,  and  thence  to  Philadelphia, 
where  they  held  themselves  in  readiness  to  move  on  to  head 
quarters  at  command.  But  a  change  of  circumstances  having 
unexpectedly  occurred,  and  their  services  not  being  especially 
demanded,  after  receiving  the  public  thanks  of  congress,  they 
returned  to  their  homes.  In  this  enterprise,  General  Nelson 
suffered  the  loss  of  a  large  sum  of  money,  which  his  generous 
patriotism  induced  him  to  advance  in  aid  of  the  government, 
which  was  never  repaid  to  him. 

The  active  bodily  exercise  which  these  calls  required,  pro 
duced  a  beneficial  effect  on  his  health.  He  became  so  much 
recruited,  and  invigorated  by  it,  that  the  people  again  solicited 
him  to  become  a  delegate  to  congress.  He  consented  ;  and 
once  more  took  his  seat  in  that  assembly,  on  the  eighteenth 
day  of  February,  1779.  But  he  was  suffered  to  remain 
only  a  short  time  in  that  service.  In  April  following,  another 
attack  of  his  former  complaint  was  experienced  by  him  ;  and 
after  a  short  time,  increasing  infirmity,  and  a  hopeless  pros 
pect  of  being  able  to  pursue  his  business,  together  with  the 
advice  of  physicians,  prevailed  with  him  to  return  to  his  home. 

But  even  bodily  infirmity,  so  long  as  it  did  not  absolutely 
disable  him,  was  not  sufficient  to  cause  him  to  be  inactive. 
Indeed,  the  time  and  the  condition  of  Virginia,  did  not  admit 


VIRGINIA.  315 

of  rest  to  any  one  who  could  be  active ;  and  nothing  short  of 
insurmountable  necessity  would  permit  a  man  of  the  feelings 
of  General  Nelson,  to  remain  inactive  under  the  then  existing 
circumstances  of  his  native  state. 

In  the  month  of  May,  the  British  entered  on  a  predatory 
system  of  warfare,  which  they  commenced  in  Virginia,  by 
visiting  a  part  of  the  state  with  a  squadron,  which  sailed  first 
to  Portsmouth  near  Norfolk.  They  destroyed  that  village  by 
burning  the  houses  and  stores,  and  plundering  every  thing 
they  could  carry  away.  Similar  depredations  and  ravages 
were  extended  to  a  number  of  other  places.  A  great  alarm 
was  excited  ;  and  General  Nelson,  notwithstanding  his  im 
paired  health,  immediately,  and  with  the  greatest  personal 
activity,  collected  a  military  force,  and  marched  them  to 
Yorktown;  afterwards  the  theatre  of  Cornwallis's  capture. 
There  it  was  believed  they  would  make  landing  to  pursue 
their  system  of  destruction  ;  and  the  force  was  marched  thi 
ther  for  its  defence.  But  the  enemy,  after  effecting  their  ob 
ject  in  the  vicinity  of  Norfolk,  returned  to  New  York.  This 
sudden  call  of  the  militia,  subjected  some  families  to  great  in 
convenience,  by  the  absence  of  their  active  members,  and 
the  consequent  neglect  of  their  agricultural  business.  Or 
this  occasion,  the  characteristic  benevolence  of  General  Nel 
son  was  not  omitted.  During  their  necessary  absence,  the  ge 
neral  sent  his  slaves,  and  other  domestics  to  labor  for  their 
support,  and  supply  their  deficiency  during  their  necessary 
absence  from  home. 

His  liberal  and  disinterested  patriotism  was  continually 
manifested,  by  new  instances  of  devotedness  to  it.  One  more 
will  be  mentioned.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  ;  and  it  is  but  a  fair 
sample  of  his  general  character. 

In  June,  1780,  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet  and  arma 
ment  was  momentarily  expected.  It  was  of  vast  importance 
that  congress  should  make  provision  for  them  on  their  arrival. 
For  this  a  sum  of  money  was  necessary,  which  they  could 
not  command.  The  credit  of  congress  was  prostrate  ;  and 
that  of  Virginia,  in  but  a  little  more  desirable  condition.  In 
these  circumstances,  the  state  undertook  to  borrow  two  mil 
lions  of  dollars  for  the  aid  of  congress ;  that  it  might  be  able 
to  make  the  necessary  accommodation  which  the  exigency 
required.  General  Nelson  opened  a  subscription  for  this 
purpose.  Calling  on  several  friends,  they  declared  that  they 
would  not  lend  the  governor  a  shilling  on  the  security  of  the 
commonwealth  ;  but  they  would  lend  him  all  they  could  possi- 


316  THOMAS  NELSON,  JUN. 

bly  raise.  He  immediately  added  his  own  personal  secu- 
rity  to  that  of  the  state  ;  and  thus  succeeded  in  raising  a 
large  proportion  of  the  sum  required.  Such  conduct  is  wor 
thy  of  the  perpetual  remembrance  and  gratitude  of  the  Ame 
rican  people. 

By  this  and  other  similar  patriotic  exertions  to  aid  the 
public  in  its  impoverished  state,  General  Nelson  suffered 
serious  pecuniary  losses,  and  materially  impaired  the  ample 
fortune,  with  which  he  commenced  his  honorable  career. 
But  he  never  relaxed  his  exertions.  He  had,  at  the  begin 
ning,  anticipated  sufferings  and  sacrifices,  in  effecting  the  in 
dependence  of  his  country ;  and  he  prepared  his  mind  to 
meet  and  sustain  them. 

In  the  spring  of  1781,  the  storm  of  war  seemed  to  burst 
on  Virginia.  Philips  and  Arnold  hovered  along  her  coast 
with  a  flotilla,  and  threatened  to  ravage  wherever  they  could 
effect  a  landing.  Cornwallis  was  marching  over  the  southern 
counties,  with  an  army  which  no  force  at  command  could 
withstand.  While  General  Nelson  was  actively  employed 
in  effecting  plans  for  opposing  the  enemy,  and  continually 
engaged  as  a  military  officer,  he  was  called  to  discharge  the 
high  civil  duties  of  the  executive  of  the  state.  Mr.  Jeffer 
son  had  held  the  office  of  governor  ;  but  his  term  had  ex 
pired  ;  and  General  Nelson  was  appointed  his  successor. 
But  the  times  and  condition  of  the  state  required  Governor 
Nelson  to  assume  the  command  of  all  the  military  forces  he 
could  collect,  and  uniting  in  himself  the  two  offices  of  go 
vernor  of  the  state,  and  commander  in  chief  of  the  militia^ 
he  marched  in  the  latter  capacity,  and  formed  a  junction  with 
General  La'Fayette,  who  had  been  sent  to  Virginia  with  a 
body  of  continental  troops,  to  check  the  ravages  of  the  ene 
my.  Having  joined  the  general,  Governor  Nelson  immedi 
ately  put  himself  under  his  command  ;  and  thus  secured 
harmony  of  action  in  the  united  army. 

At  the  time  when  the  British  were  ravaging  Virginia,  and 
making  sudden  incursions  in  one  place  after  another,  driven 
from  their  place  of  regular  meeting  by  the  vigilant  Tarleton> 
the  legislature  passed  a  law  investing  the  governor  and  ex 
ecutive  council  with  the  powers  of  government.  But  the 
executive  council  had  been  dismembered.  Two  of  the  eight 
had  been  captured  by  Tarleton  ;  two  others  had  resigned  , 
and  the  other  four  were  so  situated  with  respect  to  the  go 
vernor,  that  it  was  impracticable  for  him  to  avail  himself  of 
their  legal  advice.  The  government  therefore  virtually  de- 


VIRGINIA.  317 

rolved  on  him  individually.  In  these  circumstances  he  was  ne 
cessitated  to  exercise  it  in  his  own  name,  and  by  his  sole  autho 
rity.  The  safety  of  the  people  demanded  this  at  his  hands  ; 
and  yet  it  impelled  him  to  do,  at  times,  what  was  not  strictly 
legal.  Complaints  were  afterwards  made  of  his  conduct  ; 
and  the  subject  was  brought  to  an  investigation.  The  state 
ment  he  rendered  to  the  legislature  satisfied  that  body ;  and 
they  immediately  passed  a  law,  legalizing  his  measures  at  that 
time,  and  indemnifying  him  against  all  future  responsibility. 

By  great  efforts  Governor  Nelson  kept  his  forces  together, 
until  the  capture  of  Lord  Cornwallis's  army  at  Yorktown,  de 
cided  the  long  conflict  in  favor  of  the  American  cause. 
To  do  this,  he  exerted  his  personal  influence,  his  official 
authority,  and  the  resources  of  his  private  fortune  to  their 
utmost  extent.  And,  to  all  these,  he  added  his  presence  at 
the  head  of  the  militia,  in  the  siege  of  Yorktown,  and  shared 
with  them  the  toils,  deprivations,  dangers,  and  honors  of  that 
glorious  achievement. 

Governor  Nelson  had  a  handsome  house  in  the  town  ;  and 
during  the  siege,  he  observed  that  while  the  American  artil 
lerists  demolished  other  dwellings,  his  remained  uninjured. 
It  was  at  this  time  filled  with  a  large  number  of  British  officers, 
who  were  at  the  moment  seated  at  the  dinner  table,  enjoying 
iheir  entertainment.  The  governor  inquired  why  his  house 
was  spared  ?  The  reply  was,  out  of  respect  for  the  proprietor. 
He  begged  that  that  fact  might  make  no  difference.  A  well 
directed  fire  from  some  of  the  American  artillery, killed  at  the 
first  discharge  two  of  the  officers,  and  soon  dislodged  the 
rest  of  the  company,  and  effectually  put  an  end  to  their 
conviviality. 

After  the  victory  was  achieved,  General  Washington,  in 
his  account  of  it,  made  a  very  honorable  acknowledgement 
of  the  valuable  services  of  Governor  Nelson,  and  the  militia 
under  his  command  during  the  siege,  in  securing  its  impor 
tant  'ssue. 

At  .he  end  of  a  month  after  the  capture  of  Cornwallis,  Gov. 
Nelson  found  his  health  so  feeble,  and  his  constitution  so  much 
impaired,  that  he  resigned  his  office  ;  and  his  resignation 
was  accepted.  He  once  more  returned  to  private  life.  But 
the  repose  which  he  sought  was  not  then  realized  ;  for  it  was 
at  this  time  that  the  accusations  before  mentioned,  of  mal 
administration  of  his  office,  were  presented  against  him. 
these,  it  was,  which  led  to  his  honorable  exculpation 
27* 


318  FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE, 

by  the  legislature ;  and  the  passage  of  an  act  giving  to  all  his 
measures  during  his  administration  the  sanction  of  law. 

He  now  resolved  to  retire  wholly  from  public  service,  and 
spend  the  remainder  of  his  life  with  his  family.  For  this 
purpose  he  went  to  an  estate  which  he  owned  at  Offly,  in 
the  county  of  Hanover.  Here,  in  the  tranquil  scenes  of 
rural  life,  surrounded  by  his  family,  he  received  not  only  his 
numerous  friends  and  strangers  from  distant  parts  of  his 
own  country,  who  called  to  visit  him,  but  foreigners  of  dis 
tinction. 

After  this  retirement,  General  Nelson  was  no  more  en 
gaged  in  public  life.  He  lived  entirely  in  retirement ;  and 
spent  the  remainder  of  his  life  alternately  at  Offly  on  his 
farm,  and  in  his  mansion  at  York.  But  his  health  gradually 
continued  to  decline  until  1789,  when  he  died  at  his  residence 
in  Hanover  county,  on  the  fourth  day  of  January,  at  the  age 
of  fifty  years. 


FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE. 

FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE,  the  fourth  son  of  Thomas  Lee  of 
Virginia,  and  brother  of  Richard  Henry  Lee,  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  patriots,  and  eloquent  advocates  of  American 
Independence,  was  born  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  October, 
1734. 

According  to  the  fashion  of  that  age,  with  gentlemen  of 
fortune  in  the  southern  provinces,  the  elder  sons  of  Thomas 
Lee  were  sent  to  England  for  their  education.  But  Francis 
was  of  too  tender  an  age,  at  the  decease  of  his  father,  to 
be  sent  abroad,  and  was  favored  with  only  what  was  justly 
deemed  secondary  advantages  for  procuring  a  classical  edu 
cation  at  home. 

Happily  for  young  Francis,  his  tutor  was  a  Scottish  clergy 
man,  of  a  good  character,  a  man  of  science,  and  a  correct 
classical  scholar,  arid  who  not  only  made  his  pupil  a  good 
scholar,  but  imbued  him  with  an  early  taste  for  reading,  ana 
mental  investigation,  unusual  at  his  age,  and  especially  among 
those  who  possess  all  the  means  of  indulging  in  the  fashion 
able  pleasures.  While  many  promising  youths  have  pressed 
forward  the  course  of  dissipation,  young  Lee  was,  under  the 


VIRGINIA.  3 

influence  and  counsel  of  his  judicious  instructor,  gaining  a 
stock  of  valuable  knowledge,  which  laid  a  foundation  for  the 
course  of  usefulness  and  honor,  which  marked  his  subsequent 
career  in  life. 

His  brothers,  who  had  been  to  England  to  receive  the  bene 
fit  of  English  schools,  and  the  polish  of  English  society,  re 
turning  about  the  time  when  he  attained  to  manhood,  pre 
sented  such  models  for  imitation,  as  seem  to  have  enkindled 
i  desire  to  emulate  them  in  the  acquisition  of  knowledge,  as 
well  as  in  highly  polished  manners. 

The  ample  fortune  left  him  by  his  father,  precluded  a  ne 
cessity  for  seeking  a  profession,  as  a  means  for  his  support. 

Feeling,  in  common  with  his  brethren,  that  warm  and  pa 
triotic  attachment  to  his  country,  which  was  strongly  charac 
teristic  of  his  family,  Francis  Lightfoot  Lee,  amid  the  youth 
ful  pursuit  of  whatever  gratification  he  desired,  had  his  mind 
arrested  by  the  gathering  storm ;  and  his  efforts  were  exerted 
for  effecting  the  best  security  against  the  desolating  effects 
of  its  violence,  whenever  it  might  burst  on  the  colonies. 

Closely  associated  with  his  brother  Richard  Henry,  ana 
implicitly  confiding  in  his  superior  wisdom  and  judgment 
Francis  had  frequent  opportunities  of  listening  to  his  ani 
mating  eloquence,  and  oracular  harangues,  by  which  he 
early  and  perseveringly  attempted  to  rouse  up  his  neighbors 
to  a  just  view  of  their  dangers,  and  to  kindle  in  them  a  spirit 
of  daring  and  determined  resistance,  similar  to  that  which 
animated  his  own  breast.  To  these  Francis  listened  with 
attention  and  profit.  His  fascinating  pursuits  after  pleasure 
were  soon  relinquished,  that  he  might  engage  in  others  of 
higher  interest,  and  more  enduring  consequences. 

While  his  brother  was  returned  a  member  of  the  Virginia 
house  of  burgesses,  for  the  county  of  Westmoreland,  in  which 
he  resided,  Francis,  holding  his  property  in  Loudoun  county, 
offered  himself  a  candidate  for  representing  his  fellow  citi 
zens  of  that  county,  in  the  same  legislative  assembly.  He 
was  successful ;  and  he  took  his  seat  in  that  body  about  the 
year  1765 — the  period  in  which  apprehensions  of  the  Ame 
rican  colonists  were  first  awakened  to  the  insidious  designs 
of  the  British  parliament  upon  their  rights,  in  the  memorable 
"  Stamp  act."  By  the  periodical  election  of  his  fellow  citi 
zens,  Mr.  Lee  was  returned  a  member  of  the  house  of  bur 
gesses  ;  and  he  continued  to  occupy  his  seat  in  that  body 
until  the  year  1772. 

Having,  in  the  mean  time,  formed  a  connection  by  mar- 


320  FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE, 

riage  with  the  daughter  of  Colonel  John  Taylor,  of  Rich 
mond,  he  removed  thither,  and  made  that  city  the  place  of 
his  permanent  residence  ;  and  when  the  term  of  service  had 
expired,  for  which  he  had  been  returned  by  the  citizens  of 
Loudoun  county,  he  was  elected  a  member  for  Richmond. 

While  he  remained  a  member  of  the  house  of  burgesses, 
in  the  Virginia  legislature,  he  continued  to  unite  his  efforts 
to  those  of  his  brother  and  Patrick  Henry,  to  rouse  his  patri 
otic  countrymen  from  their  inattention  to  their  danger,  and 
to  frustrate  the  designs,  and  neutralize  the  insidious  influence, 
of  the  active  partizans  of  the  royal  cause  in  Virginia. 

In  the  year  1775,  Francis  Lightfoot  Lee  was  elected  a 
delegate  to  congress,  by  the  Virginia  convention,  to  supply 
the  seat  vacated  by  the  resignation  of  Colonel  Bland.  He 
was  regularly  re-elected  to  the  same  station,  during  the  three 
following  years  of  1776,  1777,  and  1778;  in  the  first  of 
which  he  voted  for  and  signed  the  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  distinguished  himself  as 
a  speaker,  in  public  debate,  either  in  the  Virginia  legis- 
jature,  or  on  the  floor  of  congress.  But  he  was  esteemed  a 
useful  member  of  both.  In  congress  he  was  a  member  of 
several  important  committees ;  and  frequently  presided  as 
chairman,  when  in  committee  of  the  whole.  He  was  also  a 
member  for  Virginia  of  that  memorable  committee,  which 
framed  the  articles  of  the  confederation  ;  a  labor,  surrounded 
with  difficulties  and  embarrassments  enough  to  have  discou 
raged  statesmen  of  less  devoted  and  persevering  patriotism, 
than  influenced  the  venerable  members  of  the  continental 
congress,  in  that  eventful  period. 

Mr.  Lee  entirely  and  uniformly  harmonized  with  his 
brother,  Richard  Henry,  in  his  sentiments  respecting  the 
fisheries,  and  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River. 
While  many  of  the  southern  members  of  congress  and  seve 
ral  of  his  colleagues  would  have  been  contented,  on  securing 
their  own  immediate  interests,  which  immediately  affected 
the  states  they  severally  represented,  he,  with  his  distin 
guished  brother,  strenuously  maintained,  that  no  treaty  ought 
to  be  concluded,  which  did  not  recognize  the  right  of  the 
United  States  to  both  of  those  valuable  privileges. 

Mr.  Lee  continued  to  serve  his  native  state  in  congress 
until  the  spring  of  1779,  when  he  retired  to  his  home ;  where 
it  was  his  intention  to  have  spent  the  remainder  of  his  days  in 
the  enjoyment  of  domestic  quiet,  to  which  he  was  strongly 
attached.  But  his  fellow  citizens  still  desiring  his  services, 


VIRGINIA.  321 

sent  him  once  more  to  their  legislature  ;  and  gave  him  a  seat 
in  the  senate  of  Virginia.  But  after  a  short  engagement 
there,  he  determined  to  relinquish  all  engagements  in  public 
life,  and  bid  a  final  adieu  to  its  labors,  turmoils,  and  cares. 
This  determination  he  soon  carried  into  effect,  and  retired 
from  every  public  service  to  the  close  of  his  life. 

Having  no  children,  he  was  exempted,  in  his  declining 
years,  from  the  usual  solicitude  which  parents  commonly  feel 
for  their  posterity.  Mr.  Lee  spent  his  time  pleasantly;  de 
voting  it  to  his  friends  and  relations,  whose  welcome  visits 
enlivened  the  cheerfulness  of  his  hospitable  dwelling,  while 
reading  and  agricultural  employments,  of  which  he  was  very 
fond,  were  at  once  agreeable  sources  of  recreation,  informa 
tion,  and  amusement. 

At  length  a  pleurisy  seized  him,  and  his  beloved  com 
panion,  in  one  of  the  most  severe  winters  that  Virginia  expe 
riences,  and  removed  them  both  from  the  world,  within  a 
few  days  of  each  other. 


CARTER  BRAXTON. 

CARTER  BRAXTON  was  born  at  Newington,  in  King  and 
Queen's  county,  in  Virginia,  on  the  10th  of  September,  1736. 
His  father  was  George  Braxton,  a  planter  of  considerable 
wealth,  and  appears  to  have  been  of  some  estimation  among 
the  gentleman  of  influence  and  distinction  in  the  colony,  at 
the  time  when  he  lived.  His  mother  was  a  daughter  of  Ro 
bert  Carter,  who  was  for  a  short  time  president  of  the  king's 
council  for  Virginia.  She  died  young,  leaving  two  sons,  the 
youngest  of  whom,  who  is  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  only 
seven  days  old.  -  It  is  probable  that  his  father's  death  took 
place  when  he  and  his  brother  George,  who  was  but  two 
years  older,  \vere  both  young. 

Carter  received  a  public  education  at  the  college  of  Wil 
liam  and  Mary.  His  property  was  ample  ;  and  at  the  age 
of  nineteen,  he  connected  himself  by  marriage,  with  Miss 
Judith  Robinson,  who  was  a  daughter  of  Christopher  Robin 
son,  Esq.,  a  wealthy  planter  of  the  county  of  Middlesex,  and 
reported  to  have  been  an  accomplished  woman.  By  this 
marriage,  his  wealth  already  large,  was  considerably  in- 


322  CARTER  BRAXTON, 

creased.  She  was  the  mother  of  two  daughters ;  but  she 
died  at  the  birth  of  the  youngest,  at  the  age  of  nearly  twenty- 
one  years. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  his  wife,  Mr.  Braxton  sailed  for 
England,  where  he  continued  until  1760,  having  resided 
there  for  a  number  of  years.  This  excursion  is  supposed  to 
have  been  taken  for  his  own  gratification  and  improvement. 
After  his  return,  he  was  again  married  to  Miss  Elizabeth 
Corbin,  a  daughter  of  a  gentleman  holding  the  office  of  re- 
ceiver  general  of  the  customs  for  Virginia,  under  the  king. 
This  woman  was  a  mother  of  a  large  family ;  having  given 
birth  to  sixteen  children.  Mr.  Braxton's  style  of  living  was 
established  according  to  the  general  mode  of  southern  hospi 
tality,  adopted  and  practised  by  gentlemen  of  wealth  ;  and 
subjected  him  to  great  expense.  It  is  well  known  that  the 
fashion  among  the  large  landed  aristocracy  of  Virginia,  be 
fore  the  revolution,  was  established  on  a  liberal  scale  of  hos 
pitality.  Mr.  Braxton's  connections  and  fortune,  required 
of  him  to  support  that  style  of  living,  adopted  by  the  rank  in 
society  with  which  he  associated  ;  and  his  national  disposi 
tion  coincided  with  the  custom  of  the  country. 

At  what  time  he  was  brought  forward  into  public  office,  is 
not  now  to  be  precisely  ascertained.  He  was  a  member  of 
the  house  of  burgesses,  in  1765,  when  Mr.  Henry's  strong 
resolutions  were  introduced  and  adopted.  Probably  he  was  a 
member  a  few  years  earlier.  He  was  also  a  member  in  1769, 
when  measures  were  introduced  and  adopted,  which  disturbed 
the  feelings  of  one  of  the  best  royal  governors  that  ever  pre 
sided  in  Virginia,  Lord  Botetourt.  After  his  lordship  had 
suddenly  dissolved  that  assembly,  in  consequence  of  those 
spirited  measures,  Mr.  Braxton  was  one  of  the  members 
who  retired  to  a  private  room,  and  signed  a  written  non-im 
portation  agreement. 

Mr.  Braxton  was  returned  a  member  of  the  next  house, 
and  was  placed  on  three  of  the  standing  committees  uni- 
formly  appointed  by  that  assembly,  at  its  opening  session. 

Lord  Botetourt  having  died  between  the  sessions  of  1770 
and  1771  ;  after  a  short  interval,  in  which  the  executive  go 
vernment  was  administered  by  the  president  of  the  council, 
he  was  succeeded  by  Lord  Dunmore.  In  that  interval,  Mr. 
Braxton  held  the  office  of  high  sheriff  of  the  county  where  he 
resided. 

The  indiscreet  administration  of  Lord  Dunmore,  contribu 
ted  to  increase  and  animate  the  spirit  in  Virginia,  which  was 


VIRGINIA.  323 

already  preparing  for  decided  measures ;  and  impelled  the 
recommendation  from  eighty-nine  members  of  the  house  of 
burgesses,  hastily  dissolved  by  him,  to  recommend  the  call 
ing  of  a  convention,  which  met  at  Williamsburgh,  in  August, 
1774.  Of  this  first  convention  that  ever  met  in  Virginia,  Mr. 
Braxton  was  a  member,  having  been  elected  by  the  people 
of  King  William  county. 

When  Lord  Dunmore  caused  the  ammunition  belonging  to 
Virginia,  to  be  secretly  conveyed  from  the  magazine  in  Wil 
liamsburgh,  on  board  of  a  king's  ship  then  in  James  River  ;  it 
occasioned  great  excitement,  and  much  alarm  among  the  peo 
ple  ;  and  they  were  about  resorting  to  violent  measures  to  ef 
fect  a  restoration  of  the  powder,  or  to  obtain  its  value  in  mo 
ney.  Without  descending  to  a  minute  detail  of  the  several 
particular  occurrences  caused  by  it,  it  may  be  proper  to  men 
tion,  that  the  wise  and  prudent  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Brax 
ton,  was  essentially  instrumental  in  effecting  a  settlement  on 
the  part  of  his  lordship,  which  pacified  the  excited  populace, 
at  the  head  of  whom  was  the  patriotic  Mr.  Henry ;  and  of 
saving  Williamsburgh  from  the  threatened  evils  of  being  bat 
tered  by  the  guns  of  the  armed  ship  Fowrey.  The  captain 
of  that  ship  having  declared  that  he  would  fire  on  the  town,  if 
Lord  Dunmore  was  in  the  least  molested. 

Thus  by  the  interference  and  prudent  conduct  of  that  gen 
tleman,  a  settlement  was  effected,  which  undoubtedly  prevent 
ed  a  great  degree  of  suffering  to  the  inhabitants  of  that  town. 

He  was  a  member,  and  a  very  active  and  useful  one,  of 
the  last  house  of  burgesses  that  was  ever  convened  in  Virgi 
nia  by  royal  authority.  He  was  employed  as  a  member  of 
those  committees  of  that  house,  to  whom  were  referred  the 
subject?  of  dispute  between  the  legislature  and  his  lordship. 

The  governor  fled  for  refuge  on  board  the  armed  ship 
Fowrey ;  and  thus  the  royal  government  in  the  colony  of 
Virginia  became  dissolved.  He  could  not  be  prevailed  upon 
to  return  to  his  palace,  and  resume  his  official  duties ;  and 
the  legislature  being  determined  not  to  wait  on  him  on  board 
a  ship  of  war ;  all  the  powers  of  government  necessarily  de- 
v-olved  on  the  people,  to  whom  they  had  now  reverted.  Those 
powers,  legislative  and  executive  ;  were  resumed  with  their 
approbation,  by  a  convention  chosen  by  the  people,  to  meet 
at  Richmond,  in  July,  1775.  Mr.  Braxton  was  a  member  of 
that  convention.  That  body  now  possessing  all  the  power 
of  the  province,  proceeded  to  make  arrangements  for  the  exi 
gencies  of  the  community,  and  appointed  a  committee  of 


324  CARTER  BRAXTON, 

public  safety,  consisting  of  some  of  the  first  men  in  Virginia, 
among  whom  was  that  of  Mr.  Braxton.  On  that  commit 
tee  devolved  all  the  sovereign  power  of  the  colony,  during 
the  recess  of  the  convention.  Having  adjourned  on  the  26th 
of  August,  1775,  to  December  of  the  same  year,  the  duty  of 
supplying  the  vacancy  in*  their  representation  in  congress, 
occasioned  by  the  death  of  Peyton  Randolph,  devolved  on 
them.  The  convention  appointed  for  his  successor  Mr. 
Braxton.  He  soon  took  his  seat,  and  was  present  to  give 
his  signature  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  thus 
ensured  immortality  to  his  name. 

Mr.  Braxton  having  been  omitted  in  an  election  for  mem 
bers  of  congress,  subsequent  to  the  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence,  it  has  been  supposed  that  he  had  fallen  under  the  dis 
pleasure  of  his  constituents.  But,  on  a  meeting  of  the  gene 
ral  assembly,  the  first  under  the  new  constitution  of  the  state, 
of  which  he  was  a  member,  he  with  Mr.  Jefferson  received 
a  vote  of  thanks  from  that  assembly,  "for  the  diligence, 
ability,  and  integrity,  with  which  they  executed  the  important 
trust  reposed  in  them,  as  two  of  the  delegates  of  the  county 
in  the  general  congress."  They  were  delegates  from  the 
county  of  King  William. 

In  this  session  of  that  legislature,  he  was  an  active  and 
influential  member  ;  and  as  formerly  when  a  member,  he 
was  placed  on  most,  if  not  all  of  the  important  committees. 
If  he  ever  did  incur  the  displeasure  of  his  fellow  citizens,  (of 
which  there  appears  to  be  no  conclusive  evidence,)  it  is  obvi 
ous  that  its  duration  was  short ;  for  he  was  returned  a  mem 
ber  of  the  house  of  representatives  in  the  years  1777-79-80- 
81-83  and  1785.  Their  confidence  and  attachment  were 
unequivocally  manifested,  in  every  vicissitude  of  circumstan 
ces,  some  of  which  were  of  the  most  afflictive  kind,  even  >o 
the  close  of  his  life. 

In  1786,  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  council  of 
state,  and  he  continued  a  member  of  that  board  until  1791. 
He  was  again  elected  to  the  same  office  in  May,  1794,  and 
he  closed  his  services  in  that  board  on  the  sixth  day  of  Octo 
ber,  1797,  four  days  after  which  he  breathed  his  last. 


NORTH  CAROLINA.  325 


NORTH  CAROLINA. 


WILLIAM  HOOPER. 

THIS  gentleman  was  a  native  of  Massachusetts,  and  was 
born  in  Boston  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  June,  1742.  He 
was  descended  from  a  Scottish  ancestry,  and  his  father,  after 
finishing  his  classical  studies  in  the  university  of  Edinburgh, 
left  his  native  land  and  came  to  Boston,  "  in  the  then  province 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,"  and  fixed  his  residence  in  that  town. 

After  receiving  a  careful  preparatory  education  in  part 
from  his  father,  and  afterwards  from  Mr.  John  Lovell,  Wil 
liam  Hooper  entered  Harvard  university  at  the  age  of  fifteen, 
and  left  it  at  the  close  of  the  term  of  three  years,  with  a 
reputation  for  industry  and  application,  peculiarly  distin 
guished  at  that  seminary,  and  highly  honorable  to  his  youth 
ful  character.  His  constitution  was  feeble,  even  from  his 
birth ;  and  cannot  be  supposed  to  have  improved  in  vigor 
from  his  intense  application  to  books,  and  the  sedentary  habit 
invariably  connected  with  a  strong  desire  for  scientific 
acquirements. 

After  he  left  college,  having  manifested  a  preference  for  the 
bar,  though  contrary  to  his  father's  wishes,  he  was  placed  in  the 
office  of  James  Otis,  and  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  his  instruction. 

As  the  profession  of  law  was  fully  supplied  with  practition 
ers  in  Massachusetts,  he  removed  to  North  Carolina,  where 
he  had  numerous  connections,  and  commenced  his  professional 
career  in  that  province. 

There  he  soon  found  himself  associated  with  gentlemen  of 
a  literary  character,  polished  manners,  and  distinguished 
hospitality ;  a  society  in  which  was  combined  that  style  of 
living,  manners,  and  feelings,  which  concurred  to  render  his 
residence  peculiarly  desirable. 

He  had  at  an  early  age.  assumed  and  sustained  his  rank, 
at  the  head  of  the  bar  in  that  region,  and  was  highly  esteemed 
by  the  wealthy  and  fashionable  circle  in  which  he  moved, 
and  by  whom  he  was  deservedly  esteemed  and  respected. 

His  professional  reputation  had  become  so  thoroughly 
established,  even  while  comparatively  a  young  man,  that  he 


326  WILLIAM   HOOPER, 

was  employed  on  behalf  of  the  government  in  several  im- 
portant  trials  ;  and  he  managed  them  with  so  much  profes 
sional  skill,  and  sound  judgment,  that  his  character  was  es 
tablished  as  a  barrister  of  high  standing  in  that  community. 
This  he  retained  to  the  close  of  his  life.  He  also  took  an 
active  and  decided  part  on  the  side  of  government,  against 
an  insurrection  that  became  somewhat  formidable,  about  the 
year  1770.  They  assumed  the  name  of  regulators  ;  and 
consisted  of  low  and  uninformed  people,  whose  jealousy  of 
the  better  classes  of  society  had  been  excited,  and  their  pas 
sions  inflamed  by  designing  men,  who  were  desirous  of  over 
turning  the  existing  order  of  things,  that  they  might  gain 
something  in  the  scramble.  It  was,  however,  subdued  at  the 
expense  of  some  blood ;  and  in  pursuance  of  measures  re 
commended  by  Mr.  Hooper. 

He  commenced  his  legislative  course  in  1773,  in  which 
year  he  was  chosen  a  representative  of  the  town  of  Wilming 
ton,  where  he  had  been  a  resident  scarcely  six  years.  This  fact 
will  evince  the  rapidity  of  his  advancement  in  popular  esteem. 
The  same  respect  was  again  shown  him  in  the  year  follow 
ing,  being  returned  a  member  for  the  county  of  Hanover. 

He  probably  derived  the  tone  of  his  political  sentiments 
from  his  instructor,  while  a  law  student.  He  uniformly  acted 
in  opposition  to  oppression,  and  against  turbulence,  whether 
in  rulers,  or  a  heated  populace.  In  the  house  of  assembly  in 
North  Carolina,  he  was  called  on  in  the  faithful  discharge 
of  his  duty,  to  oppose  the  court  party;  and  was,  though  com 
paratively  young  both  in  years  and  legislation,  selected  as 
the  leader  of  the  party,  who  were  the  most  open  and  decided 
in  their  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  measures  of  the  British 
government.  In  pursuing  the  course  he  had  thus  marked 
out,  uniformly,  and  often  with  great  zeal  and  ardor,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  he  exasperated  the  adherents  of  royal 
power,  and  rendered  himself  very  obnoxious  to  the  warm  par- 
tizans  of  the  ministry  and  the  crown  in  Great  Britain. 

The  scene  began  to  open  in  which  he  was  destined  to  take 
an  active  and  highly  important  part.  The  proposal  from 
Massachusetts,  for  calling  a  general  congress  in  1774,  to 
convene  in  Philadelphia,  had  spread  its  influence  over  North 
Carolina ;  and  the  calling  a  convention  of  delegates  to  act 
on  the  subject  was  the  result.  This  convention  met  in 
Newbern;  and  having  passed  a  resolution  approving  of  the 
measure,  the  convention  immediately  appointed  William 
Hooper  their  first  delegate  to  that  congress. 


NORTH  CAROLINA.  327 

Mr.  Hooper  did  not  reach  Philadelphia,  so  as  to  take  his 
seat  until  the  twelfth  of  September,  when  congress  had  been 
a  week  in  session.  Young  as  he  was,  he  was  immediately 
elected  a  member  of  two  committees,  to  whom  were  in 
trusted  business  of  the  most  important  character.  The  sub 
jects  submitted  to  their  investigation,  and  their  reports, 
embraced  the  broad  basis  of  the  system  of  measures  of  the 
general  government,  in  their  future  progress.  They  may 
be  considered  as  pioneers,  appointed  to  mark  out  and  clear 
the  path  for  the  after  march  of  congress  in  that  course  of 
legislation,  which  was  pursued  in  their  succeeding  sessions. 
Their  business  required  men  of  the  first  talents,  wisdom,  and 
experience.  Although  there  was  no  lack  of  the  two  former 
in  that  assembly ;  in  the  latter  respect,  they  were  necessarily 
deficient. 

Mr.  Hooper  was  again  elected  to  a  seat  in  congress  in  the 
spring  of  1775,  and  was  very  active  during  the  whole  session. 
He  was  employed  in  many  committees,  and  several  of  them 
having  in  charge  interests  of  the  greatest  importance.  He 
was  chairman  of  a  committee  appointed  to  report  an  address 
to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Island  of  Jamaica,  on  the  situation 
of  the  North  American  colonies.  The  address  contained  a 
clear  statement  and  delineation  of  the  injuries  inflicted  on  the 
colonies,  by  the  British  government,  and  an  eloquent  appeal 
to  the  patriotism  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  island.  It  was 
from  his  pen. 

He  was  continued  a  member  of  the  congress  of  1776  , 
v,hough  he  was  under  a  necessity  for  being  absent  from  his 
seat  a  considerable  part  of  the  spring  of  that  year.  The 
public  concerns  of  North  Carolina,  as  well  as  his  private 
business,  rendered  it  necessary  for  him  to  return  to  the  place 
of  bis  residence.  During  his  absence  in  North  Carolina,  he 
was  called  to  attend  two  different  conventions  in  that  pro 
vince — one  at  Hillsborough,  and  the  other  in  Halifax.  Al- 
\vays  ardent,  and  always  active  in  supporting  the  cause  he 
lad  espoused,  he  was  very  influential  in  rousing  the  feelings 
of  the  colony,  and  inducing  them  to  come  forward  resolutely 
to  protect  their  rights,  and  maintain  the  cause  of  the  country, 
against  British  invasion.  By  the  convention  at  Hillsborough, 
his  pen  was  again  put  in  requisition,  to  draw  up  an  address  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  British  empire,  which  that  body  had 
resolved  on. 

He  returned  to  congress  in  the  summer,  and  was  present 
in  season  to  record  his  vote  in  favor  of  declaring  the  North 


328  WILLIAM  HOOPER, 

American  colonies  independent,  in  connection  with  his  col 
leagues,  when  that  question  was  decided.     The  measure  he 
advocated  with  decision,  and  approved  of  it  with  entire  cor 
diality. 

Mr.  Hooper  continued  in  his  seat  during  the  remainder  of 
the  session  of  1776,  and  was  a  member  of  several  commit 
tees  ;  among  which  were  those  for  regulating  the  post  office, 
the  treasury,  secret  correspondence,  and  appeals  from  the 
courts  of  admiralty.  These  were  all  trusts  of  much  import 
ance,  and  requiring  sound  judgment  and  deliberation. 

He  was  again  chosen  a  member  of  congress  in  December, 
1776.  But  he  did  not  long  retain  his  seat.  His  private 
affairs  had  suffered  so  materially,  by  reason  of  his  absence, 
and  consequent  inattention  to  them,  while  engaged  in  the  ser 
vice  of  the  public,  and  also  by  reason  of  the  situation  of  the 
country  at  that  dark  and  gloomy  period ;  that  the  security  of 
his  family  made  it  indispensably  necessary  that  he  should  re 
tire  from  congress,  and  return  to  North  Carolina  Conse 
quently,  he  obtained  leave  of  absence  in  March,  1777,  and  re 
turned  to  his  family ;  and  shortly  afterwards,  on  perceiving 
that  he  could  not  resume  his  seat  in  that  assembly,  he  resigned 
and  did  not  again  mingle  in  its  labors  and  discussions. 

Like  others  who  voted  to  dissolve  all  allegiance  to  the 
king  and  government  of  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Hooper  was  pecu 
liarly  odious  to  English  troops;  who  vented  their  feelings,  and 
gave  indulgence  to  their  revenge,  on  every  opportunity  they 
could  embrace  for  exercising  it  on  their  persons,  property, 
and  families.  While  he  was  absent  in  Philadelphia,  attend 
ing  to  his  congressional  duties,  an  English  sloop  of  war,  then 
lying  in  Cape  Fear  River,  fired  upon  a  dwelling  house  be 
longing  to  him,  which  was  near  the  river,  and  a  few  miles 
from  Wilmington.  This  fact  is  worthy  of  being  noticed,  only 
because  it  shows  the  strong  resentment  against  those  who 
took  a  leading  part  in  resisting  the  arbitrary  measures  of  the 
British  government. 

After  his  retirement  from  congress,  he  renigved  his  family 
from  Wilmington,  to  a  plantation  which  he  owned  a  few 
miles  distant  from  that  town ;  but  the  persecuting  spirit  di 
rected  against  him  personally,  did  not  long  suffer  him  to  en 
joy  his  retirement  in  tranquillity.  A  Major  Craige,  an  officer 
in  the  British  service,  approached  his  residence  with  a  con 
siderable  force,  and  compelled  him  to  send  his  family  back 
to  Wilmington,  and  to  seek  security  for  himself  in  the  inte 
rior 


NORTH  CAROLINA.  329 

About  this  time,  when  the  American  affairs  were  overcast 
with  gloom,  and  the  storm  was  still  gathering  blackness,  and 
the  final  issue  of  the  contest  was  very  doubtful,  it  is  said  that 
Mr.  Hooper  and  other  members  of  congress  had  concerted 
with  the  French  minister,  to  take  a  residence  in  one  of  the 
French  West  India  islands,  as  a  last  resort,  if  the  colonies 
were  obliged  in  the  end  to  submit. 

After  the  enemy  evacuated  Wilmington,  in  1771,  Mr. 
Hooper  with  his  family  returned  to  his  own  residence.  He 
remained  there  however  but  a  short  time,  and  then  took  up  his 
abode  in  Hillsborough. 

It  is  probable  that  he  now  prosecuted  the  business  of  his 
profession,  without  meeting  with  any  remarkable  event  wor 
thy  of  historical  record,  until  the  year  1786,  when  he  was  ap 
pointed  by  congress  one  of  the  judges  of  a  federal  court, 
which  was  constituted  for  the  special  purpose  of  settling  a 
controversy  that  had  arisen  between  Massachusetts,  and  New 
York,  relative  to  a  territory,  which  was  claimeo^  by  each  of 
those  states.  The  cause  was  one  of  great  importance,  but  it 
never  was  brought  before  that  tribunal.  It  was  finally  ad 
justed  by  commissioners  appointed  by  the  states,  and  settled 
without  farther  litigation. 

Mr.  Hooper  had  continued  to  hold  a  high  rank  in  the  legis 
lative  council  of  the  state,  and  he  fully  sustained  his  station 
at  the  bar,  notwithstanding  his  feeble  constitution  and  im 
paired  health.  But  while  yet  in  the  prime  of  life,  he  began 
in  1787  to  relax  in  his  attention  to  business,  and  soon  after 
withdrew  wholly  from  all  active  employment.  His  life  was 
now  drawing  to  its  close.  He  lived  very  much  within  his 
family  until  the  month  of  October,  1790  ;  when  at  the  age  of 
forty- eight  years,  his  earthly  existence  was  closed  in  Hills- 
borough  in  North  Carolina. 

At  his  decease  he  left  a  widow,  two  sons  and  one  daughter 
the  last  of  whom  only  survives. 

Like  many  of  his  fellow  laborers  in  the  old  congress,  al 
though  he  suffered  losses  and  trials,  he  never  once  regretted 
having  engaged  in  the  cause  of  liberty  and  his  country ;  and 
amidst  all  the  gloom  with  which  the  prospect  before  America 
was  from  time  to  time  overspread,  he  never  desponded,  nor 
suffered  himself  to  be  cast  down. 

When  the  afflictive  intelligence  of  the  disastrous  battle  of 
Germantown  reached  him,  he  was  seated  among  a  party  of 
friends,  on  whose  feelings  the  intelligence  brought  an  almost 
overwhelming  distress  and  discouragement.  They  seemed 

28* 


330  JOSEPH  HEWES, 

x 

ready  almost  to  despair  of  the  cause.  But  Mr.  Hooper,  start 
ing  from  his  seat  with  great,  animation,  repeated  the  words 
"  we  have  been  disappointed,"  in  which  the  intelligence  was 
announced,  with  vehemence  he  exclaimed,  "  We  have  been 
disappointed,  but  no  matter,  now  that  we  have  become  the 
assailants,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  issue." 


JOSEPH  HEWES. 

JOSEPH  HEWES  was  born  at  Kingston  in  New  Jersey,  in 
ihe  year  1730.  His  parents,  at  the  time  of  their  marriage, 
resided  in  Connecticut,  and  belonged  to  the  society  of  Friends. 

From  Connecticut  they  removed  to  New  Jersey,  where 
ihey  found  a  quiet  and  tranquil  retreat  in  Kingston,  a  short 
distance  from  Princeton. 

This  proved  a  very  favorable  circumstance  to  Joseph,  foi 
when  he  attained  to  the  proper  age  for  pursuing  his  studies 
the  vicinity  of  his  father's  dwelling  to  the  college  in  Prince 
ton,  furnished  him  with  facilities  for  procuring  an  education 
such  as  a  more  distant  residence  from  a  seminary  of  learning 
would  have  precluded. 

Having  finished  his  academic  studies,  he  went  immedi 
ately  to  Philadelphia,  and  entered  as  an  apprentice  to  a  mer 
chant,  to  qualify  himself  for  commercial  business. 

On  the  close  of  his  apprenticeship,  he  commenced  business 
on  his  own  account,  and  by  means  of  peculiar  advantages, 
which  at  that  time  attended  the  colonies,  in  connection  with 
the  protection  to  merchant  ships  afforded  by  the  British  flag, 
Mr.  Hewes  rapidly  acquired  property.  His  residence  for 
several  years,  was  divided  between  New  York  and  Philadel 
phia,  as  his  business  demanded  his  attention  in  the  one  place 
or  the  other. 

At  the  age  of  about  thirty  years,  he  removed  to  North 
Carolina,  and  settled  in  Edenton,  which  he  afterwards  made 
his  home  for  life. 

In  this  his  new  residence,  his  industrious  attention  to  busi 
ness,  his  probity  in  his  dealings,  his  sobriety  of  deportment, 
his  intelligence  and  address,  early  acquired  for  him  the  es 
teem  and  confidence  of  the  inhabitants  ;  insomuch  that  while 


NORTH  CAROLINA.  331 

he  was  yet  comparatively  a  stranger  among  them,  by  their 
voluntary  and  unsolicited  favor,  he  was  called  to  take  a  seat 
in  their  legislative  assembly.  That  appointment  was  repeat, 
edly  given  him,  and  the  duties  connected  with  it  he  uniformly 
discharged  to  the  acceptance  of  his  constituents. 

North  Carolina  was  early  decided  in  her  opposition  to  the 
aggressions  of  the  ministry  and  parliament  of  Great  Britain. 
Consequently,  so  soon  as  the  proposal  for  a  general  congress 
was  announced  to  her  influential  men,  measures  were  adopted 
for  calling  a  convention  to  discuss  the  subject.  That  con 
vention  met  fully  prepared  for  the  object.  Accordingly, 
three  delegates  were  appointed  to  attend  the  first  congress  in 
Philadelphia,  of  whom  Joseph  Hewes  was  one. 

He  entered  the  session  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  September, 
1774 ;  and  like  all  the  other  delegates,  his  services  were  im 
mediately  called  into  action  for  arranging  some  of  the  vari 
ous  subjects  which  were  to  be  considered,  and  decided  by 
congress  before  the  session  closed.  He  was  placed  on  the 
committee  for  considering  and  "  stating  the  rights  of  the 
colonies  in  general,  the  several  instances  in  which  those 
rights  had  been  violated,  and  the  means  most  proper  to  be 
pursued  for  obtaining  a  restoration  of  them." 

That  committee,  after  an  industrious  attention  to  their  du 
ties,  reported  a  bill  of  rights  to  which  the  inhabitants  were 
entitled,  just  one  month  from  the  day  on  which  he  entered 
congress. 

Mr.  Hewes  was  another  striking  instance  of  self  devoted 
patriotism,  of  which  there  were  many  in  those  days,  worthy 
of  the  age  in  which  they  lived,  and  which  would  honor  any 
age,  of  any  nation.  He  was  a  merchant.  He  had  been  en 
gaged  in  the  business  of  importing  goods  from  Great  Britain 
and  her  dependencies.  By  importing  and  selling  those  goods 
he  procured  his  support ;  and  this  had  been  his  business  and 
the  source  of  his  income,  more  than  twenty  years  ;  and  he 
had  no  other.  Yet  all  this  must  fall  a  sacrifice  by  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  non-importation  agreement.  But  notwithstand 
ing  this  sacrifice,  he  aided  in  maturing  such  an  agreement, 
voted  for  it,  and  exerted  himself  to  have  it  universally  concur 
red  in,  and  carried  into  complete  effect. 

Congress  having  finished  the  business  of  that  session,  and 
resolved  that  it  was  expedient  that  there  should  be  another 
meeting  in  May,  1775,  adjourned.  In  the  spring  of  1775, 
Mr.  Hewes  was  re-elected  a  delegate  to  congress,  and  took 
his  seat  accordingly  at  the  time  appointed.  He  was  emphati- 

15 


332  WILLIAM  HOOPER, 

cally  a  man  of  business.  Of  whatever  committees  he  was  a 
member,  he  devoted  himself  to  discharge  his  several  duties 
with  great  assiduity,  and  unwearied  perseverance.  He  was 
a  member  of  that  which  had  in  charge  the  whole  naval  de 
partment  ;  and  he  became  in  effect  the  first  secretary  of  the 
navy.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  secret  committee,  whose 
duties  were  of  the  first  importance,  and  of  the  highest  respon 
sibility. 

But  while  he  was  so  much  occupied  with  his  multiplied  avo 
cations  in  congress,  he  was  not  unmindful  of  North  Carolina. 
The  civil  war  was  raging  in  that  distracted  region,  and  ex 
posed  the  country  to  the  attack  of  the  common  foe.  It  stood 
in  need  of  aid  ;  and  this  aid  Mr.  Hewes  forwarded  for  her  re 
lief,  from  his  own  private  resources,  although  he  was  after 
wards  remunerated  by  congress. 

The  convention  of  North  Carolina,  in  April,  1776,  had  voted 
a  resolution,  empowering  the  delegates  from  that  province 
to  concur  with  those  from  the  other  colonies,  in  declaring 
independence  ;  and  Mr.  Hewes,  who  was  present  when  the 
question  was  debated  in  congress,  was  under  no  embarrass 
ment  in  voting  for  it  in  conformity  to  his  established  judgment, 
as  well  as  his  views  of  its  indispensable  necessity,  or  in  sign 
ing  the  instrument  by  which  it  was  declared. 

As  soon  as  the  business  of  the  session  would  admit,  Mr. 
Hewes  returned  to  North  Carolina  ;  and  although  he  was  ap 
pointed  again  a  delegate  to  congress  in  the  spring  of  1777,  he 
declined  resuming  his  seat  at  that  time.  He  remained  at 
home,  attending  to  his  own  private  concerns,  and  to  the  inte 
rests  of  the  state,  until  July,  1779 ;  he  then  resumed  his  seat  in 
congress.  But  his  term  of  service  was  fast  drawing  to  its 
close.  His  constitution  had  been  severely  tried,  and  his 
health  was  now  quite  feeble.  He  was  able,  therefore,  to 
attend  but  little  to  the  business  of  the  public,  or  afford  his  aid 
to  the  national  councils. 

He  attended  and  acted  in  congress,  and  gave  his  last  vote 
in  that  body,  on  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  October.  Thence 
he  betook  himself  to  his  chamber,  where  he  was  confined 
until  the  tenth  day  of  November,  when  he  'breathed  his  last,  in 
the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age. 

His  funeral  was  attended  by  congress  in  a  body,  by  many 
personages  of  distinction,  civil  and  military,  and  a  large  con 
course  of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  with  marks  of  sincere 
regret  for  his  decease,  and  profound  respect  for  his  character 


NORTH  CAROLINA.  335 


JOHN  PENN 

To  the  number  of  honorable  instances  of  individuals,  who 
rose  to  eminence  and  distinction,  among  the  leading  patriots 
of  the  American  revolution,  by  their  own  resolute  and  perse 
vering  efforts,  with  but  little  aid  from  others,  may  be  added  the 
name  of  John  Penn.  He  emerged  from  obscurity,  such  ae 
would  have  disheartened  men  of  less  energy  of  character,  aJ 
the  outset.  But  he  resolved  on  accomplishing  his  purpose 
and  he  did  accomplish  it,  notwithstanding  many  obstacles 
which  for  years  opposed  his  progress. 

He  was  a  native  of  Virginia,  and  was  born  in  the  county  of 
Caroline,  on  the  17th  of  May,  1741.     He  was  the  only  child 
of  Moses  Penn,  who  seems  to  have  regarded  his  welfare 
almost  with  indifference.     For  at  the  age  of  eighteen  years, 
he  had  been  furnished  with  but  two  or  three  years  instruc 
tion  in  a  common  country  school,  whence  he  could  have  deriv 
ed  but  small  advantages.      At  that  age,  he  lost  his  father  by 
Jeath.     He  industriously  improved  that  very  slight  opportu 
dity,  to  obtain  what  little  knowledge  it  could  furnish,  which 
rnust  have  been  very  small. 

His  father  left  him  a  competent  property,  though  not  large, 
of  which  he  became  at  that  youthful  period  of  life,  the  sole 
guardian  tyid  manager.  The  comparative  obscurity  of  his 
early  life,»was  in  one  respect  favorable.  It  had  preserved 
him  from  those  dangerous  associations,  and  contaminating 
examples  which  are  numerous,  and  by  which  many  unpro 
tected  youths  are  ensnared,  and  enticed  to  their  ruin.  But 
Mr.  Penn  possessed  a  mind  which  was  disposed  to  avoid,  and 
capable  of  resisting  the  dangerous  allurements  of  youth,  and 
of  fixing  on  a  course  both  discreet  and  honorable,  and  pro 
mising  an  auspicious  result. 

He  was  a  relative  of  the  celebrated  Edmund  Pendleton, 
one  of  the  distinguished  Virginia  patriots,  and  fellow  laborers 
with  Messrs.  Lee,  Henry,  Randolph,  Wythe,  &c.  and  young 
Penn  availed  himself  of  the  use  of  his  library,  kindly  tendered 
to  him  by  its  generous  owner.  He  resided  near  to  his  kins 
man,  and  taking  advantage  of  his  kindness,  which  gave  him 
access  to  his  books,  he  industriously  applied  himself  to  im 
prove  the  privilege  by  intense  application.  Mr.  Penn  thus 
situated,  formed  the  resolution  of  qualifying  himself  for  prac 
tising  law.  He  immediately  set  about  effecting  his  pur- 


334  JOHN  PENN, 

pose,  with  no  other  guide  but  his  own  judgment,  and  with 
only  the  very  limited  preparatory  education  we  have  men 
tioned. 

At  twenty-one  years  of  age,  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  in 
the  county  where  he  resided ;  and  by  close  application,  and 
native  powers  of  eloquence,  he  soon  rose  to  eminence.  His 
eloquence  was  of  that  attractive  kind,  to  which  auditors  always 
listen  with  peculiar  satisfaction.  He  could  enlist  the  tender 
feelings  in  his  favor,  and  bear  them  along  to  a  successful 
issue  of  the  cause  in  which  he  was  engaged. 

In  1774,  he  removed  to  North  Carolina,  and  entered  on 
his  professional  business  in  that  province.  There  the  same 
distinction  attended  him  which  he  had  attained  in  Virginia. 

We  may  be  assured  that  his  reputation  as  a  politician  and 
a  patriot,  had  become  extensively  known,  from  the  fact,  that 
in  less  than  two  years  after  his  settlement  in  that  province, 
he  was  elected  a  delegate  to  congress,  among  those  early 
worthies,  to  whom  the  management  of  the  important  interests 
of  the  country  was  committed.  He  took  his  seat  on  the 
twelfth  day  of  October,  1775,  as  a  delegate  for  North  Caro 
lina  ;  and  in  the  following  year,  met  the  crisis  which  severed 
the  colonies  forever  from  the  mother  country,  and  gave  them 
a  rank  among  the  independent  nations  of  the  world.  He 
was  returned  to  a  seat  in  congress  annually  during  the  three 
following  years  ;  and  like  the  other  members  of  that  assem 
bly,  he  faithfully  and  with  promptitude,  industriously  perform 
ed  the  numerous  duties  which  were  devolved  on  hkn,  during 
that  long  and  gloomy  period  of  the  revolutionary  conflict. 

At  the  time  when  Lord  Cornwallis  was  directing  his  march 
from  Camden,  in  South  Carolina,  at  the  head  of  a  victorious 
army,  North  Carolina,  almost  defenceless,  was  the  object  of 
his  invasion  and  ravages.  In  that  situation  the  confidence 
reposed  in  Mr.  Penn  was  almost  unlimited.  Cornwallis  had 
entered  the  western  part  of  the  state,  and  it  was  almost  des 
titute  of  all  the  necessary  means  of  defence.  The  eyes  of 
the  community  were  turned  in  this  emergency,  on  Mr.  Perm  ; 
and  he  was  invested  with  a  power  but  little  short  of  that  of  a 
dictator.  This  power,  so  dangerous  in  all  situations  to  be 
intrusted  to  any  man,  as  history  abundantly  testifies,  he  used, 
and  applied  to  the  pressing  situation  of  the  state,  without 
abusing  it,  and  for  the  great  benefit  of  the  commonwealth. 
He  sustained  the  trial,  performed  the  requisite  duties  of  his 
appointment,  received  the  approbation  of  the  state,  and  ac 
quired  additional  honor  to  himself. 


NORTH  CAROLINA.  335 

Previous  to  the  termination  of  the  war  of  the  revolution, 
Mr.  Penn  had  relinquished  public  employment,  and  retired  to 
the  enjoyment  of  domestic  life. 

In  1784,  he  was  appointed  receiver  of  taxes  for  North  Car 
olina,  by  Robert  Morris,  the  celebrated  financier  of  the  United 
States.  It  was  an  unpopular  and  an  unwelcome  office.  It 
was  one  of  high  trust  and  honor.  But  the  incumbents  in  the 
several  states,  suffered  more  obloquy  and  reproach  from  the 
peculiar  state  of  the  times,  and  the  empoverished  condition  of 
the  inhabitants,  than  all  the  honors  and  emoluments  of  the 
office  were  worth.  With  feelings  the  most  patriotic,  the 
most  sincere  desires  to  be  useful  to  the  country  on  the  one 
hand  ;  on  the  other,  a  conviction  derived  from  experience, 
that  he  could  effect  little  by  retaining  his  office,  and  that  he 
must  continue  to  suffer  much  in  his  feelings,  he  resigned  his 
office,  which  was  Droved  to  be  alike  destitute  of  proh't  to  the 
public  and  himself.  He  held  it  but  a  few  weeks. 

He  died  in  1788,  in  the  month  of  September,  in  the  forty, 
seventh  year  of  his  age.  He  was  married  in  July,  1763,  to 
Miss  Susan  Lyme,  by  whom  he  had  three  children  ;  one  only 
of  whom  became  the  head  of  a  family.  The  others  died  in 
single  life. 

Such  was  the  character  of  another  of  the  revolutionary 
worthies,  who. by  his  own  almost  unassisted  exertions,  raised 
himself  from  obscurity  to  a  distinguished  rank  among  the 
great  men  of  that  memorable  period,  became  qualified  for  ex 
tensive  usefulness,  and  attained  to  high  and  merited  honors 
in  the  commonwealth.  Thus  furnishing  another  example, 
well  worthy  of  an  extensive  imitation. 


336  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE, 


SOUTH   CAROLINA. 


EDWARD  RUTLEDGE. 

EDWARD  RUTLEDGE  was  the  youngest  son  of  Doctor  John 
Rutledge,  who  emigrated  from  Ireland,  in  1735,  and  settled 
at  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  There  he  pursued  the  prac 
tice  of  physic  several  years,  till  his  connection  by  marriage 
with  Miss  Hert,  put  him  in  possession  of  an  ample  property. 
Mrs.  Rutledge  was  a  superior  woman  by  nature  and  acquire 
ments.  By  the  early  decease  of  Doctor  Rutledge  she  was 
left  a  widow,  with  the  charge  of  seven  children,  at  the  age 
of  twenty-seven  years.  Edward,  the  youngest  of  the  seven, 
was  born  at  Charleston  in  November,  1740. 

Of  his  early  years  but  little  is  known  ;  probably  nothing 
was  manifested  by  him,  of  a  character  to  distinguish  him  es 
sentially  from  others  of  his  own  age.  He  is  represented  as 
having  been  sprightly  in  his  youth,  of  a  docile  and  amiable  dis 
position,  and  exemplary  in  filial  affection  and  obedience. 

Young  Rutledge,  at  a  suitable  age,  was  committed  to  the 
tuition  of  a  classical  instructor  from  New  Jersey.  But  the 
means  of  acquiring  a  finished  classical  education,  not  having 
been  established  at  that  time  in  the  south,  whatever  his  ac 
quisitions  were,  they  fell  short  of  such  as  were  furnished  by 
the  collegiate  instructions  of  the  northern  colonies.  He  at 
tained  sufficient,  however,  to  qualify  him  for  entering  on  the 
study  of  law,  the  profession  for  which  he  had  been  destined 
by  his  connections. 

His  eldest  brother,  John  Rutledge,  was  already  established 
in  the  practice  of  law  in  Charleston  ;  and  was  rapidly  ad 
vancing  to  the  head  of  the  profession,  at  the  Charleston  bar. 
Edward  at  an  early  age  was  placed  under  him,  to  prepare 
for  his  own  professional  career.  To  finish  the  preparatory 
course  of  studies,  before  admission  to  the  bar,  he  was  in  1769, 
when  scarcely  twenty  years  of  age,  sent  to  England,  and  en 
tered  as  a  student  at  the  temple.  There  he  had  opportunities 
for  witnessing  the  oratorical  displays  and  efforts  of  the  dis 
tinguished  characters  of  that  age  ;  among  whom  were  Messrs. 


SOUTH  CAROLINA.  337 

Mansfield,  Thurlow,  Chatham,  Dunning,  Wedderburn,  and 
Camden.  These  advantages  were  of  much  value  to  him,  and 
industriously  improved  for  his  own  advantage. 

He  returned  to  Charleston,  after  having  spent  the  required 
term  in  England,  and  commenced  practising  law  at  that 
place,  in  1773.  In  his  early  efforts,  he  received  the  applause 
of  his  fellow  citizens ;  and  his  course,  so  long  as  he  pursued 
it,  was  both  flattering  and  prosperous.  But  he  was  not  per 
mitted  to  advance  very  far  in  it,  before  the  partiality  of  his 
fellow  citizens,  called  him  from  the  bar,  to  attend  to  their 
more  important  interests  in  the  general  congress.  His  elec 
tion  to  that  assembly  took  place  in  the  year  1774,  when  Mr. 
Rutledge  was  but  twenty-five  years  of  age.  Even  at  that 
early  age,  he  always  manifested  a  degree  of  prudence,  sound 
discretion,  and  decision  of  character,  which  are  not  often  met 
with  in  so  early  a  period  of  life.  Though  a  firm  whig,  he 
was  uniformly  opposed  to  violent  party  measures.  Although 
fond  of  popular  favor  and  promotion,  he  not  only  would  not 
condescend  to  court  them,  by  flattering  his  fellow  citizens,  in 
giving  his  countenance  to  their  measures,  when  he  was  per 
suaded  they  were  wrong  ;  but  uniformly  opposed  them  with 
boldness,  although  his  rising  hopes,  and  opening  prospects, 
might  become  a  sacrifice  to  their  resentment.  In  this  respect 
his  character  was  put  to  the  test,  in  more  instances  than  one, 
in  the  place  of  his  residence ;  and  he  uniformly  maintained 
his  integrity  in  spite  of  the  hissings  and  shouting  of  his  fel 
low  citizens,  as  tokens  of  their  disapprobation  of  his  conduct. 

For  his  services  in  the  continental  congress,  where  he  .had 
some  opposition  from  some  of  his  colleagues  to  contend  with, 
he  received  the  approbation  of  the  provincial  congress,  in  con 
nection  with  his  colleagues,  in  a  formal  vote  of  thanks,  which 
they  passed  ;  and  which  was  followed  by  a  re-appointment  to 
the  same  office,  for  the  year  1775.  He  was  again  chosen 
for  the  following  year ;  that  year  which  will  be  the  most  me 
morable  in  the  American  history  to  the  end  of  time. 

It  was  a  fact  well  understood  by  Mr.  Rutledge,  that  a  con 
siderable  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  South  Carolina,  were 
at  least  not  zealous  in  favor  of  declaring  the  colonies  indepen 
dent,  at  the  time  when  it  began  to  be  a  subject  of  discus 
sion.  Some  thought  it  premature  ;  some,  that  if  declared, 
the  country  could  not  sustain  it  against  the  power  and  force 
of  Great  Britain  ;  and  others,  particularly  the  mercantile  por 
tion  of  the  community,  anticipated  the  total  prostration  of 
their  business,  for  a  time  at  least,  if  not  utterly,  by  adopting 

29 


338  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE, 

so  decisive  a  measure.  But  Mr.  Rutledge,  in  opposition  to  all 
these  considerations,  perceiving  the  necessity  of  the  measure 
and  firm  in  the  belief  of  an  ultimate  triumph  of  the  colonies 
in  support  of  their  just  rights,  boldly  advocated  its  adoption  ; 
and  when  the  time  had  come  for  a  final  decision,  he  gave  his 
vote  in  its  favor ;  and  in  due  course,  set  his  name  to  the  in- 
strument,  by  which  the  independence  of  his  country  was  so 
lemnly  announced  to  the  world. 

Before  this  important  measure  was  determined  by  congress, 
a  resolution  was  introduced  to  that  body,  and  adopted,  recom 
mending  to  the  several  provinces  to  establish  permanent  go 
vernments  for  regulating  their  concerns,  instead  of  those  ephe 
meral  institutions  to  which  the  urgency  of  their  circumstan 
ces  had  required  them  to  resort  for  temporary  purposes.  This 
recommendation  clearly  and  unequivocally  indicated  their  ul 
terior  design  ;  and  it  might  easily  be  inferred,  in  whom  con 
gress  placed  confidence,  when  it  was  ascertained  whom  they 
designated  to  bring  it  forward.  On  that  occasion  we  find, 
that  young  Rutledge  was  associated  with  Richard  Henry 
Lee  and  John  Adams,  to  prepare  a  suitable  preamble  to  the 
recommendation. 

At  the  request  of  Lord  Howe,  that  congress  would  depute 
commissioners  to  meet  him,  to  consider  of  some  proposals  of 
the  British  government,  ostensibly  to  negotiate  for  peace, 
congress  appointed  Mr.  John  Adams,  Doctor  Franklin,  and 
Mr.  Rutledge.  It  is  well  known  that  the  mission  was  pro 
ductive  of  no  immediate  consequences,  that  were  beneficial  to 
either  party.  It  appeared  obvious  that  the  real  object  of  the 
British  was,  under  cover  of  pacific  proposals,  to  sow  the  seeds 
of  jealousy,  and  excite  parties  among  the  Americans.  That 
time  was  embraced  for  this  purpose,  because  a  succession  of 
adverse  occurrences  in  their  affairs,  had  caused  some  degree 
of  despondency  in  the  public  feelings;  and  the  enemy  hoped 
that  the  time  would  prove  propitious  to  their  purposes,  by 
inclining  the  timid  and  wavering  to  come  forth  in  open  oppo 
sition  to  the  cause  of  American  Independence. 

We  have  no  further  account  of  Mr.  Rutledge's  proceedings 
in  congress,  to  record  in  this  sketch,  by  reason  of  the  early 
determination  of  that  body,  to  transact  their  business  with 
closed  doors.  That  resolution  was  not  rescinded  up  to  the 
time  when  ill  health,  and  other  imperative  causes,  compelled 
him  to  withdraw,  for  a  period,  from  his  public  duties  in  that 
assembly.  He  was  returned  again  as  a  delegate  in  1779 ; 
but  sickness,  which  arrested  him  on  his  way  to  the  place  of 


SOUTH  CAROLINA.  339 

their  sessions,  compelled  him  to  return  home,  without  even 
reaching  the  end  of  his  journey. 

From  his  retirement  from  congress  in  1777,  the  situation 
of  South  Carolina  demanded  his  attention,  and  patriotic  exer 
tions  for  its  preservation  ;  and  eventually,  for  its  deliverance 
from  the  possession  and  depredations  of  the  enemy.  During 
that  time  Mr.  Rutledge  was  more  than  once  found  march- 
ing  to  attack  the  invading  enemy.  Particularly,  when  the 
British  assaulted  Port  Royal  Island,  with  a  detachment  com 
manded  by  Major  Beard,  Mr.  Rutledge  in  command  of  an 
artillery  company,  and  his  colleague,  Thomas  Heyward, 
(who  also  signed  the  Delaration  of  Independence,)  in  com 
mand  of  another,  marched  to  oppose  them.  The  result  was, 
the  British  were  defeated,  and  driven  from  the  island. 

In  the  year  1780,  while  Charleston  was  invested  by  the 
British,  Mr.  Rutledge,  in  an  attempt  to  succor  General  Lin 
coln,  by  throwing  troops  into  the  city,  was  taken  a  prisoner 
by  the  enemy,  and  sent  afterwards  to  St.  Augustine,  in  Flo 
rida.  He  was  detained  there  nearly  a  year,  in  company 
with  some  others  of  his  fellow  citizens,  who  were  considered 
as  too  dangerous  rebels  to  be  intrusted  with  a  station  less 
remote  from  their  homes.  After  having  been  exchanged,  he 
returned  to  Philadelphia ;  and  spent  about  six  months  at  a 
moderate  distance  from  that  city,  with  the  two  General 
Pinckneys,  his  friends,  who  were,  at  that  time,  both  of  them 
prisoners  to  the  British.  He  embraced  the  first  opportunity 
to  return  to  the  south,  of  which  the  situation  of  that  country 
admitted.  At  that  time  the  forces  under  Generals  Greene, 
Sumpter,  and  Marion,  were  beginning  to  encounter  the  ene 
my  with  some  success,  and  reanimated  the  desponding  hopes 
of  the  inhabitants. 

After  the  British  forces  evacuated  Charleston,  Mr.  Rut- 
ledge  returned  to  his  native  residence,  and  mingled  his  con 
gratulations  with  his  relatives  and  friends.  Among  them  he 
found  his  mother,  who  had  suffered  some  persecutions  by  the 
foe,  during  the  time  they  held  possession  of  that  country. 
They  considered  her  talents  as  qualifying  her  to  become  a 
dangerous  enemy ;  and  to  guard  themselves  against  any  evils 
she  might  assist  in  bringing  on  them,  the  commander  of  the 
forces  at  Charleston  ordered  her  to  be  removed  from  her 
country  residence  into  the  city,  where  she  would  be  more 
particularly  under  his  eye,  than  in  the  country. 

After  his  return  to  Charleston,  on  its  having  been  eva 
cuated  by  the  enemy,  he  entered,  into  the  practise  of  law, 


340  EDWARD  RUTLEDGE, 

in  which  he  passed  about  seventeen  years  ;  dividing  his  time 
between  the  prosecution  of  his  professional  duties  at  the  bar, 
and  his  legislative  service  under  the  state  government.  In 
the  legislature  of  the  state  he  was  a  leading,  active,  and  in 
fluential  member.  But  though  his  services  were  usefully 
and  faithfully  rendered,  during  that  length  of  time,  yet,  in  a 
course  of  duties  so  uniform,  where  there  was  little  to  occupy 
his  time,  and  engage  his  attention,  few  remarkable  occur 
rences  took  place,  adapted  to  give  a  variety  to  his  history,  or 
to  impress  it  with  a  character  peculiarly  interesting  to  pos 
terity.  Widows  and  orphans,  and  the  fatherless,  often  reaped 
the  benefits  of  his  gratuitous  services  in  his  profession ;  and 
the  indigent  were  almost  daily  "  made  to  feel  gladness  of 
heart,"  by  his  charity  and  beneficence. 

After  the  war  of  the  revolution  was  ended,  many  of  the 
gentlemen  having  suffered  materially  during  its  progress,  by 
British  depredations  on  one  portion  of  their  property,  (their 
slaves,)  and  having  been  otherwise  greatly  impoverished, 
had  become  deeply  involved  in  debt.  Several  expedients 
were  proposed  in  the  legislature,  for  their  relief  against  a 
ruinous  pressure  for  payment.  Among  them  was  a  proposal 
for  introducing  slaves  from  abroad,  to  supply  the  places  of 
those  who  had  been  carried  off  by  the  enemy.  Against 
every  effort  of  that  nature,  he  uniformly  and  stedfastly  exerted 
himself.  He  never  would  consent  to  extend,  or  in  any  way 
increase  the  evil  of  slavery  ;  an  evil  of  fearful  magnitude, 
entailed  on  them  by  their  British  ancestors,  and  for  which  no 
effectual  remedy  could  be  devised. 

On  the  commencement  of  hostilities  between  the  French 
republic  and  Great  Britain,  in  common  with  a  vast  majority 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  he  was  an  enthusiastic 
well-wisher  to  the  success  of  the  former.  This  was,  how 
ever,  at  a  time  when  the  real  designs  of  the  French  rulers  and 
leading  men  had  not  been  fully  developed.  In  this  country 
it  was  generally  believed  that  they  were,  in  good  faith,  seek 
ing  to  rescue  their  liberties  from  the  grasp  of  despotic  rulers ; 
and  many  of  their  extravagances  were  palliated  and  excused 
for  that  reason.  Mr.  Rutledge,  still  feeling  the  smarting  of 
those  many  wounds  inflicted  on  him  and  his  country  by  the 
British ;  and  remembering  the  aid  furnished  to  us  by  the 
French  government,  very  naturally  had  his  feelings  strongly 
enlisted  in  behalf  of  the  one,  and  against  the  other. 

It  was  probably  a  fact,  that  his  popularity  in  his  native 
state  was  so  general  among  the  citizens,  that  had  he  conde 


SOUTH  CAROLINA  341 

scended  to  solicit  office  for  himself,  there  was  none  in  the 
gift  of  the  people,  which  he  might  not  have  had  at  any  time. 
He  accepted  the  office  of  colonel  of  a  regiment  of  artillery, 
when  the  battalion  in  which  he  had  long  served  was  consti 
tuted  a  regiment.  When  General  Charles  C.  Pinckney  re 
tired  from  his  seat  in  the  United  States  senate,  Mr.  Rutledge 
was  appointed  his  successor. 

He  retired  from  the  practice  of  law,  in  1798,  and  was 
chosen  governor  of  the  state.  But  the  career  of  his  services 
and  of  his  life  was  terminated  by  death,  before  one  half  of  his 
official  term  had  elapsed.  He  had  suffered  previously  to  the 
last  attack,  under  which  he  sank,  by  repeated  paroxysms  of 
an  hereditary  gout ;  and  his  consitution,  never  vigorous,  had 
become  considerably  enfeebled.  He  was  much  debilitated 
during  the  session  of  the  legislature  in  Columbia ;  and  on 
his  return  to  Charleston,  he  suffered  from  exposure  to  the 
weather,  which  at  that  time  was  inclement  and  severe.  But 
he  reached  home  ;  and  after  languishing  for  a  short  time,  he 
expired  on  the  23d  day  of  January,  1800,  in  the  60th  year 
of  his  age,  much  and  justly  lamented  by  the  citizens  of  his 
native  state. 

Mr.  Rutledge  was  twice  married.  His  first  marriage  was 
with  Harriet  Middleton,  daughter  of  Henry  Middleton,  Esq. 
who  was  colleague  with  him  in  congress,  when  the  great 
question  of  the  declaring  independence  was  decided.  By  her 
he  had  one  son,  now  Major  Henry  M.  Rutledge  of  Tennessee  ; 
and  one  daughter,  who  resides  at  Charleston.  After  her  de 
cease,  at  a  suitable  time,  he  was  married  to  Mary  Shubrick, 
daughter  of  Thomas  Shubrick,  Esq. ;  and  at  that  time,  widow 
of  Nicholas  Eveleigh,  Esq.  formerly  comptroller  of  the 
United  States  treasury,  appointed  to  that  office  by  General 
Washington. 


THOMAS  HEYWARD. 

THOMAS  HEYWARD  was  the  eldest  son  of  Colonel  Dame 
Heyward,  one  of  the  wealthiest  planters  in  South  Carolina 
He  was  born  in  St.  Luke's  parish,  in  the  year  1746.  Al 
though  his  father  had  accumulated  his  own  fortune,  and  like 
many  others,  in  similar  circumstances,  might  have  satisfied 


342  THOMAS  HEYWARD 

his  feelings  with  a  consciousness  of  being  able  to  leave  his 
children  in  a  state  of  affluence,  he  did  not  rest  contented  in 
that  situation.  His  views,  with  reference  to  their  future 
respectability  and  usefulness,  went  far  beyond  leaving  them 
in  possession  of  a  pecuniary  competence.  He  justly  realized 
the  importance  of  cultivating  their  minds,  and  enlarging  their 
sphere  of  usefulness,  by  furnishing  them  with  a  liberal  edu- 
cation  ;  and  being  amply  furnished  with  the  pecuniary  means 
requisite  for  accomplishing  that  object,  at  a  suitable  age,  he 
placed  this  son  in  the  best  classical  school  in  the  province  of 
South  Carolina.  His  proficiency  was  honorable  to  his  youth ; 
and  even  then  evinced  his  purpose  of  accomplishing  some 
thing  beyond  acquiring  such  a  measure  of  education,  as 
would  qualify  him  to  sustain  that  rank  in  the  community, 
which  his  wealth  would  authorize  him  to  assume.  He  applied 
himself  with  a  becoming  assiduity  to  the  study  of  the  Latin 
tongue  ,  and  readily  became  such  a  proficient  in  it,  that  he 
read  the  Roman  historians  and  poets  in  the  original  language  ; 
and  thus  imbibed  that  love  of  liberty,  which  every  where  per- 
vades  their  publications. 

On  taking  leave  of  his  school,  he  entered  on  the  study  of 
law,  under  the  instruction  of  Mr.  Parsons,  a  barrister  of  some 
eminence  in  that  region. 

It  was  customary  in  the  south  at  that  period  of  their  his 
tory,  for  gentlemen  to  send  their  sons  to  England,  to  finish 
their  education.  In  conformity  to  that  custom,  Colonel  Hey- 
ward  sent  this  son  to  London,  and  he  was  entered  in  one  of 
the  inns  of  court.  There  he  prosecuted  his  studies  with  a 
diligence  and  fidelity,  which  would  have  been  honorable  to  a 
man,  who  must  depend  for  his  support  on  his  professional 
success  and  prosperity ;  and  it  was  much  more  characteris. 
tic  of  such  an  one,  than  of  an  heir  to  an  independent  proper 
ty,  who  was  under  no  necessity  of  making  personal  exertions 
for  his  support.  His  views  were  elevated  far  above  that  mo 
derate  level,  on  which  many  expectants  of  wealth  seem  will 
ing  to  stand,  contented  only  with  being  thought  by  others  to  be 
gentlemen.  The  value  of  money  in  his  estimation  was  en 
hanced,  as  it  became  a  means  of  qualifying  its  possessor  to 
be  useful.  While  residing  in  England,  he  was  more  and 
more  impressed  with  the  difference  made  between  English 
men  at  home,  and  Englishmen  in  the  colonies.  It  appeared 
to  be  a  part  of  the  system  among  the  native  born  subjects 
when  any  of  the  young  colonists  went  to  England  to  finish  their 
professional  education,  to  impress  them  with  the  idea,  that 


SOUTH  CAROLINA.  343 

they  were  Englishmen  only  in  a  subordinate  degree.  The 
practice  of  the  government  was  in  conformity  to  this  idea. 
All  honorable  and  lucrative  offices  in  the  colonies  were  given 
to  the  native  born  English  ;  and  those  involving  drudgery,  but 
yielding  small  compensation,  were  given  to  those  of  transat 
lantic  birth.  The  evidences  of  this  practice,  which  he  conti 
nually  had  placed  before  him,  and  many  of  which  he  expe 
rienced,  in  circumstances  mortifying  to  his  feelings,  served  to 
alienate  his  affections  from  the  parent  state,  and  confirmed 
his  anticipations  of  the  treatment  the  colonists  were  to  re 
ceive  from  the  native  English,  in  their  official  and  individual 
acts.  However  unfavorably  predisposed  Mr.  Heyward  may 
have  been  before  he  left  his  native  shores,  when  he  returned 
to  his  home,  he  was  ready  to  unite  with  others  in  resisting 
those  claims  of  the  British,  which  he  deemed  unjust  in  their 
nature,  and  oppressive  and  unequal  in  their  operation  on  the 
colonial  subjects  of  the  same  government. 

After  Mr.  Heyward  had  completed  his  course  in  England, 
he  visited  several  countries  on  the  European  continent,  with 
a  view  to  his  own  advantage.  In  his  tour  he  spent  several 
years,  carefully  observing  all  that  presented  for  his  observa 
tion,  with  the  impartial  feelings  of  a  philanthropist,  and  a 
philosopher.  The  splendor,  the  pomp,  the  showy  display, 
the  glittering  equipage,  the  pride  and  haughtiness  in  the 
aristocratic  ranks,  the  abject  condition,  the  wretched  paupe 
rism,  and  the  general  degradation,  pervading  the  plebian 
race,  presented  a  contrast  to  the  moderate  fortune,  the  indus 
try,  the  simple  style  of  living,  the  absence  of  extreme  indi 
gence,  the  general  equality  in  rank,  and  the  contentment 
which  he  had  seen  in  America,  strengthened  his  preposses 
sions  in  behalf  of  his  native  country,  and  bound  his  affections 
to  her  interests  and  institutions  more  strongly  than  ever.  In 
his  travels,  he  saw  little  to  excite  envy,  but  much  to  regret 
and  deplore. 

With  such  views  and  feelings,  Mr.  Heyward  returned  from 
Europe,  uncontaminated  by  what  he  had  seen  and  experi 
enced,  in  the  old  and  corrupt  countries  he  had  visited,  and  free 
from  the  fashionable  vices  of  men,  whose  influence  and  exam 
ple  are  too  often  considered  as  sanctioning  similar  practices, 
by  those  whose  moral  principles  hang  loosely  about  them. 
Soon  after  his  return,  he  entered  upon  the  practice  of  law. 
Shortly  after  commencing  his  professional  labors,  he  was 
united  by  marriage  to  Miss  Mathews ;  a  lady  possessed  of 
all  those  qualities,  personal  and  mental,  which  entitled  her  to 


344  THOMAS  HEYWARD, 

his  affections,  and  fitted  her  to  cherish  and  gratify  his  amia. 
ble  disposition,  and  constitute  home  the  beloved  retreat  from 
the  toils  and  perplexities  of  his  intercourse  with  men. 

Mr.  Heyward  well  knew  what  sacrifices  would  be  required 
of  the  American  colonies,  by  the  parent  government,  as  the 
only  peace-offering  which  that  power  would  consent  to  re 
ceive,  for  effecting  a  reconciliation  of  the  jarring  interests 
then  existing  between  them.  He  was  too  much  enlightened,  and 
too  patriotic,  to  consent  to  the  sacrifice ;  nor  would  he  conde 
scend  to  calculate  the  personal  advantages  he  might  derive, 
by  pleading  for  a  reconciliation  on  such  terms  as  would  be 
acceptable  to  Great  Britain,  when  he  well  knew  the  degrading 
condition  in  which  such  a  reconciliation  would  place  his  country. 

Mr.  Hey  ward,  having  taken  his  stand  thus  openly  among  his 
fellow  citizens,  relative  to  the  controversy,  which  had  already 
become  an  interesting  subject  to  the  community,  he  became 
very  popular  with  his  fellow  citizens.  They  immediately  se 
lected  him  for  one  of  their  leaders,  to  show  them  what  mea 
sures  to  adopt,  and  to  go  before  them  in  the  execution  of  those 
measures.  For  this,  his  superior  education,  his  warm  patri 
otism,  and  his  mild  and  amiable  temper,  well  qualified  him. 
The  people  elected  him  to  the  first  revolutionary  assembly 
that  was  convened  in  the  province.  Soon  after  he  was  placed 
on  "  the  committee  or  council  of  safety;"  a  body  of  men  fur 
nished  with  almost  unrestricted  authority,  and  impowered  to 
exercise  it  in  a  manner  wholly  discretionary. 

In  1775,  he  was  elected  a  delegate  to  the  general  congress 
to  supply  a  vacancy  occasioned  by  a  recal  of  one  of  their  re 
presentatives,  who,  with  another  member,  had  returned  to  aid 
in  defending  the  province  against  an  expected  invasion.  At 
first,  his  modesty  induced  him  to  decline  the  appointment ; 
but  at  length,  consulting  the  desires  of  his  constituents,  which 
were  communicated  to  him  by  a  special  deputation,  he  yield 
ed  to  their  wishes,  and  consented  to  take  his  seat.  This 
brought  him  into  congress  in  season  to  listen  to  the  discus 
sions  on  the  proposed  Declaration  of  Independence.  He  had 
/jeen,  a  considerable  time,  persuaded  that  it  must  come  to  that 
issue  ;  and  soon  after  his  arrival  in  that  assembly,  he  was  per 
suaded  that  the  time  for  adopting  the  measure  had  arrived ; 
and  for  its  immediate  adoption,  congress  found  in  him  a  ready 
and  cordial  advocate. 

As  Mr.  Heyward's  fortune  placed  him  above  pecuniary 
considerations  in  accepting  office,  his  undertaking  to  dis- 
charge  the  duties  of  such  as  exposed  him  to  severe  retalia- 


SOUTH  CAROLINA.  345 

tion,  and  to  experiencing  the  vengeance  of  the  enemy,  if  they 
could  get  him  into  their  power,  must  be  ascribed  to  high  and 
honorable  motives.  Such  was  especially  the  case,  when  in 
1778,  he  accepted  a  seat  on  the  bench  of  the  criminal  and 
civil  courts,  under  the  new  government.  The  controversy 
was  not  yet  settled  so  far,  as  to  give  assurance  that  a  judge 
might  not  be  arraigned  before  a  court  constituted  by  another 
government ;  and  be  convicted  and  punished  as  a  traitor,  for 
faithfully  discharging  his  duty  to  the  power  by  which  he  had 
been  appointed.  In  South  Carolina,  the  office  was  attended 
with  not  a  little  danger  at  that  period.  The  British  lay  in  the 
vicinity  of  Charleston,  at  the  very  time  he  presided  at  the 
trial  of  some  persons,  charged  as  traitors,  for  holding  a  cor 
respondence  with  the  enemy.  They  were  convicted,  and 
their  execution  took  place  in  view  of  the  British  lines.  In 
consequence  he  became  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  the  British ; 
and  when  Charleston  capitulated,  it  was  thought  he  was  in 
tended  to  be  excluded  from  the  conditions  of  the  capitulation. 
One  article  was  inserted  in  the  terms,  which  was  supposed, 
by  his  friends,  was  aimed  at  him  as  a  victim  to  the  manes  of 
those  who  had  suffered  under  his  sentence ;  but  he  was  not 
demanded. 

He  held  a  military  commission  at  the  same  time  he  was  a 
judge  of  the  court ;  and  was  in  active  service  in  the  affair  at 
Beaufort.  He  commanded  a  company  of  the  battalion  of  ar 
tillery,  which,  from  the  fact  that  it  was  raised  during  the  ad 
ministration  of  Governor  Littleton,  was  styled  the  "  Charles 
ton  Ancient  Battalion  of  Artillery."  Hey  ward  and  Rutledge 
were  here  placed  side  by  side ;  both  in  a  similar  command ; 
and  both  delegates  to  that  congress,  in  which  they  concurred 
in  voting  and  signing  the  declaration  of  their  country's  inde 
pendence. 

In  the  engagement  that  took  place,  Mr.  Heyward  received 
a  gunshot  wound  ;  the  mark  of  which,  as  an  honorable  testi 
mony  of  his  devoted  patriotism,  he  carried  through  life.  Al 
though  the  victory  at  that  time  was  on  the  side  of  the  Ame 
ricans,  yet  the  town  was  destined  to  fall ;  and  then,  Heyward 
and  Rutledge,  with  others,  were  made  prisoners.  As  being 
peculiarly  obnoxious  to  the  enemy,  they  were  sent  to  St. 
Augustine,  in  Florida,  then  in  possession  of  the  British.  After 
some  time  they  were  sent  to  Philadelphia.  But  while  he  was 
confined  in  St.  Augustine,  a  detachment  of  the  enemy  went 
from  the  place  of  his  imprisonment,  to  his  plantation,  and 
seized  all  his  slaves ;  whom  they  conveyed  to  Jamaica,  to 


346  THOMAS  HEYWARD, 

cultivate  the  sugar  plantations  in  that  island.  Some  of  them 
were  afterwards  reclaimed  ;  but  about  9ne  hundred  and  thirty 
of  them  were  never  restored. 

It  was  not  until  after  they  reached  Philadelphia,  that  they 
were  informed  of  the  gratifying  fact,  that  the  state  of  South 
Carolina  was  reconquered,  and  delivered  from  the  enemy. 
On  their  passage  from  St.  Augustine,  Mr.  Heyward  barely  es 
caped  from  a  watery  grave.  He  by  some  means  fell  over 
board,  but  happily  getting  hold  of  the  ship's  rudder,  he  clung 
to  it  until  taken  up,  and  restored  to  safety  on  deck.  But  in 
the  midst  of  all  theSe  trials,  he  was  visited  by  an  affliction 
still  more  distressing. '  The  beloved  wife  of  his  affections, 
and  mother  of  his  children,  was  called  away  by  death.  But 
amidst  all  his  afflictions,  he  sustained  his  serenity  with  that 
meekness  and  acquiescence  to  the  will  of  the  Most  High, 
which  was  exemplary,  and  becoming  the  character  he  had 
uniformly  maintained. 

On  his  return  to  Carolina,  though  somewhat  depressed  in 
his  spirits,  by  the  repeated  calamities  he  had  experienced, 
and  the  numerous  adversities  he  had  sustained,  he  gradually 
rose  out  of  that  state  of  mind,  and  recovered  his  tranquillity 
while  discharging  his  public  duties.  He  resumed  his  seat  on 
the  bench,  and  acted  as  a  judge,  until  1798.  In  1790,  he 
was  appointed  a  member  of  a  convention  for  framing  a  con 
stitution  for  his  native  state.  In  1791,  he  withdrew  from  the 
arduous  duties  of  public  life,  and  retired  to  domestic  enjoy 
ment  in  his  own  endeared  family. 

By  a  second  marriage  with  Miss  E.  Savage,  he  enjoyed 
the  consolation  derived  from  a  virtuous  and  useful  life,  and  a 
tranquil  old  age.  The  fruits  of  his  second  marriage  were 
three  children.  After  having  taken  an  active  and  highly  re 
sponsible  part  in  the  revolutionary  contest ;  after  having  suf 
fered  in  his  person  and  estate,  by  the  hand  of  the  enemy  ; 
having  seen  his  native  state  conquered,  and  re-conquered  ; 
having  united  in  declaring  his  country  an  independent  nation, 
and  seen  it  acknowledged  as  such,  by  the  power  from  which 
it  was  severed  ;  having  lived  to  see  it  settled  under  one  gene 
ral  confederated  constitution  of  government,  and  witnessed  it 
advancing,  with  unequalled  rapidity  in  population,  prosperity, 
and  wealth ;  he  died  in  peace,  at  his  own  country  seat,  in  the 
midst  of  his  estimable  family,  in  March,  1809,  at  the  age  of 
sixty-three  years. 


SOUTH  CAROLINA.  347 


THOMAS  LYNCH,  JUN. 

THE  course  of  this  gentleman,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  fol. 
lowing  memoir,  however  brilliant  in  prospect,  was  brief  in  its 
duration,  and  deeply  melancholy  in  its  end.  Born  an  heir  to 
an  ample  fortune,  the  only  son  of  an  indulgent  father,  pos 
sessing  native  intellectual  powers  of  no  common  order,  and 
furnished  with  all  the  necessary  means  for  obtaining  a  finished 
education  of  the  first  class,  which  the  venerable  universities 
of  Oxford  or  Cambridge  could  supply ;  and  imbued  with  an 
ardent  desire  to  improve  his  advantages  in  the  best  possible 
manner ;  his  prospects  for  future  life  were  brilliant,  and  flat 
tering  to  an  extent  rarely  allotted  to  man. 

Thomas  Lynch,  Jun.  was  descended  from  an  ancient  Aus 
trian  family,  which  resided  in  the  town  of  Lintz.  One  branch 
of  the  family  left  their  native  residence  in  Germany,  and  re 
moved  to  England.  They  settled  in  the  county  of  Kent,  and 
from  thence  emigrated  to  Connaught,  in  Ireland. 

The  great  grandfather  of  Thomas  Lynch,  Jun.  left  Ire 
land,  and  came  to  South  Carolina,  a  short  time  after  the  set 
tlement  of  that  colony  commenced.  His  youngest  son,  whose 
name  was  Thomas,  was  grandfather  of  Thomas  Lynch,  Jun. 
the  subject  of  this  brief  sketch.  He  was  evidently  a  man  of 
sagacity,  as  well  as  of  enterprise.  He  inherited  but  a  slen 
der  fortune  from  his  father.  But  for  that  deficiency  he  made 
ample  provision,  by  improving  the  means  in  his  power.  He 
traversed  the  then  wilderness,  and  examined  the  unsettled 
lands  ;  and  located  various  tracts  of  the  most  valuable  in  his 
estimation,  although  they  were  by  others,  at  4hat  time,  con- 
sidered  as  but  little  better  than  worthless.  He  took  out 
grants  for  large  tracts  of  those  lands  ;  and,  by  means  of  that 
wise  speculation  left  at  his  decease  an  immense  estate  to  the 
father  of  Thomas  Lynch,  Jun. 

Thomas  Lynch,  the  elder  as  he  was  called  by  way  of  dis 
tinction,  was  a  very  estimable  man,  and  a  zealous,  warm 
hearted,  public  spirited  promoter  of  good  objects.  He  was 
early  brought  into  public  life  ;  and  with  a  feeling  of  ardent 
patriotism,  he  espoused  the  colonial  cause,  in  opposition  to 
the  claims  of  the  British  ministry,  which  they  attempted  to 
establish  over  the  inhabitants  of  the  American  provinces. 
He  was  appointed  a  delegate  to  the  first  general  congress 


348  THOMAS  LYNCH,  JUN. 

which  met  at  Philadelphia;  and  was  re-chosen,  and  conti. 
nued  a  member  from  South  Carolina  until  his  death. 

He  was  dotingly  fond  of  his  only  son ;  and  possessing  both 
the  means  and  disposition  to  furnish  him  with  a  first  rate  edu 
cation,  he  sent  him,  at  the  early  age  of  thirteen  years,  to  Eng 
land,  for  that  purpose. 

Having  made  these  observations  relative  to  Thomas  Lynch, 
the  father,  whose  history  is  intimately  connected  with  that  of 
the  son,  we  now  resume  the  subject  of  the  latter. 

Thomas  Lynch,  Jun.  was  born  at  his  father's  residence, 
which  was  at  his  plantation  on  the  North  Santee  River,  in 
Prince  George's  parish,  in  South  Carolina,  on  the  fifth  day 
of  August,  1740.  On  the  side  of  his  mother,  he  was  con 
nected  with  the  Alston  family,  which  had  many  years  been 
among  the  most  distinguished  in  that  state.  In  pursuance  of 
his  design  to  educate  his  son,  so  soon  as  he  reached  an  age 
which  would  justify  the  step,  his  father  sent  him  to  an  aca 
demical  school  at  Georgetown,  in  that  province,  called  the 
"  Indigo  Society  School."  His  early  advantages  there,  were 
the  best  that  the  colony  furnished  ;  and  they  seem  to  have 
been  very  respectable.  Young  Lynch,  at  a  very  early  pe 
riod  of  life,  while  in  that  seminary,  evinced  a  capacity  for 
literary  attainments,  very  pleasing  to  parental  hopes,  and 
flattering  to  his  fond  father's  anticipations.  By  reason  of  his 
mother's  early  decease,  he  was  deprived  of  the  many  name 
less,  though  invaluable  benefits,  which  are  the  happy  fruits 
of  maternal  affection  and  fidelity  to  infant  offspring.  He  was 
possessed  of  an  amiable  and  ingenuous  disposition  ;  and  pro 
bably  the  loss  he  sustained  in  that  particular,  was  in  a  great 
degree  compensated  by  the  judicious  vigilance  of  his  father  ; 
for  he  was  always  docile,  cheerfully  complying  with  the 
wishes  of  his  beloved  parent,  and  manifesting  an  affectionate 
and  filial  deportment  towards  him. 

After  spending  some  time  in  that  school,  his  father  took 
him  away,  and  sent  him  to  England,  even  before  he  had  com 
pleted  his  thirteenth  year  ;  and  on  his  arrival  in  that  country, 
ho  was  placed  at  Eton,  a  school  much  celebrated  as  well 
known,  for  having  been  the  seminary  in  which  a  large  num- 
bor  of  eminent  statesmen,  and  literary  characters,  received  a 
portion  of  their  education,  during  a  long  succession  of  years. 
Having,  at  Eton  school,  attained  the  prerequisite  qualifica 
tions,  he  was  removed  thence  to  the  university  of  Cam 
bridge  ;  where  in  due  season  he  took  his  degrees.  In  regard 
to  his  conduct,  during  his  residence  at  that  distinguished  sea 


SOUTH  CAROLINA.  349 

of  learning,  it  is  only  known  generally,  that  by  his  assiduous 
application,  virtuous  life,  and  acquisitions  of  s>  ience,  he  se 
cured  the  esteem  and  consideration  of  his  '-onteniporary 
candidates  for  literary  distinction. 

It  was  one  part  of  the  plan  which  Mr.  Lynch  had  sketched 
out  for  his  son,  that  he  should,  after  completing;  his  course  at 
the  university,  enter  his  name  at  the  Temple,  to  prosecute  a 
regular  course  of  legal  studies,  that  he  might  be  qualified  for 
his  future  pursuits  in  public  life.  The  ampte  fortune  he 
was  able  to  bestow  on  his  son,  precluded  every  necessity  of 
his  son's  being  influenced  by  motives  of  a  pecuniary  kind. 
He  wished  him  to  return  to  his  native  home,  in  possession 
of  every  qualification  and  attainment,  requisite  to  make  him 
"  a  finished  man."  He  felt  an  anxious  desire  to  have  him 
an  able  lawyer,  that  he  might  exercise  his  profession  gra 
tuitously^  in  defending  and  protecting  those  cases  of  inno 
cence,  truth,  and  justice,  which  occasionally  come  before  ju 
dicial  tribunals,  connected  with  persons  who  are  unfurnished 
with  the  means  of  securing  such  professional  aid,  as  the  se 
curity  of -their  just  rights  and  interests  demand.  It  was  for 
the  benefit  of  such  people,  that  Mr.  Lynch  benevolently  de 
sired  his  son  might  become  qualified,  as  an  able  counsellor 
and  advocate.  He  wished  he  might  be  a  learned  man,  in 
the  broad  meaning  of  the  terms ;  not  a  scholar  merely — 
but  that,  in  the  exercise  of  a  profession,  he  might  actively 
dedicate  and  appropriate  his  learning  and  talents,  in  a  disin 
terested  manner,  for  the  benefit  of  his  fellow  men.  He  con 
templated  with  fond  anticipation,  the  approach  of  that  period, 
when  he  might  behold  him  stepping  forth  the  champion  of 
innocence  and  misfortune. 

Although  young  Lynch  seems  never  to  have  been  partial 
to  the  study  of  law,  yet  his  ever  prevailing  desire  to  gratify 
his  father,  induced  him  readily  to  comply  with  his  wishes  in 
this  particular  instance  ;  and  he  cheerfully  entered  upon  the 
pursuit.  This  measure  placed  him  in  a  situation  to  learn  the 
views  and  disposition  of  many  distinguished  men  in  London, 
relative  to  the  course  of  the  ministry  respecting  the  Ameri 
can  colonies ;  and  thus  to  prepare  his  own  mind  for  adopting 
the  principles  which  he  afterwards  espoused,  and  for  pursu 
ing  the  course  which  they  indicated.  But^s  the  evidences 
of  an  approaching  contest,  between  the  parent  government 
and  her  colonies  multiplied,  he  was  anxious  to  quit  the  irk 
some  labors  of  pouring  over  black  letter  law  books,  he  ur 
gently  solicited  his  father's  permission  to  return  to  his  oa 

30 


350  THOMAS  LYNCH,  JUN. 

ternal  residence,  Having  at  length  obtained  his  consent,  he 
set  sail  for  South  Carolina.  This  event,  so  naturally  grate 
ful  to  the  father  and  the  son,  occurred  about  the  year  1772, 
when  he  was  twenty. one  years  of  age,  and  after  a  separation 
of  eight  years.  The  relative  condition  of  Great  Britain  and 
her  colonies,  having  greatly  changed  since  Mr.  Lynch  formed 
his  plans  for  the  future  course  of  his  son,  he  was  easily  per 
suaded  by  the  latter,  soon  after  his  return,  to  relinquish  his 
previous  desire  to  have  him  pursue  the  practice  of  his  profes 
sion  ;  and  to  take  early  measures  for  having  him  introduced 
into  public  life  without  delay.  With  a  view  to  this,  and  to 
produce  a  consciousness  that  he  had  a  real  and  important  in 
terest  in  the  cause  of  his  country,  which  was  to  meet  its  fate, 
according  to  the  issue  of  the  approaching  contest,  he  gave 
him  a  large  and  valuable  plantation. 

Soon  after  this  occurrence,  he  consummated  by  marriage, 
an  attachment  which  was  mutually  formed  even  in  childhood, 
with  Miss  Elizabeth  Shubrick  ;  a  beautiful  young  woman, 
in  the  possession  of  whom,  as  the  beloved  companion  of  his 
future  life,  every  desire  of  his  heart  respecting  domestic  en 
joyment,  was  fully  gratified. 

All  the  agreeable  circumstances,  necessary  to  insure  the 
domestic  felicity  and  public  prosperity  of  Mr.  Lynch,  seemed 
to  conspire  for  his  utmost  gratification.  Accomplished  as  a 
scholar,  and  polished  as  a  gentleman,  he  was  received  as  a 
favorite  by  all  his  acquaintance  in  their  social  circles  ;  and 
looked  to  by  the  community  as  a  worthy  associate  of  his 
highly  respected  father,  in  vindicating  and  managing  their 
public  concerns. 

The  first  exhibition  of  his  talents  was  given  at  a  town 
meeting  in  Charleston,  soon  after  his  return  from  England, 
called  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  injuries  which  Great 
Britain  was  inflicting  on  the  colonies.  In  his  address,  on 
that  occasion,  he  acquitted  himself  so  honorably,  and  so  fully 
to  the  acceptance  of  the  numerous  audience  assembled  on 
the  occasion,  that  their  favor  arid  confidence  were  voluntarily 
bestowed  on  him  from  that  moment.  From  that  time  he  was 
the  favorite  of  the  public  in  that  district ;  and  any  honor  for 
which  he  consented  to  become  a  candidate,  was  conferred 
on  him  almost  by  acclamation. 

Mr.  Lynch  was  offered  a  captain's  commission  in  the  first 
provincial  regiment  of  troops,  which  was  raised  in  South 
Carolina,  for  the  continental  service — this  was  in  1775.  He 
accepted  that  appointment  somewhat  in  opposition  te.  the 


SOUTH  CAROLINA.  351 

wishes  of  his  father,  who  was  at  the  time  attending  congress, 
ji  Philadelphia.  He  was  desirous  that  his  son  should  enter 
the  service,  with  a  higher  commission  than  the  one  offered  him, 
and  wished  him  to  proceed  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  sup. 
posed  one  might  be  obtained  for  him.  But  the  son  thought, 
and  so  expressed  himself  to  his  father  with  a  becoming 
modesty,  that  his  present  commission  was  quite  equal  to  his 
experience  in  military  science. 

General  Charles  C.  Pinckney  was  at  that  time  a  captain  in 
the  same  regiment,  and  he  and  Mr.  Lynch  went  forth  together 
on  the  recruiting  service,  into  North  Carolina,  to  raise  each 
the  company  which  he  was  to  command.  The  success  of 
their  enterprise  was  answerable  to  their  wishes  ;  for  in  a  few 
weeks  each  recruited  the  number  of  men  necessary  to  com- 
plete  his  company.  But  this  excursion,  though  honorable 
and  successful,  was  the  immediate  cause  of  serious  evils  to  Mr. 
Lynch,  which  much  impaired  his  health  and  prepared  the 
way  for  his  premature  death.  The  exposures  always  incident 
to  such  a  service  in  every  situation,  were  connected  with  ag 
gravated  evils  in  the  part  of  North  Carolina  where  he  was 
employed.  His  health  sustained  injury  before  he  set  out  on 
his  return  homeward;  and  on  his  way  to  Charleston  he  was 
attacked  with  a  bilious  fever,  incident  to  that  region,  which  con 
tributed  its  influence  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  never  was  able 
to  divest  himself  of  its  effects.  The  consequences  was,  that  he 
continued  an  invalid  during  the  short  remainder  of  his  life. 
Although  thus  debilitated,  he  joined  his  regiment  in  the  latter 
part  of  that  year;  but  was  not  suffered  to  remain  in  connec 
tion  with  his  command  but  a  short  season,  before  the  superior 
claims  of  filial  piety  and  duty  imperiously  called  him  to  repair 
to  Philadelphia.  He  had  been  with  his  regiment  but  a  few 
days,  before  he  received  intelligence  of  an  extreme  illness 
which  afflicted  his  father  in  that  city.  This  melancholy  in 
formation,  was  accompanied  with  the  intelligence  that  his 
father  had  resigned  his  seat  in  congress,  because  of  his  ina 
bility  to  perform  the  duties  which  it  required.  Under  these 
trying  circumstances,  his  own  bodily  infirmity,  and  the  claims 
on  his  filial  duty  to  his  afflicted  parent,  he  me*  with  serious 
difficulty  in  obtaining  a  furlough  for  the  purpose  of  discharg 
ing  those  obligations,  from  the  fastidiousness  of  his  command 
ing  officer.  Colonel  Gadsden  absolutely  refused  to  grant  his 
request,  on  this  plausible  ground — that  no  consideration  of  a 
private  nature  should  be  suiTered  to  interfere  with  public  duty. 
What  might  have  been  the  result  in  that  instance  is  not  known , 


352  THOMAS  LYNCH,  JUN. 

for  on  receiving  the  resignation  of  the  father,  of  his  seat  in 
congress,  the  provincial  assembly  immediately  appointed  the 
son  to  fill  the  vacancy  ;  and  that,  by  an  unanimous  vote.  This 
superseding  his  military  commission,  relieved  him  from  his 
embarrassment,  arising  from  his  connection  with  Colonel 
Gadsden's  command.  And  it  was  an  honorable  mark  of  the 
high  esteem  and  consideration,  in  which  his  talents  were 
generally  held.  He  was  at  that  time  but  twenty-seven  years 
of  age. 

Mr.  Lynch,  urged  by  the  twofold  call  of  duty  to  his  suffer 
ing  parent,  and  to  his  country,  hastened  his  journey  to  Phila 
delphia,  the  theatre  of  his  services.  He  joined  congress  in 
1776,  and  attended  in  his  seat  among  those  who  were  his  se 
niors  in  years,  and  in  the  business  of  legislation.  While  he 
was  not  unmindful  of  the  obligations  due  to  the  public,  he  at 
tended  with  filial  piety  and  affection,  to  the  claims  which  his 
parent  held  on  his  kindness  and  gratitude. 

As  his  father  remained  in  Philadelphia  a  short  time  after 
his  arrival,  he  was  allowed  the  privilege  of  being  present  at 
the  discussions  on  the  subject  of  independence  ;  and  when 
the  great  question  was  decided,  to  sanction  by  his  vote  and 
signature,  the  act  by  which  a  nation  emerged  from  its  colo 
nial  condition,  and  assumed  that  of  an  independent  nation. 

This  was  one  of  the  last  acts  of  his  political  life.  But  this 
has  given  the  impression  of  immortality  to  his  name. 

His  health  was  feeble  when  he  left  home  for  Philadelphia. 
During  the  short  time  he  resided  there,  it  became  much 
more  so.  The  decline  from  that  time  forward,  was  rapid  and 
alarming.  Such  being  the  condition  of  both  the  father  and 
son,  the  two  invalids  entered  on  their  journey  to  South  Caro 
lina.  But  the  providence  of  God  had  determined  that  the  fa 
ther  should  close  his  journey  of  life,  during  his  slow  progress 
towards  his  residence.  "  He  was  no  more  to  return  to  his 
house,  neither  was  his  place  to  know  him  any  more."  They 
proceeded  slowly  as  far  as  Annapolis,  where  a  second 
paralytic  attack  terminated  the  father's  life,  and  the  affection 
ate  efforts  of  the  son,  to  lengthen  out  his  valuable  life,  and 
alleviate  his  bodily  sufferings. 

Mr.  Lynch  having  performed  the  last  acts  of  filial  duty  to 
his  parent,  now  returned  to  his  home,  with  the  hope,  by  care 
and  attention,  and  with  the  aid  of  medical  skill,  to  eradicate 
the  seeds  of  disease,  which  were  sown  deep  in  his  constitution, 
while  he  was  engaged  in  the  military  service  in  North  Caro 
lina.  But  these  had  quickened  and  taken  so  firm  a  root,  that 


SOUTH  CAROLINA.  353 

every  effort  was  found  unavailing.  Not  unfrequently,  he  was 
confined  in  a  helpless  condition  by  severe  rheumatism;  such 
as  not  unfrequently  follows  an  ill  treated  bilious  fever. 

His  anxious  friends  and  connections,  with  the  strongest  so 
licitude,  were  constrained  to  witness,  without  the  ability  to 
prevent  his  rapid  progress  in  decline.  By  the  advice  of  his 
medical  attendants,  it  was  determined  that  he  should  attempt 
a  voyage  to  the  south  of  Europe,  believing  that  a  change  of 
climate,  if  he  could  sustain  the  fatigues  of  a  voyage,  held  forth 
the  only  hope  of  a  restoration.  The  dangers  attendant  on 
pursuing  a  direct  voyage  in  an  American  ship,  were  too  immi 
nent  to  render  such  a  course  expedient.  He  therefore  em- 
barked  for  St.  Eustatia,  with  an  expectation  of  finding  there, 
some  neutral  vessel,  in  which  the  voyage  might  be  safely  un 
dertaken.  He  accordingly  sailed  for  that  port  near  the  close 
of  1779,  in  a  ship  commanded  by  Captain  Morgan,  accom 
panied  by  his  amiable  wife,  the  endeared  partner  of  his  joys, 
arid  the  sympathizing  companion,  and  participator  in  all  his 
sorrows  and  afflictions.  The  rest  is  soon  told.  They  were 
never  seen  more.  No  certain  information  concerning  the 
fate  of  the  ship  was  ever  obtained.  She  probably  foundered 
at  sea,  and  all  on  board  perished.  With  them,  Mr.  Lynch, 
and  his  amiable  wife,  found  a  watery  grave.  "  They  were 
lovely  and  pleasant  in  their  lives,  and  in  their  death  they 
were  not  divided." 


ARTHUR  MIDDLETON. 

ARTHUR  MIDDLETON,  the  son  of  Henry  Middleton,  a  weal 
thy  planter  in  South  Carolina,  was  born  in  1743,  in  Middleton 
Place,  a  name  given  it  by  the  family,  who  first  settled  in 
south  Carolina. 

At  an  early  age  he  was  sent  to  England  for  his  education. 
His  first  station  was  the  school  at  Hackney,  in  which  several 
of  the  members  of  the  early  congress  from  the  south  received 
meir  preparatory  instruction  to  fit  them  for  the  university. 
After  spending  the  necessary  term  in  that  school,  with  exem 
plary  application,  he  was  transferred  at  fourteen  years  of 
age  to  a  school  in  Westminster.  Here  he  remained  about 
four  years,  and  then  entered  the  university  of  Cambridge. 

30* 


354  ARTHUR  MIDDLETON, 

Although  amply  supplied  by  his  father  with  the  means  of  in 
dulging  in  the  dissipated  habits  of  the  gay,  he  rather  chose  to 
attend  to  his  studies,  and  preserve  a  moral  and  sober  deport 
ment  ;  shunning  those  places  where  the  young  and  thought 
less  are  but  too  easily  allured,  and  often  ensnared  to  their 
ruin.  After  spending  four  years  there,  with  much  credit  to 
himself,  he  took  his  degree  in  the  twenty-second  year  of  his 
age.  He  left  that  seminary  with  a  good  reputation,  as  a  sound 
scholar,  and  a  man  of  correct  morals.  He  spent  some  time 
after  this,  in  visiting  various  places  in  England,  and  in  revi 
ving  and  strengthening  the  feelings  of  affectionate  attach 
ment,  which  had  subsisted  from  the  beginning,  between  the 
branch  which  had  emigrated  to  America,  and  those  who  re 
mained  in  England.  From  thence  he  passed  over  to  the 
continent,  and  commenced  a  tour  in  Europe.  In  this  tour, 
which  was  principally  in  the  southern  parts  of  Europe,  he 
spent  nearly  two  years.  In  this  time,  he  passed  several 
months  in  Rome,  improving  his  mind  by  studying  the  fine 
arts,  for  which  he  had  a  relish,  and  in  which  he  became 
somewhat  of  a  proficient.  He  then  returned  to  South  Carolin 
and  was  soon  married  to  Miss  Izard. 

About  a  year  after  his  marriage,  he  embarked  for  Europe 
with  his  young  wife,  whom  he  resolved  to  gratify  with  an  op 
portunity  to  see  England,  and  an  excursion  on  the  continent 
In  this  tour  he  visite'd  several  of  the  most  celebrated  places 
in  France  and  Spain.  Having  gratified  her  with  a  view  of 
foreign  countries  and  customs,  they  returned  again  to  his  na 
tive  place  in  1773,  and  took  the  family  seat  for  their  resi 
dence,  which  his  indulgent  father  gave  up  to  his  favored  son. 
There,  in  possession  of  wealth,  he  had  as  fair  a  prospect  as 
could  open  to  the  young  mind,  of  enjoying  every  satisfaction 
that  this  world  can  furnish ;  but  this  prospect  scarcely  opened 
to  his  view  before  it  began  to  be  overcast. 

In  1774,  the  cloud  began  to  collect,  indicating  the  storm 
which  in  the  year  following  burst  on  New  England,  and  agi 
tated  the  whole  of  the  North  American  colonies.  The  time 
had  now  arrived  when  it  became  necessary  for  men  to  de 
clare  themselves  openly.  Neutrality  was  inadmissible.  In 
this  time  Henry  and  Arthur  Middleton,  father  and  son,  with 
nothing  to  gain  for  themselves  should  the  cause  of  the  colo 
nies  succeed,  and  much  to  lose  if  it  failed,  without  hesitation 
decided  for  their  country;  and  stepping  forth  boldly,  put  on 
the  badge  of  independence. 

From  this  time  Arthur  Middleton  was  actively  employed  in 


SOUTH  CAROLINA.  355 

various  ways,  in  promoting  the  cause  of  the  colonies,  which 
had  become  both  interesting  and  critical.  He  entertained  no 
half-way  measures,  but  took  a  firm  and  decided  stand  in  op 
position  to  British  encroachment  and  oppression. 

He  was  a  member  of  various  committees,  which  were 
intrusted  with  great  powers  ;  and  who  enjoined  to  "  Take 
care  that  the  republic  receive  no  detriment."  He  was  in 
April,  1775,  appointed  with  four  others  a  committee,  to  place 
the  colony  in  a  state  of  safety  against  its  enemies.  They 
took  possession  of  the  public  magazine  of  arms  and  ammu 
nition,  and  removed  them  from  the  custody  of  the  officer  hav 
ing  them  under  his  charge,  and  appropriated  them  to  the  use 
of  the  colony. 

In  June  following,  he  was  appointed  one  of  a  large  com 
mittee,  by  the  provincial  congress  of  South  Carolina,  to 
watch  over,  and  take  such  measures  as  they  might  deem  ne 
cessary,  in  that  trying  emergency,  for  the  public  safety.  Of 
that  committee  he  was  an  active  and  leading  member.  Af 
terwards,  when  Lord  William  Campbell  was  appointed  go 
vernor  of  South  Carolina,  although  he  was  nearly  connected 
by  marriage  with  Mrs.  Middleton,  and  it  was  discovered 
that  he  was  playing  a  double  game  with  the  members  of  the 
provincial  congress,  Mr.  Middleton,  waving  the  influence  of 
family  connection,  at  the  hazard  of  a  friendly  intercourse 
which  then  subsisted  between  his  family  and  the  governor's, 
proposed  that  he  should  immediately  be  arrested,  and  taken 
into  custody.  This,  though  it  was  overruled  by  a  majority  ot 
the  committee,  less  decided  than  he,  was  undoubtedly  a  wise 
and  politic  proposal ;  and  had  it  been  carried  into  execution, 
it  would  probably  have  saved  South  Carolina  from  much 
trouble  which  was  shortly  afterwards  endured,  by  reason  ot 
Lord  Campbell's  fleeing,  and  returning  with  an  armed  force, 
under  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  Sir  P.  Parker,  to  invade  and 
ravage  their  coasts. 

Mr.  Middleton  was  chosen  one  of  a  committee  of  eleven, 
to  devise  a  form  of  government  for  South  Carolina,  during  the 
contest  with  Great  Britain.  This  was  in  the  winter  of  1776. 
In  a  short  time  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  representatives  for 
South  Carolina,  in  the  congress  of  the  nation,  then  in  session 
at  Philadelphia.  This  was  the  congress  which  declared  in 
dependence,  for  which  Mr.  Middleton  voted,  and  to  the  de 
claration  of  which  he  set  his  hand,  with  a  prospect  of  sacri 
ficing  Iarg3  possessions,  an  estimable  family,  and  even  life 

16 


356  ARTHUR  MIDDLETON, 

itself,  should  the   contest  terminate   unsuccessfully  for  his 
country. 

He  continued  a  member  of  congress,  residing  with  his 
family  which  he  took  with  him,  until  the  close  of  1777. 

In  1778,  the  assembly  having  adopted  a  new  constitution, 
in  conformity  to  the  recommendation  of  congress,  chose  Ar. 
thur  Middleton  their  first  governor  under  it.  This  was  done 
not  only  without  his  soliciting  it,  but  without  his  having  even 
contemplated  the  event  as  possible. 

But  Mr.  Middleton,  as  Mr.  John  Rutledge  before  him  had 
done,  doubted  the  legality  of  the  proceedings  of  the  legislature, 
which  formed  the  constitution,  and  declined  an  acceptance 
of  the  appointment ;  and  this  he  did  in  a  manner  which  raised 
him  still  higher  than  before  in  popular  opinion.  The  people 
approved  of  his  motives,  although  they  might  hav^e  thought 
him  incorrect  in  his  judgment. 

In  1779,  when  the  British  invaded  the  South,  under  Gene 
ral  Prevost,  Mr.  John  Rutledge  having  been  called  to  the 
chair  of  state,  undertook  to  defend  Charleston  against  the 
enemy.  Although  Mr.  Middleton's  property  was  entirely 
exposed  to  their  depredations,  and  without  any  protection,  he 
;oined  the  family  of  Governor  Rutledge,  and  entered  Charles 
ton  with  the  troops  assembled  there  for  its  defence.  He 
united  his  personal  exertions  with  others  to  protect  that  city 
and  had  the  happiness  of  seeing  the  enemy  retreat,  without 
attacking  the  place.  In  the  exposed  condition  of  his  own 
property,  he  only  wrote  to  his  wife  to  remove  his  family  a 
days  journey  out  of  the  scene  of  immediate  danger.  Thus, 
while  he  exerted  himself  for  the  protection  of  others,  he  left 
his  own  property  to  be  ravaged  by  an  enraged  foe.  His  loss 
was  very  great  by  that  irruption  of  the  British. 

In  the  following  year,  he,  with  many  other  gentlemen  of 
distinction,  was  taken  prisoner  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and  sent 
to  St.  Augustine  as  prisoners  of  war.  Mr.  Middleton  was  then 
engaged  as  a  private  soldier,  in  the  defence  of  Charleston. 
When  in  the  year  following  these  prisoners  were  exchanged, 
and  sent  in  a  cartel  to  Philadelphia,  he  was  appointed  a  re 
presentative  of  South  Carolina  in  Congress.  He  was  again 
elected  to  that  office  by  the  general  assembly  in  1782.  This 
was  in  the  beginning  of  the  year.  He  continued  to  occupy 
his  seat  till  November,  and  then  returned  to  his  family,  from 
whom  the  vicissitudes  of  war,  and  the  calls  of  public  duty  had 
long  separated  him. 

The  contest  being  now  brought  to  a  close,  by  the  capture 


SOUTH  CAROLINA.  357 

of  Lord  Cornwallis,  and  the  preliminaries  of  peace  having 
been  made  known  in  the  United  States,  Mr.  Middleton  de 
clined  serving  his  fellow  citizens  any  longer  in  congress.  He 
however  consented  to  represent  them  in  the  legislature  of  the 
state,  and  was  a  very  influential  and  highly  useful  member 
of  that  body,  at  a  period  when  the  state  was  much  agitated 
by  various  causes  which  such  a  state  of  things  might  natu 
rally  be  expected  to  produce.  The  influence  of  the  best  men 
the  state  could  furnish,  was  needed  to  allay  these  unhappy 
difficulties,  and  restore  harmony  to  the  disturbed  community. 
For  this  purpose,  Mr.  Middleton  devoted  his  best  efforts. 

Besides  his  services  in  the  legislature,  he  entered  into  no 
public  employment,  but  spent  his  time  with  his  family,  resi 
ding  principally  in  a  country  residence,  a  short  distance  from 
Charleston.  There  he  received  his  friends  with  kindness, 
and  treated  them  with  that  hospitality  for  which  southern 
gentlemen  have  with  jastice  been  honorably  distinguished. 
But  he  did  not  continue  long  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  peace 
and  civil  liberty,  for  the  attainment  of  which  he  had  made 
so  many  sacrifices. 

In  the  autumn  of  1787,  he  contracted  an  intermitting  fever, 
by  incautiously  exposing  himself.  This  he  left  to  commit  its 
ravages  on  his  constitution,  thinking  that  "  the  power  of  na 
ture"  was  adequate  for  affording  relief.  He  neglected  to 
call  for  medical  aid  until  his  health  was  so  far  undermined, 
that  when  it  was  applied,  it  came  too  late  to  furnish  relief. 
He  died  on  the  first  of  January.  1788,  about  fifty-five  years 
of  age. 

Mr.  Middleton,  at  his  death,  left  a  wife  and  eight  children  ; 
two  sons,  and  six  daughters.  Mrs.  Middleton  survived  him 
until  1814,  retaining  that  rank  and  esteem  in  the  most  polished 
society,  to  which  she  was  well  entitled.  Henry,  one  of  his 
sons,  after  having  been  governor  of  the  state,  and  a  member 
of  the  house  of  representatives  in  congress,  was  appointed 
minister  to  the  court  of  Russia. 


358  BUTTON  GWINNETT, 


GEORGIA. 


BUTTON  GWINNETT. 


Bui  TON  GWINNETT  was  born  in  England,  about  the  yesi 
His  parents  were  respectable,  and  though  their  pecu 
niary  circumstances  were  moderate,  they  gave  him  the  means 
of  obtaining  an  excellent  education.  He  first  commenced 
business  as  a  merchant  in  Bristol.  Soon  after  his  marriage, 
he  resolved  to  move  to  America  ;  and  in  the  year  1770,  he 
embarked  with  his  family,  and  anived  at  Charleston,  South 
Carolina,  where  he  engaged  in  trade,  and  pursued  it  for  two 
years.  He  then  disposed  of  his  stock  in  trade  ;  and  vested 
the  proceeds  in  a  number  of  slaves,  and  a  tract  of  land  on, 
St.  Catharine's  Island,  in  Georgia.  Thither  he  removed,  and 
devoted  his  attention  to  agriculture. 

We  possess  no  means  of  knowing  the  history  of  Mr.  Gwin- 
nett's  early  life.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  it  was  distin 
guished  by  nothing  very  remarkable.  He  is  said  to  havo 
early  favored  the  cause  of  the  colonies,  in  opposition  to  the 
claims  of  the  parliament ;  and  this  may  have  been  one  mo 
tive  for  his  leaving  England,  and  emigrating  to  America. 
But  at  the  time  of  his  settling  in  Georgia,  he  found  the  public 
feeling  generally,  of  such  an  indecisive  character,  as  induced 
him  to  pursue  a  cautious  line  of  conduct,  surrounded  as  he 
was  by  a  large  proportion  of  the  men  of  influence,  who  were 
slow  in  their  determination  to  oppose  the  British,  and  espouse 
the  cause  of  the  American  colonies.  To  this  general  mani 
festation  of  cautious  decision,  which  powerfully  influenced 
the  political  movements  of  Georgia,  there  were  some  excep 
tions. 

Mr.  Gwinnett's  anticipations  of  a  favorable  result  of  the 
contest  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain,  were,  like 
those  of  many  other  sincere  friends  to  their  cause,  through 
the  country,  not  very  sanguine.  His  were  not  based  on  any 
latent  affection  for  his  native  country ;  nor  were  they  influ 
enced  by  that  indecision,  then  so  prevalent  in  Georgia,  but  bv 


GEORGIA.  359 

ft  mistaken  judgment,  which  led  him  to  form  conclusions  con. 
trary  to  his  wishes.  About  this  time  he  became  intimate 
with  one  of  those  men,  who  was  early  decided,  and  openly 
declared  his  sentiments  in  favor  of  the  colonies,  and  who 
was  an  enthusiastic  partizan  in  their  favor.  The  frequent 
discussions  which  took  place,  respecting  the  subject,  and  the 
probability  of  a  successful  resistance  of  the  British  power, 
between  him  and  Doctor  Lyman  Hall,  (who  was  the  person 
referred  to,)  served  to  obviate  his  fears,  and  to  bring  him  for- 
ward,  to  lend  his  whole  powers  in  a  decided  hostility  to  the 
British,  and  to  a  vigorous  support  of  the  colonies.  This  open 
and  decided  manifestation  of  his  feelings,  in  vindication  and 
support  of  the  cause  of  his  adopted  country,  together  with  a 
well  cultivated  mind,  and  talents  highly  respectable,  rendered 
him  conspicuous  and  popular,  especially  among  those  who 
possessed  kindred  feelings  with  his  own.  The  number  of 
such  was  fast  multiplying,  although  they  still  constituted  a 
minority  in  the  colony,  and  notwithstanding  Georgia  was  the 
last  of  the  colonies,  which  declared  itself  in  opposition  to  the 
British.  The  active  influence  of  those  decided  patriots  finally 
prevailed,  and  Georgia  joined  the  confederacy,  under  what 
was  then  denominated,  the  Standard  of  Rebellion.  From 
that  period,  the  popular  favor  conferred  on  Mr.  Gwinnett, 
was  extensive,  and  his  rapid  promotion  in  political  life,  to  the 
first  dignities  in  the  province,  indirectly  prepared  the  way 
for  his  sudden  precipitation  from  his  elevated  station,  to  the 
rank  of  a  private  citizen;  and  a  mortified  pride,  and  feelings  or 
resentment  towards  the  instruments  of  his  humiliation  spurred 
him  onward  to  that  step  which  at  once  closed  his  career  in 
politics,  and  with  it  his  life.  His  sun  rose  suddenly — its  course 
to  the  zenith  was  rapid  and  brilliant — its  descent  was  hur 
ried  and  ominous  of  evil — and  it  sat  in  blood  ! 

In  deciding  on  the  apparent  lukewarmness  of  Mr.  Gwin 
nett,  relative  to  the  American  cause,  which  for  a  time  marked 
his  political  conduct,  we  should  recollect  that  his  property, 
lying  in  an  indefensible  situation,  was  exposed  to  become  a 
sure  sacrifice,  should  an  invasion  ensue,  and  that  was  a  cer 
tain  consequence  of  the  commencement  of  open  hostilities. 
This  must  be  admitted  as  a  powerful  motive  to  operate  on  the 
feelings,  and  regulate  the  conduct  of  men.  It  could  neither 
be  removed  to  a  place  of  security,  nor  protected  as  it  lay. 
And  it  was  in  fact,  totally  destroyed  by  the  British.  The  de 
cided  part  which  he  did  take,  therefore,  furnished  a  strong 
testimony  to  the  purity  of  his  patriotism. 


360  BUTTON  GWINNETT, 

In  the  beginning  of  1775,  Mr.  Gwinnett  openly  espoused 
the  cause  of  America,  and  took  a  part  with  the  colonies.  No 
part  of  Georgia  had  at  that  time  been  represented  in  the  con 
tinental  congress,  except  the  parish  of  St.  John.  This  had 
previously  separated  from  the  province,  and  had  appointed  a 
representative  for  that  district.  Here  the  patriotism  of  Geor 
gia  seems  to  have  concentered  ;  and  slowly  to  have  diffused 
:tself  into  other  more  remote  parts  of  the  colony,  with  rather 
a  dilatory  progress. 

Mr.  Gwinnett  having  attracted  the  attention  of  that  commu 
nity  to  himself,  and  become  popular,  by  the  spirited  manner  in 
which  he  espoused  the  cause  of  his  adopted  country,  he  was 
appointed  a  representative  in  congress  by  the  general  assem 
bly,  in  February,  1776.  His  colleagues  appointed  at  the  same 
time,  were  his  early  friend  Doctor  Lyman  Hall,  Archibald 
Bullock,  George  Houston,  and  George  Walton.  There  was 
one  member,  that  was  elected  the  year  preceding,  who,  when 
the  subject  of  independence  came  to  be  seriously  contempla 
ted,  being  fixedly  opposed  to  it,  vacated  his  seat,  and  Mr. 
Bullock  remained  in  Georgia  after  his  election.  These  par 
ticulars  will  account  for  the  fact,  that  there  were  but  three 
of  the  members  from  Georgia,  out  of  the  six  chosen,  who 
signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence  ;  of  whom  Mr.  Gwin 
nett  was  one. 

In  the  autumn  of  1776,  Mr.  Gwinnett  was  again  elected, 
and  took  his  seat  in  December,  in  Baltimore,  whither  congress 
had  removed,  to  avoid  some  impending  danger  from  the  ap 
proach  of  the  British  forces  towards  Philadelphia. 

In  this  same  year,  a  convention  was  summoned,  during  the 
session  of  the  provincial  assembly,  to  meet  early  in  1777,  to 
frame  a  constitution  for  the  independent  state  of  Georgia.  Of 
that  convention  Mr.  Gwinnett  was  a  member  ;  and  has  the 
credit  of  having  laid  a  basis,  containing  the  great  outlines  of 
the  constitution  subsequently  adopted  by  the  state,  as  their 
government. 

Mr.  Bullock,  president  of  the  provincial  council,  dying  soon 
after  the  convention  adjourned,  that  high  and  honorable  office 
became  vacant.  Mr.  Gwinnett  was  elected  his  successor.  He 
had  now  attained  the  highest  office,  and  one  deemed  the  most 
honorable,  within  the  gift  of  the  state  ;  and  it  might  have 
been  rationally  concluded,  that  his  ambition  would  be  con 
tented  for  a  short  season  at  least ;  especially  as  all  his  rapid 
promotions  had  accumulated  upon  him,  within  one  year  after 
his  first  appearance  in  public  life.  But  it  will  be  remembered. 


GEORGIA.  36 

that  he  was  a  "  Native  Englishman,"  had  come  into  a  colony, 
and  among  a  people  of  whose  real  character,  Englishmen  knew 
but  little  ;  for  whom  they  were  accustomed  to  indulge  a  feel 
ing  that  partook  very  little  of  respect.  It  is  not  very  unna 
tural  to  conclude,  that  Mr.  Gwinnett  inherited  a  share  of  that 
feeling  in  common  with  his  countrymen  ;  and  that  he  consi 
dered  the  honors  so  profusely  conferred  on  him,  as  an  ac 
knowledgement  by  the  provincials  of  that  superiority  over 
diem,  so  generally  claimed  by  his  countrymen ;  and  espe 
cially  by  those  of  inferior  merits. 

This  rapid  elevation  of  a  foreigner,  a  native  of  the  country 
with  which  the  colonies  were  at  open  war,  and  who  had  re 
sided  but  a  few  years  among  them,  began  to  excite  jealousies 
among  some  native  citizens,  who  were  candidates  for  popular 
favor.  They  felt  conscious  that  they  had  equal,  if  not  supe 
rior  claims  on  the  favor  of  the  community,  to  his.  This  irri 
tated  a  temper  naturally  warm  and  precipitate,  and  provoked 
him  to  resent  it  according  to  the  demands  of  what  are  erro. 
neously  termed,  "the  laws  of  honor." 

Not  contented  with  having  held  the  highest  civil  office  in 
the  gift  of  the  people,  he  began  to  aspire  to  military  promo 
tion.  While  he  was  representing  the  colony  in  congress,  he 
offered  himself  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  brigadier  general, 
to  take  command  of  a  brigade  to  be  raised  in  Georgia,  for 
the  continental  service.  His  competitor  was  Colonel  M'ln- 
tosh.  Mr.  Gwinnett  failed.  The  disappointment  was  peculiarly 
wounding  to  his  feelings.  Indeed,  his  mind  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  disciplined  to  sustEtin  disappointment  with  equa 
nimity.  He  was  placed  only  in  the  sunshine  of  uninterrupt 
ed  prosperity.  From  the  time  of  that  disappointment,  he  con 
sidered  Colonel  M'Intosh  his  personal  enemy.  It  is  probable 
that  the  colonel  did  not  take  any  measures  to  obviate  that  im 
pression,  and  conciliate  his  esteem. 

The  disappointment  he  experienced  in  consequence  of  his 
failure,  and  the  success  of  his  competitor  for  the  commission 
of  a  brigadier  general,  was  followed  by  a  succession  of  events, 
which  tended  to  aggravate,  rather  than  sooth  the  wound  his 
irritable  feelings  had  received  by  that  occurrence.  The  fail 
ure  of  a  military  enterprise  in  Florida  which  he  had  projected, 
which  his  rivals  and  their  friends  improved  for  his  deeper 
mortification  ;  and  this  happening  when  he  was  offering  him 
eelf  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  governor,  together  with  the 
success  of  a  rival,  who  he  deemed  far  his  inferior  in  capa 
city  ;  all  bore  on  his  naturally  jealous  mind,  with  not  only  an 

31 


362  LYMAN  HALL, 

unhappy,  but  a  fatal  influence.  By  this  combination  of  un 
toward  events,  his  aspiring  hopes  and  anticipations  were 
blasted,  and  the  way  was  prepared  for  closing  his  short,  but 
brilliant  political  career,  and  with  it  his  natural  life. 

Among  those  who  availed  themselves  of  these  events,  to 
deepen  the  mortification,  and  irritate  the  wound  Mr.  Gwinnett 
had  sustained,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  was  General 
M'Intosh,  his  successful  rival  candidate  for  the  office  of  briga 
dier.  The  free  remarks  he  made  on  different  occasions, 
affecting  the  reputation  of  Mr.  Gwinnett ;  and  the  pleasure 
he  often  manifested,  grounded  on  his  humiliation,  pointed  him 
out  as  the  first  victim  to  his  resentment.  The  consequence 
was  a  challenge,  sent  by  Gwinnett,  and  accepted  by  M'Intosh. 
They  met,  fought  with  pistols,  at  the  distance  of  twelve  feet; 
both  were  wounded,  and  Gwinnett  mortally.  Thus  fell,  in 
the  forty-fifth  year  of  his  age,  Button  Gwinnett,  a  victim  to 
the  laws  of  false  honor,  of  mortified  pride,  and  disappointed 
ambition.  He  left  a  widow  and  several  young  children  be- 
hind  him.  But  they  shortly  after  this  event,  followed  him  to 
the  grave. 


LYMAN  HALL. 

THIS  gentleman  was  a  native  citizen  of  Connecticut,  bom 
and  educated,  both  classically  and  professionally  in  that 
colony.  He  was  born  about  the  year  1731.  After  complet 
ing  his  classical  and  medical  education,  which  was  effected 
while  comparatively  quite  young,  he  married  a  lady  of  Con 
necticut,  and  emigrated  to  South  Carolina,  in  the  year  1752, 
to  pursue  the  business  of  his  profession.  At  first  he  settled 
in  Dorchester  ;  but  removed  into  Georgia  within  the  first  year 
after  his  arrival  in  South  Carolina.  In  Georgia  he  established 
himself  in  the  district  of  Medway.  About  forty  families,  ori 
ginally  from  New  England,  accompanied  him  into  that  pro 
vince.  He  settled  himself  in  Sunbury,  where,  by  his  gen 
tlemanly  address,  and  amiable  disposition,  he  obtained  the 
confidence  of  the  inhabitants,  among  whom  he  successfully 
pursued  the  practice  of  medicine  until  the  commencement  of 
the  American  revolution.  His  skill  as  a  physician,  strength 
ened  and  confirmed  the  favorable  impressions  which  had  been 
•nade  on  their  feelings  by  his  kindness  and  affability. 


GEORGIA.  363 

Doctor  Hall  possessed  a  good  measure  of  those  rational 
feelings,  which  are  strikingly  characteristic  of  the  inhabitants 
of  New  England.  These  he  cherished  when  in  a  southern  cli 
mate  ;  and  the  fact  that  he  was  associated  with  a  considerable 
number  of  kindred  spirits,  had  no  tendency  to  diminish  one 
of  the  strongest  traits  in  the  human  character.  Possibly  it 
may  have  been  owing,  in  a  good  measure,  to  the  relative 
situation  and  character  of  the  inhabitants,  amon^whom  he 
resided,  that  the  people  of  St.  John's  Parish  were  so  much 
earlier  determined  to  make  a  common  cause  in  opposing 
British  encroachments  on  the  rights,  and  liberty  of  the  colo 
nies,  than  the  citizens  of  Georgia  generally.  But  be  this  as 
it  may,  such  was  the  fact,  that  while  the  people  of  Georgia 
in  general,  were  indecisive,  temporizing,  and  backward,  the 
citizens  of  the  parish  of  St.  John  set  them  an  example  of 
decision,  magnanimity,  and  patriotism  ;  which,  though  slowly, 
and  at  a  considerable  distance  in  their  rear,  they  eventually 
followed,  and  which  then  presented  the  whole  thirteen  pro 
vinces,  unitedly  arrayed  in  a  determined  resistance  of  British 
domination. 

By  the  course  which  those  patriotic  citizens  adopted,  and 
steadily  pursued,  they  subjected  themselves  to  much  inconve 
nience.  Their  lives  and  property  were  not  less  exposed  to 
an  invading  enemy,  than  those  of  the  inhabitants  of  Georgia 
were  generally.  They  also  submitted,  to  a  great  extent,  to 
break  off  all  commercial  communication  with  them.  It  is 
true  that  the  whole  colony  was  much  exposed.  It  had  an 
open  frontier  of  about  two  hundred  miles ;  and  the  settled 
portion  which  was  covered  with  a  sparse  population,  extended 
at  the  utmost  not  more  than  forty  miles  in  width,  in  any 
part.  But  those  citizens  who  were  descended  from  New 
England  parentage,  had  learned  that  the  place  of  their  fa 
ther's  dwellings  had  been  attacked  with  hostile  violence,  and 
was  menaced  with  other  more  severe  inflictions,  and  their 
fraternal  and  patriotic  spirits  were  roused  to  unite  with  their 
eastern  and  northern  brethren,  in  resisting  and  repelling 
from  the  American  shores  their  hostile  invaders. 

A  general  meeting  of  what  was  then  denominated,  the  re 
publican  party,  was  convened  at  Savannah,  in  July,  1774 ; 
which  Doctor  Hall  attended.  This  was  subsequent  to  vari 
ous  parochial  and  provincial  meetings,  which  had  proved 
vexatious  and  abortive. 

The  measures  adopted  by  that  general  meeting,  were  far 
from  proving  satisfactory  to  him,  or  his  constituents.  A  se- 


364  LYMAN  HALL, 

eond  meeting  of  the  same  body  took  place  after  a  lapse  of 
about  six  months ;  but  that  also  closed  without  doing  any 
thing  more  than  petitioning  the  British  parliament  to  redress 
their  grievances,  and  to  be  relieved  from  other  measures  of 
the  parent  government.  This  had  been  done  once  and  again, 
by  the  other  colonies,  and  as  often  rejected.  In  this  instance 
it  met  with  a  similar  reception.  That  the  people  were  not 
excited  to  ^more  determined  resistance,  after  all  the  exam 
ples  that  had  been  set  before  them,  during  the  six  months 
since  their  meeting  in  July  of  the  preceding  year,  must  proba 
bly  be  ascribed  to  the  smallness  of  their  numbers,  and  to  their 
peculiarly  exposed  condition.  But  still,  it  seems  difficult  to 
persuade  ourselves  that  they  could  really  expect  that  their 
application  would  be  received,  and  treated  with  more  favor 
and  regard  than  those  of  the  other  colonies.  It  cannot  then 
be  thought  strange,  that  the  result  of  that  meeting,  when  re- 
ported  by  Doctor  Hall  to  his  constituents,  instead  of  satisfac 
tion,  excited  disgust.  They  deemed  it  temporizing  and  pu 
sillanimous  ;  and  too  tame  for  men  who  were  determined  to 
live  or  die  as  became  freemen.  The  parishioners  of  St. 
John's  Parish  had  caught  the  spirit  that  had  been  already 
kindled  in  Boston,  and  had  spread  throughout  New  England, 
and  they  resolved  to  adopt  and  pursue  a  course  more  in  ac 
cordance  with  their  own  feelings,  and  corresponding  with 
those  of  their  brethren  in  New  England.  Hence  they  ad 
dressed  themselves  to  the  committee  of  correspondence  in  the 
city  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina  ;  requesting  permission  to 
become  allied  with  them,  and  conduct  their  commercial  busi 
ness  in  conformity  to  the  non-importation  agreement,  to  which 
agreement  they  had  already  acceded.  They  were  not  suc 
cessful  in  this  application,  however,  owing  to  different  views 
taken  by  the  association  in  South  Carolina,  of  the  terms  of 
that  association,  from  those  of  the  patriotic  applicants  of  St. 
John's  Parish,  in  Georgia.  These,  though  frustrated  in  this 
attempt,  were  not  disheartened.  They  resolved  to  become 
established  on  an  equal  ground  with  those  colonies  which  had 
confederated  not  to  import  any  goods  from  Great  Britain,  al 
though  they  were  few  in  number ;  and  in  an  isolated  condi 
tion,  as  respected  their  political  feelings  and  sentiments. 
They,  by  themselves,  came  into  an  agreement  not  to  purchase 
slaves  imported  into  Savannah,  nor  to  trade  with  that  city, 
nor  among  the  non-conforming  inhabitants  of  the  colony,  ex 
cept  under  the  supervision  of  a  committee;  and  only  for  real 
necessaries,  even  under  those  restrictions.  After  having  pro- 


GEORGIA.  365 

ceeded  thus  far,  (while  their  fellow  citizens,  still  cherishing 
their  irresolution,  looked  on,  uninfluenced  by  their  example, 
and  remained  apparently  undetermined  how  to  act,)  they  pro 
ceeded  to  elect  their  delegate  to  the  next  general  congress, 
not  as  a  delegate  of  the  province  of  Georgia,  but  of  the  par 
ish  of  St.  John ;  and  on  the  21st  of  March,  1775,  they  chose 
Lyman  Hall,  by  an  unanimous  vote. 

A  scene  was  soon  to  be  exhibited  before  the  general  con- 
gress,  of  a  novel  character  ;  and  as  interesting  as  it  was  new. 
A  handful  of  citizens,  actuated  by  feelings,  and  entertaining 
sentiments  of  patriotism,  such  as  influenced  the  American 
people  generally,  situated  in  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
settlements,  had  elected  and  sent  forward  to  congress  their 
delegate,  with  his  credentials.  On  the  thirteenth  of  May, 
Mr.  Hall  presented  himself  to  that  assembly,  and  exhibited 
his  credentials  as  a  delegate  from  the  parish  of  St.  John,  in 
the  colony  of  Georgia.  Congress,  in  this  unprecedented 
case,  unanimously  resolved  to  admit  him  to  take  his  seat,  in 
the  character  with  which  he  appeared,  subject  to  such  regu 
lations  as  they  should  adopt  relative  to  his  voting.  The 
question  they  had  to  decide,  was  not  free  from  embarrassing 
:ons.iderations.  Occasionally,  votes  were  taken  in  that 
assembly  by  colonies.  It  was  very  desirable  that  all  of 
them  should  be  fully  represented  as  colonies.  Georgia  vac- 
cillated,  but  it  was  hoped,  if  not  clearly  expected,  that  she 
would  yet  unite  with  the  others,  and  it  would  be  unwise  to 
take  any  step  that  might  tend  to  prevent,  or  even  to  procras 
tinate  the  union  of  that  colony  with  the  others  ;  and  it  was 
equally  unadvisable  to  do  any  thing  which  might  disaffect 
that  small,  but  worthy  body  of  patriotic  citizens,  who  had  set 
such  a  noble,  and  praise-worthy  example  to  their  more 
backward  and  temporizing  neighbors.  But  they  were  re 
lieved  from  their  delicate  and  embarrassing  situation  by  Mr. 
Hall  himself.  He  proposed  to  debate  and  listen  to  others  ; 
and  to  vote  only  when  congress  did  not  vote  by  whole  colo 
nies.  This  proposal  being  acceded  to,  relieved  them  from 
the  difficulty. 

At  length  the  colony  of  Georgia  roused  from  its  apathy,  laid 
aside  its  opposition  to  a  union  with  the  other  colonies,  and 
applied  to  be  admitted  to  the  coalition.  In  the  month  of 
July,  1775,  they  appointed  five  delegates  to  the  general  con 
gress  ;  among  whom  was  Lyman  Hall ;  who  had  long  ex 
erted  himself  (but  in  vain)  to  bring  the  whole  people  to  act 
in  concert ;  arid  who  was,  at  the  time  of  their  accession,  a 

31* 


366  GEORGE  WALTON. 

member  of  congress,  representing  a  small  district  only  of 
that  province. 

But  little  more  remains  to  be  recorded  of  this  very  active 
and  eminently  useful  patriot.  In  May,  1776,  he  presented 
new  credentials,  which  were  dated  in  February  preceding. 
He  was  present  at  the  time  of  debating  the  great  question, 
which  was  destined  to  be  settled  by  the  vote  of  congress ; 
and  after  the  question  was  carried,  he  affixed  his  name  to  the 
parchment,  which  contained  an  expression  of  what  he  had  a 
long  time  desired  should  take  place  ;  which  he  had  used  his 
best  exertions  to  accomplish,  and  for  which  he  strove,  endured, 
and  sacrificed  much. 

In   1780,  Mr.  Hall   appeared   in  congress  the  last  time. 
When  the  British  took  possession  of  Georgia,  he,  with  his 
family,  was  compelled  to  leave  his  residence  unprotected, 
and  retire  to  a  distance  for  safety.     He  went  with  them  to 
the  North  ;  and  the  existing  government  confiscated  all  hig 
property.     He  returned  to  Georgia  in  1782,  before  the  Bri 
tish  evacuated  Savannah  ;  and  the  year  following  he  was  ap 
pointed   governor  of  Georgia.     He  subsequently  settled  in 
Burk  county,  and  retired  from  public  employment ;  and  aftej 
a  few  years  spent  in  the  tranquil  scenes  of  domestic  life,  hav 
ing  recently  buried  his  only  son,  he  soon  followed  him  to  the 
grave,  about  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age.     His  general  char- 
acter  may  be  easily  inferred  from  what  has  been  recorded  of 
him.     He  was  respected  in  life,  and  lamented  in  death. 


GEORGE  WALTON. 

PROBABLY  the  future  historians  of  the  United  States  of 
North  America  will  justly  consider,  as  a  fact  worthy  of  re- 
cord  in  the  national  annals,  the  large  proportion  of  self-edu 
cated  men,  who  were  found  among  the  leading  revolutionary 
patriots,  both  in  civil  and  military  life  ;  and  especially  of  the 
individuals  who  composed  that  congress  which  declared  the 
nation  free  and  independent.  It  is  certain  that  several  of 
them  in  their  youth  enjoyed  but  limited  advantages  ;  even  of 
those  who  were  placed  at  schools  by  their  parents,  by  reason 
of  the  small  advantages  which  those  schools  could  afford. 
Yet  these  were  liberally  furnished,  compared  with  some  of 


GEORGIA.  367 

their  colleagues,  who  made  a  distinguished  figure  in  public 
life,  were  eminently  useful  to  the  national  councils,  and  at 
tained  to  the  highest  honors,  and  the  most  important  offices 
that  their  several  communities  had  the  power  of  conferring 
on  their  ablest  citizens.  These  remarks  are  elicited  by  an 
attention  to  the  history  of  the  life  of  the  gentleman,  whose 
name  stands  at  the  head  of  this  article. 

George  Walton,  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  was  a  native 
of  Virginia,  and  born  in  Frederick  county,  about  the  year 
1740.  His  parentage  was  obscure  ;  and  probably  in  limited 
pecuniary  circumstances,  he  having  been  placed  as  an  apprea. 
tice  to  learn  the  business  of  a  carpenter.  At  the  proper  and 
most  appropriate  age  for  commencing  the  education  of  youths, 
what  his  advantages  were  we  are  not  particularly  informed  ; 
but  he  was  not  entirely  destitute  of  instruction.  For  during  his 
term  of  service,  though  his  master  would  allow  him  neither 
time  by  day,  nor  lights  by  night,  that  he  might  devote  what 
time  he  could  spare  from  labor,  to  books  ;  we  learn  that  he 
did  contrive  to  cultivate,  and  improve  his  mind  by  reading. 
For  this  purpose,  he  collected  torch-wood,  and  a  portion  of 
the  night,  after  the  labors  of  the  day  were  closed,  was  spent 
by  him  in  study.  He  had  therefore  not  only  learned  to  read, 
but  he  had  a  very  ardent  fondness  for  it. 

His  subsequent  life  supplied  him  with  no  other  classical 
advantages,  than  what  he  derived  from  the  resources  of  his 
own  unaided  exertions.  Notwithstanding  all  these  impedi 
ments,  which  would  have  disheartened  the  resolution  of  most 
youths,  he  persevered  in  this  manner  in  improving  his  mind 
by  reading  such  books  as  he  could  procure,  to  the  close  ol 
his  apprenticeship.  And  when  he  was  released  from  the 
obligation  of  his  indentures,  he  was  possessed  of  such  a  share 
of  knowledge,  practical,  and  theoretical,  that  he  removed  to 
the  province  of  Georgia,  and  commenced  the  study  of  iaw 
with  Henry  Young,  Esq. ;  a  gentleman  whose  character,  both 
professional  and  political,  was  distinguished  in  that  colony. 

Mr.  Walton  commenced  the  practice  of  law  in  1774,  at 
the  time  when  opposition  to  the  oppressive  proceedings  of  the 
English  parliament,  relative  to  the  American  colonies,  was 
maturely  organized  in  all  the  provinces,  except  South  Caro 
lina  and  Georgia.  But  even  in  Georgia,  though  generally 
almost  stagnant,  it  was  commenced,  and  advancing  onward 
to  a  state  cf  maturity  in  some  districts,  excited  and  direct, 
ed  by  some  leading  men  of  decided  patriotism,  and  superior 
intelligence.  With  some  of  these  Mr.  Walton  was  early 


368  GEORGE  WALTON, 

associated,  and  those  kindred  spirits  determined  to  rouse  the 
whole  people  of  that  province,  to  feel  and  act  with  the  patri 
otic  inhabitants  of  the  other  colonies,  notwithstanding  the 
counter  influence  they  had  to  combat.  Mr.  Young,  law  pre 
ceptor  of  Mr.  Walton,  was  a  decided  advocate  for  the  royal 
cause.  But  his  independent  mind  would  not  be  controlled, 
nor  even  influenced  to  act  against  his  own  views  of  right. 
Nor  would  he  yield  to  any  inducements  which  the  state  of  the 
times  presented,  to  allure  young  men  of  decided  talents  and 
influence,  even  to  forbearance  or  neutrality.  The  rights  of 
his  fellow  citizens  were  jeoparded ;  and  the  times  demanded 
decision,  and  active  exertions  from  all  their  friends,  to  vindicate 
and  defend  them  against  lawless  usurpation,  under  whatever 
sanctions  it  might  be  attempted.  Mr.  Walton  therefore  vo 
luntarily  sacrificing  all  the  flattering  prospects  placed  in  his 
view,  and  proffered  as  a  reward  for  his  adhesion  to  the  royal 
interest,  united  with  other  gentlemen  of  similar  feelings,  in 
leading  an  open  opposition  to  the  then  ruling  powers  of 
Georgia,  and  committed  his  rising  hopes  and  fortune,  amid 
no  small  danger  to  the  very  problematical  issue  of  a  contro 
versy,  in  which  the  vote  of  a  rebel  against  his  rightful  sove 
reign  might  be  the  consequence.  He  took  his  position  on  the 
side  of  the  colonies,  and  undeviatingly  pursued  the  straight 
forward  course  which  that  indicated. 

The  parties  were  now  clearly  defined,  and  in  open  opposi 
tion  ;  although  the  patriots  were,  hitherto,  but  a  feeble  mi 
nority  when  numerically  considered.  Their  measures  were 
opposed,  and  greatly  embarrassed  by  the  temporizing  policy 
of  the  royalists.  Bat  they  were  not  to  be  frustrated;  and  by 
a  resolute  perseverance,  they  at  length  succeeded  in  obtain 
ing  a  decided  majority  in  the  legislative  assembly  in  their  fa 
vor ;  and  this  event  was,  undoubtedly  hastened  forward,  by 
the  result  of  those  measures  which  their  opponents  pursued 
with  the  British  parliament.  The  contemptuous  and  negli 
gent  treatment  they  experienced,  and  the  unceremonious  re 
jection  of  their  petitions  and  remonstrances  by  parliament, 
wrought  a  counteraction,  and  roused  a  spirit  of  determined 
opposition  and  resistance,  in  many,  who  a  short  time  previous, 
were  in  favor  of  a  cautious,  timid,  and  temporizing  policy. 
They  soon  united  with  those  who  had  been  forward  in  Geor 
gia  ;  and  they  together,  brought  the  colony  to  act  in  unison 
with  all  the  other  provinces,  in  making  resistance  a  common 
cause  through  the  thirteen  American,  colonies.  Immediately 
a  committee  )f  safety  was  organized  in  Georgia,  to  supern* 


GEORGIA.  369 

fend  and  manage  the  concerns  of  the  patriotic  party ;  and  to 
hold  correspondence  with  similar  committees  in  other  colonies. 
The  next  and  deciding  measure,  was  soon  adopted.  The  con 
vention  of  Georgia  acceded  to  the  general  confederacy,  and 
elected  their  delegates  to  the  continental  congress.  Opposi 
tion  to  the  British  influence  and  authority  soon  attained  its 
zenith  in  Georgia.  A  majority  of  the  legislature  were  so 
strongly  indignant  at  the  treatment  they  had  experienced 
from  the  parent  government  at  home,  that  they  totally  disre 
garded  the  communications  made  to  that  body  by  Governor 
Wright.  They  appointed  Archibald  Bullock,  a  resolute  man, 
and  a  decided  patriot,  president  of  the  executive  council.  He 
had  already,  with  four  colleagues,  been  elected  a  delegate  to 
congress.  '  This  act  of  the  legislature,  together  with  the  en- 
tire  disregard  his  communications  met  with,  so  incensed  the 
royal  governor,  that  he  threatened  to  resort  to  military  force, 
to  compel  them  to  act.  The  suggestion  so  manifestly  im 
plied  in  that  menace,  increased  their  indignation  to  such  a  de 
gree,  that  they  resolved  to  seize  on  his  person,  and  hold  him 
in  custody.  This  having  been  effected,  and  the  governor 
having  forfeited  his  honor  by  breaking  his  parole,  the  regal 
power  in  Georgia  was  prostrated  ;  and  the  confederated  hos 
tilities  with  the  parent  state,  was  completed  by  embracing 
the  whole  of  the  thirteen  provinces.  In  effecting  this  consum 
mation,  so  long  and  so  ardently  desired,  Mr.  Walton  stood 
forward  with  the  other  leading  characters,  and  actively  used 
his  best  exertions. 

Mr.  Walton  was  appointed  for  the  first  time  a  delegate  to 
congress,  from  Georgia,  by  the  state  legislature,  the  beginning 
of  February,  1776.  He  was  again  honored  by  a  re-election 
to  the  same  office,  in  October  following.  He  reached  Phila 
delphia  on  the  last  day  of  the  session  of  congress,  before  they 
adjourned  to  Baltimore,  to  avoid  the  danger  of  being  captured 
by  the  British  army,  who  were  approaching  that  city.  At 
the  time  of  their  adjournment,  it  was  highly  necessary  to 
have  a  committee  remain  in  Philadelphia,  invested  with  an 
important  trust,  requiring  them  to  transact  business  of  much 
interest  to  the  public.  This  committee  consisted  of  Messrs. 
Clymer  and  Morris  of  Philadelphia,  and  George  Walton  of 
Georgia.  He  was  appointed  on  the  third  day  after  his  arri 
val.  This  was  a  testimony  of  the  confidence  reposed  in  him 
by  congress,  which,  under  all  the  circumstances  connected 
with  his  previous  history,  was  highly  honorable  to  his  cha 
racter,  and  must  have  been  grateful  to  his  feelings.  Their 


470  GEORGE  WALTON, 

principal  trust  was  of  great  pecuniary  value,  and  connected 
with  other  duties  of  a  delicate  kind.  But,  important  and  deli- 
cate  as  the  trust  was,  it  was  discharged  to  the  entire  satisfac 
tion  of  congress.  Indeed,  peculation  and  frauds  by  public 
officers,  in  that  age  of  stern  virtue,  would  have  fastened  on 
their  perpetrator  such  an  indelible  stain,  as  would  have  ruined 
them  forever,  in  the  estimation  of  the  whole  community. 

He  was  successively  re-elected  to  congress  in  the  years 
1777,  1778 ;  and  again  in  1780.  He  was  placed  on  the  ma 
rine  committee,  appointed  a  member  of  the  treasury  board, 
and  placed  on  several  committees  of  minor  importance  by 
congress ;  in  performing  the  duties  of  which  he  was  a  vigi 
lant  and  active  member,  always  evincing  much  useful  intel 
ligence,  and  great  zeal  in  behalf  of  the  cause  he  had  es 
poused.  While  performing  his  civil  functions  in  the  great  coun 
cil  of  the  nation,  whose  independence  he  had  advocated  and 
proclaimed,  he  was  placed  in  military  rank,  in  the  year  1778, 
and  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  regiment  of  militia.  He 
appeared  at  the  head  of  a  battalion  in  General  Howe's  army, 
when  Savannah  was  attacked  by  the  British.  In  that  en 
gagement,  while  gallantly  leading  the  troops  under  his  com 
mand,  to  defend  the  place,  he  received  a  wound  through  his 
thigh,  fell  from  his  horse,  and  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  ene 
my.  He  remained  on  parole  until  recovered  from  his  wound, 
and  then  was  sent  as  a  prisoner  of  war  to  Sunbury.  He  was 
afterwards  exchanged,  and  although  his  rank  was  no  higher 
than  a  colonel,  and  the  grade  in  which  he  served  when  taken 
captive,  only  that  of  a  major,  yet  because  he  was  at  that 
time  a  member  of  congress,  and  because  he  had  committed 
the  heinous  crime  of  setting  his  signature  to  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  the  British  government  demanded  in  ex 
change,  as  an  equivalent,  a  brigadier  general.  But  after 
they  had  learned  that  his  term  in  congress,  for  which  he  had 
been  elected  the  last  time,  expired  during  his  captivity,  they 
consented  to  receive  in  exchange,  a  captain  of  their  navy 
for  him,  who  was  a  lieutenant  colonel. 

While  the  British  continued  to  hold  possession  of  Savannah, 
after  the  unsuccessful  attack  of  combined  forces,  under  Major 
General  Lincoln,  and  Count  D'Estaing,  the  legislature  of 
Georgia,  in  October,  1779,  appointed  Colonel  WTalton  gover 
nor  of  the  state.  He  did  not,  however,  retain  that  office 
long;  for  on  the  close  of  the  session  in  Augusta,  in  January, 
1780,  he  was  again  elected  a  member  of  congress  for  two 
years.  But  in  October  of  the  following  year,  he  finally  with- 


GEORGIA.  371 

drew  from  congress,  in  whose  counsels  he  had  so  long  and  so 
faithfully  displayed  his  unbending  patriotism,  in  promoting  the 
cause,  and  advancing  the  final  establishment  of  his  country's 
independence  and  liberty. 

By  means  of  some  imprudent  conduct  of  President  Gwin- 
nett,  during  his  short  but  brilliant  course  of  public  life,  a  jea 
lousy  had  risen  between  him  on  the  one  part,  and  Colonel 
M'Intosh  and  a  few  partizans  on  the  other,  which  was  pro- 
ductive  of  disastrous  consequences  in  that  community,  and 
eventually  caused  Mr.  Gwinnett  to  fall  in  a  duel,  an  early 
victim  to  false  honor.  This  discordant  spirit  had  extended 
wide  in  the  society  of  Georgia ;  and,  for  a  time,  seemed  to 
threaten  a  total  destruction  of  all  harmony  in  the  state.  There 
seems  to  have  existed  a  mutual  jealousy  and  animosity  on 
both  sides.  From  the  unhappy  consequences  of  that  state  of 
public  feeling,  Governor  Walton  did  not  escape.  He  was 
seriously  inculpated,  as  was  supposed,  by  Gen.  M'Intosh.  But 
whether  justly  or  unjustly,  remains,  and  probably  will  remain 
undecided.  We  would  willingly  withhold  the  narrative  ;  but 
historical  justice  and  truth,  require  that  it  should  be  stated. 

As  General  M'Intosh  had  become  very  unpopular  with  those 
who  supported  the  civil  power,  so  he  was  very  popular  with 
his  adherents.  He  was  in  truth  their  leader,  who  kept  the 
feud  in  commotion.  The  members  of  congress  from  Geor 
gia,  fearing  the  consequences  of  this  state  of  parties,  united 
in  an  application  to  the  commander  in  chief,  to  assign  General 
M'Intosh  to  another  command  out  of  the  state,  and  supply 
his  place  with  another  officer  of  equal  rank.  The  change 
was  effected.  General  M'Intosh  was  ordered  to  join  the  grand 
army;  and  General  Howe  to  take  his  place.  The  evil  was 
not  allayed,  however,  by  this  means ;  and  the  breach  was 
yet  far  from  being  closed. 

A  party  was  formed  in  Savannah,  whose  avowed  object  it 
was  to  prevent  the  military  power  from  encroaching  on  the 
civil.  They  assumed  the  popular  name  of  "  The  Liberty 
Club."  It  had  several  branches  in  the  different  counties , 
which  taking  direction  from  that  in  Savannah,  all  acted  in 
concert.  This  club,  at  length,  attained  to  such  power  as  to 
be  able  to  control  all  appointments  to  offices  in  the  state. 
During  the  time  Colonel  Walton  acted  as  governor  of  Geor 
gia,  in  1779,  a  letter  was  forged  by  somebody,  and  transmitted 
to  the  president  of  congress,  under  signature  of  the  speakei 
of  the  house  of  representatives  ;  which,  by  fair  implication 
bore  hard  on  the  character  of  General  M'Intosh.  The 


372  GEORGE  WALTON, 

speaker  declared  it  a  forgery.  General  M'Intosh  charged 
Colonel  Walton  with  a  connivance  in  the  imposture,  because 
he  gave  credit  to  its  contents,  when  in  congress.  He  con- 
sidered  himself  as  unjustly  accused,  and  much  injured,  by 
those  concerned,  in  his  military  reputation.  The  matter, 
with  the  proofs,  were  laid  before  the  legislature  of  Georgia, 
and  they  seemed  to  be  embarrassed  with  the  subject.  To 
appease  General  M'Intosh,  they  recommended  to  the  attorney 
general,  to  institute  a  prosecution  against  Governor  Walton 
before  the  supreme  court  of  that  state,  and  passed  a  vote, 
censuring  his  conduct.  At  the  same  time,  or  rather  on  the 
preceding  day,  that  same  body  had  appointed  him  chief  jus 
tice  of  the  state,  and  placed  him  at  the  head  of  the  only  tri 
bunal  which  could  take  cognizance  of  the  complaint.  Such  an 
inconsistency  do  the  records  of  that  legislative  body  present. 
It  is  probably  to  be  explained  in  this  manner.  The  times 
were  critical.  M'Intosh  was  an  influential  officer,  whom 
they  wished  to  pacify  ;  and  for  that  purpose  took  this  mea 
sure.  At  the  same  time  they  placed  Governor  Walton  out 
of  the  reach  of  the  complaint,  by  putting  him  at  the  head  of 
the  only  court  which  held  jurisdiction  in  the  case.  General 
M'Intosh  and  Judge  Walton,  were  at  that  time  respectively  at 
the  head  of  the  civil  and  military  departments  in  Georgia. 

Mr.  Walton  had  thus  risen,  as  we  have  seen,  from  the 
condition  of  a  carpenter's  apprentice  without  education,  to 
the  highest  honors  and  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  state  ;  and, 
from  this  time,  until  his  death,  he  held  the  most  respectable 
appointments  which  the  people  of  Georgia  could  bestow  on 
him. 

Six  times  he  was  elected  to  congress  ;  twice  governor  of 
Georgia ;  once  a  senator  of  the  United  States,  and  a  judge 
of  the  superior  courts.  He  retained  this  last  mentioned  of 
fice  during  the  term  of  fifteen  years.  In  addition  to  these, 
he  was  one  of  the  commissioners  appointed  by  the  United 
States,  to  negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  Cherokees  in  Tennes 
see  ;  and  he  was  also  several  times  a  member  of  the  state 
egislature  of  Georgia. 

Mr.  Walton  was  married,  in  1777,  to  Miss  Camber. 
Their  only  issue  was  one  son,  who  bore  the  name  of  his  father. 
And  when  General  Andrew  Jackson  was  governor  of  West 
Florida,  Mr.  Walton  held  the  office  of  secretary  of  state  ;  the 
duties  of  which  station  he  fulfilled  ta  the  acceptance  of  the 
general  government. 

Mr.  Walton  was  constitutionally  of  an  ardent  tempera- 


GEORGIA.  373 

ment ,  warm  both  in  his  attachments  and  enmities.  One 
prominent  characteristic  of  the  man  was  decision.  He  par. 
took  not  at  all  of  a  temporizing  disposition.  In  his  manner 
generally,  he  was  stern,  and  kept  the  world  rather  at  a  dis 
tance.  But  he  was  attentive  to  merit ;  and  towaros  young 
men  of  talents  and  genius  he  was  respectful,  and  treated 
them  with  such  amenity  and  kindness,  as  encouraged  them 
to  go  forward  with  confidence  in  their  honorable  pursuits. 
He  possessed  a  native  vein  of  satire,  which  he  at  times  in 
dulged  with  much  effect.  It  is  said  of  him,  however,  that  he 
had  this  dangerous  weapon  under  such  thorough  discipline, 
that  he  rarely  indulged  it  in  a  way  which  gave  offence  to  any. 
His  manner  of  living  was  such,  as  subjected  him  to  an  early 
attack  of  the  gout ;  which  followed  him  with  successive  par 
oxysms,  and  an  increasing  severity  to  the  close  of  his  life. 
His  desire  for  information,  which  so  strongly  marked  the 
morning  of  his  life,  was  perpetual ;  and  when  suffering  under 
the  excruciating  attacks  of  his  disease,  he  found,  as  he  used 
to  remark  to  his  physician,  "  a  book  the  most  effectual  reme 
dy  for  mitigating  his  anguish." 

Mr.  Walton  never  accumulated  wealth,  as  he  seemed  not  to 
have  sought  for  it,  as  necessary  for  his  happiness.  He  lived 
contentedly,  on  the  emolument  of  his  offices,  and  the  produce 
of  a  small  farm.  He  was  able,  by  these  means  to  sustain 
the  dignity  of  his  official  station,  according  to  the  views  ant! 
estimation  of  the  society  with  which  he  was  connected.  It 
was  a  fixed  sentiment  with  him,  never  to  suffer  an  office 
which  he  held  to  be  degraded  by  the  incumbent,  in  his  style 
of  living,  or  by  submitting  to  any  treatment  which  would  be 
deemed  disrespectful  to  official  dignity. 

He  closed  his  eventful  life  on  the  second  day  of  February, 
1804,  in  the  city  of  Augusta,  in  Georgia  ;  leaving  in  his  en 
terprise  and  attainments,  under  many  embarrassments,  an 
instructive  example  to  youths  of  aspiring  minds,  and  to  his 
country  an  honorable  character,  whose  duration  will  be  co 
eval  with  its  independence  and  prosperity. 


FINIS. 


IETURN 


CIRCULATION  DEPARTMENT 

202  Main  Library 


OAN  PERIOD  1 
HOME  USE 

2 

3 

RENEWALS  AND  RECHAI 
LOAN  PERIODS  ARE  1-M 
RENEWALS:  CALL  (415)  6 

(SES  MAY  BE  MADE  4  DAYS  P 
»3TH,  3-MONTHS,  AND  1-YEA 
42-3405 

*$R  TO  DUE  DATE. 

ALL  BOOKS  MAY  BE  RECALLED  AFTER  7  DAYS 

Renewals  and  Recharges  may  be  made  4  days  prior  to  the  due  date. 

Books  may  be  Renewed  by  calling     642-3405. 

DUE  AS  STAMPED  BELOW 


LIBRARY  USEQe 

!LY     1 

NUV  1  U  ^^ 

. 

r»v>UL.M  !  IUiM   Dr 

•—-ift^—racMui,  ^xm^n^^ 

PT. 

I  ^-JlUSi.  . 

r,,    1      0  198 

1 

L,  em,    NUV  i  u 

ORAA  NO.  DD6, 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  BERKELEY 
%      BERKELEY,  CA  94720 


To  o  /o .  o 


